Appendix 2 25 Years After the 1989 Revolutions: Time for Reflection on Unfinished Business a Seminar, October 3-5, 2014, Warsaw
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Germany, International Justice and the 20Th Century
Paul Betts Dept .of History University of Sussex NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR: DRAFT VERSION: THE FINAL DRAFT OF THIS ESSAY WILL APPEAR IN A SPECIAL ISSUE OF HISTORY AND MEMORY IN APRIL, 2005, ED. ALON CONFINO Germany, International Justice and the 20th Century The turning of the millennium has predictably spurred fresh interest in reinterpreting the 20th century as a whole. Recent years have witnessed a bountiful crop of academic surveys, mass market picture books and television programs devoted to recalling the deeds and misdeeds of the last one hundred years. It then comes as no surprise that Germany often figures prominently in these new accounts. If nothing else, its responsibility for World War I, World War II and the Holocaust assures its villainous presence in most every retrospective on offer. That Germany alone experienced all of the modern forms of government in one compressed century – from constitutional monarchy, democratic socialism, fascism, Western liberalism to Soviet-style communism -- has also made it a favorite object lesson about the so-called Age of Extremes. Moreover, the enduring international influence of Weimar culture, feminism and the women’s movement, social democracy, post-1945 economic recovery, West German liberalism, environmental politics and most recently pacifism have also occasioned serious reconsideration of the contemporary relevance of the 20th century German past. Little wonder that several commentators have gone so far as to christen the “short twentieth century” between 1914 and 1989 as really the “German century,” to the extent that German history is commonly held as emblematic of Europe’s 20th century more generally.1 Acknowledging Germany’s central role in 20th century life has hardly made things easy for historians, however. -
“Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset De-Stalinization”
“Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset de-Stalinization” May 5, 2018 marked the 200th anniversary of Karl Marx’s birth. Whatever the attitude towards this philosopher, nobody denies that his heritage largely shaped the 20th century and that today’s demand for Marxist-related ideas is much above supply. What has happened to left- wing and Communist ideas following the collapse of the Soviet Union and how does decommunization influence societies? Russia in Global Affairs editor Alexander Solovyov discusses these and other related topics with Sergei Solovyov, editor-in-chief of Skepsis magazine. – What made Eastern Europe and some post-Soviet republics launch decommunization? – firstly, it is the ideological embodiment of what in eastern europe is commonly called “regime change.” a key element of a newly- invented myth of the fundamental break with the so-called Communist past, which is a clue to the legitimation of the new elite. This policy, as far as I can judge, is enforced more radically the stronger the real ties are between the elite’s nomenklatura and the previous political regime. a clear example of this is hungary, where the technocratic mid-level career functionaries began to insist (as soon as they laid hands on the previous regime’s property) on the most resolute ideological break with the country’s past. on this soil hungarian nationalism soared and Jobbik—the movement for a Better hungary party—emerged in the limelight … I should say that in hungary today we have what I would Sergei M. Solovyov is an Associate Professor in the Social Psychology Department at the Mos- cow State Institute of Psychology and Pedagogy. -
Decommunization, Memory Laws, and “Builders of Ukraine in the 20Th Century”*
ACTA SLAVICA IAPONICA, TOMUS 39, PP. 1–22 Articles Decommunization, Memory Laws, and “Builders of Ukraine in the 20th Century”* David R. Marples INTRODUCTION This paper provides a critical overview of the Decommunization campaign in Ukraine up to the spring of 2017, which marked two years since the beginning of the program introduced by the four Memory Laws ratified by Ukraine’s president Petro Poroshenko in May 2015. In reality, the process of removing Soviet statues and memorabilia began well before Euromaidan, especially in Western Ukraine where Lenin monuments and others of the Soviet period were swiftly removed from the late 1980s into the early years of independence.1 But I address the formal campaign headed by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (hereafter referred to as INR), which began in the spring of 2015. I provide an analysis of the program and its results, the results of opinion polls, some critiques and also the reasons why it remains controversial, particularly outside Ukraine. The particular focus is 20th century “builders of Ukrainian independence” as defined by these laws because this question has solicited the most attention, along with the physical changes that have resulted to the map of Ukraine, mon- uments, and memorials. Decommunization has a wider context than the Mem- ory Laws, including a program of administrative decentralization and a new Education Law, introduced in draft form on September 5 and approved by the president on September 25, 2017, which will gradually render the Ukrainian language as the only language of instruction in schools and higher educational institutions.2 Clearly the decentralization program cannot be fulfilled while a conflict situation remains in the eastern parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. -
Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Conde, Jonathan (2018) an Examination of Lithuania's Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation
Conde, Jonathan (2018) An Examination of Lithuania’s Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation. Masters thesis, York St John University. Downloaded from: http://ray.yorksj.ac.uk/id/eprint/3522/ Research at York St John (RaY) is an institutional repository. It supports the principles of open access by making the research outputs of the University available in digital form. Copyright of the items stored in RaY reside with the authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full text items free of charge, and may download a copy for private study or non-commercial research. For further reuse terms, see licence terms governing individual outputs. Institutional Repository Policy Statement RaY Research at the University of York St John For more information please contact RaY at [email protected] An Examination of Lithuania’s Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation. Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Research MA History at York St John University School of Humanities, Religion & Philosophy by Jonathan William Conde Student Number: 090002177 April 2018 I confirm that the work submitted is my own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the works of others. This copy has been submitted on the understanding that it is copyright material. Any reuse must comply with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and any licence under which this copy is released. @2018 York St John University and Jonathan William Conde The right of Jonathan William Conde to be identified as the Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Acknowledgments My gratitude for assisting with this project must go to my wife, her parents, wider family, and friends in Lithuania, and all the people of interest who I interviewed between the autumn of 2014 and winter 2017. -
Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: a Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region
CBEES State of the Region Report 2020 Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region Published with support from the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies (Östersjstiftelsen) Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region December 2020 Publisher Centre for Baltic and East European Studies, CBEES, Sdertrn University © CBEES, Sdertrn University and the authors Editor Ninna Mrner Editorial Board Joakim Ekman, Florence Frhlig, David Gaunt, Tora Lane, Per Anders Rudling, Irina Sandomirskaja Layout Lena Fredriksson, Serpentin Media Proofreading Bridget Schaefer, Semantix Print Elanders Sverige AB ISBN 978-91-85139-12-5 4 Contents 7 Preface. A New Annual CBEES Publication, Ulla Manns and Joakim Ekman 9 Introduction. Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past, David Gaunt and Tora Lane 15 Background. Eastern and Central Europe as a Region of Memory. Some Common Traits, Barbara Trnquist-Plewa ESSAYS 23 Victimhood and Building Identities on Past Suffering, Florence Frhlig 29 Image, Afterimage, Counter-Image: Communist Visuality without Communism, Irina Sandomirskaja 37 The Toxic Memory Politics in the Post-Soviet Caucasus, Thomas de Waal 45 The Flag Revolution. Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus, Andrej Kotljarchuk 55 Institutes of Trauma Re-production in a Borderland: Poland, Ukraine, and Lithuania, Per Anders Rudling COUNTRY BY COUNTRY 69 Germany. The Multi-Level Governance of Memory as a Policy Field, Jenny Wstenberg 80 Lithuania. Fractured and Contested Memory Regimes, Violeta Davoliūtė 87 Belarus. The Politics of Memory in Belarus: Narratives and Institutions, Aliaksei Lastouski 94 Ukraine. Memory Nodes Loaded with Potential to Mobilize People, Yuliya Yurchuk 106 Czech Republic. -
The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993). -
NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE in LITHUANIA a Story of Peaceful Liberation
NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE IN LITHUANIA A Story of Peaceful Liberation Grazina Miniotaite The Albert Einstein Institution www.aeinstein.org 2 CONTENTS Acknowledgments Introduction Chapter 1: Nonviolent Resistance Against Russification in the Nineteenth Century The Goals of Tsarism in Lithuania The Failure of Colonization The Struggle for the Freedom of Religion The Struggle for Lithuanian Press and Education Chapter 2: Resistance to Soviet Rule, 1940–1987 An Overview Postwar Resistance The Struggle for the Freedom of Faith The Struggle for Human and National Rights The Role of Lithuanian Exiles Chapter 3: The Rebirth From Perestroika to the Independence Movement Test of Fortitude The Triumph of Sajudis Chapter 4: Towards Independence The Struggle for Constitutional Change Civil Disobedience Step by Step The Rise of Reactionary Opposition Chapter 5: The Struggle for International Recognition The Declaration of Independence Independence Buttressed: the Battle of Laws First Signs of International Recognition The Economic Blockade The January Events Nonviolent Action in the January Events International Reaction 3 Chapter 6: Towards Civilian-Based Defense Resistance to the “Creeping Occupation” Elements of Civilian-Based Defense From Nonviolent Resistance to Organized Civilian-Based Defense The Development of Security and Defense Policy in Lithuania since 1992 Concluding Remarks Appendix I Appeal to Lithuanian Youth by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania Appendix II Republic in Danger! Appendix III Appeal by the Government of the Republic -
WHAT PRICE LITHUANIAN INDEPENDENCE? By
NOT FOR WITHOUT WRITER'SPUBLICATIOICONSENT INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD ILN AFEAIRS Vilnius Lithuania April ii, 1990 WHAT PRICE LITHUANIAN INDEPENDENCE? by Ina Navazelskis Saturday, March 31, was a beautiful spring day in Vilnius. The sun shone; a gusty, warm breeze blew. People were out shopping or strolling along Gediminas Prospect, Vilnius' central boulevard. Life looked normal. It was, however,-far from that. It was on this balmy spring day that Mikhail Gorbachev delivered his most stinging written rebuke yet to the Lithuanian leadership. Almost three weeks to the day after the Lithuanians declared independence, Gorbachev warned of "grave consequences" if the Lithuanian parliament refused to revoke all the laws, declarations, resolutions and appeals that it had passed in the interim. Gorbachev's primary target, of course, was the declaration of independence itself, or as the Lithuanians call it, the "reestablishment" of the independent statehood of Lithuania. The Lithuanians have been calling for negotiations with Moscow ever since they passed this act on March ii. Gorbachev now stipulated he would sit down at the negotiating table only if the Lithuanians [evoked it. "The current Lithuanian leadership is not listening to the voice of reason, Gorbachev' s ultimatum to the Lithuanian Parliament began. It was totally ignoring the decisions of the extraordinary third session of the Soviet People's Congress held in mid-March (which condemned all the Lithuanian moves) and was "carrying out actions which conflict with the Constitution of the Soviet Union, and which, in the view of the entire Union, are openly provocational and insulting." Ins Navszelskis, a journalist, hes written extensively about East European and Soviet ffairs. -
Collective Memory and National Identity in Post-Communist Romania: Representations of the Communist Past in Romanian News Media and Romanian Politics (1990 - 2009)
COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN POST-COMMUNIST ROMANIA: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE COMMUNIST PAST IN ROMANIAN NEWS MEDIA AND ROMANIAN POLITICS (1990 - 2009) A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Constanta Alina Hogea May 2014 Examining Committee Members: Carolyn Kitch, Advisory Chair, Journalism Nancy Morris, Media Studies and Production Fabienne Darling-Wolf, Journalism Mihai Coman, External Member, University of Bucharest © Copyright 2014 by Constanta Alina Hogea All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT My dissertation situates at the intersection of communication studies and political sciences under the umbrella of the interdisciplinary field of collective memory. Precisely, it focuses on the use of the communist past by political actors to gain power and legitimacy, and on the interplay between news media and politics in shaping a national identity in post-communist Romania. My research includes the analysis of the media representations of two categories of events: the anniversaries of the Romanian Revolution and the political campaigns for presidential/parliamentary elections. On the one hand, the public understanding of the break with communism plays an important role in how the post-communist society is defined. The revolution as a schism between the communist regime and a newborn society acts like a prism through which Romanians understand their communist past, but also the developments the country has taken after it. On the other hand, political communication is operating on the public imaginary of the past, the present and the future. The analysis of the political discourses unfolded in the news media shows how the collective memory of the communist past is used to serve political interests in the discursive struggle for power and legitimacy. -
Liulevicius on Landsbergis, 'Lithuania Independent Again: the Autobiography of Vytautas Landsbergis'
H-Russia Liulevicius on Landsbergis, 'Lithuania Independent Again: The Autobiography of Vytautas Landsbergis' Review published on Friday, June 1, 2001 Vytautas Landsbergis. Lithuania Independent Again: The Autobiography of Vytautas Landsbergis. Trans Anthony Packer and Eimutis Sova. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000. xii + 387 pp. $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-295-97959-5. Reviewed by Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius (Department of History, University of Tennessee ) Published on H-Russia (June, 2001) Soviet Decolonization in the Baltics Soviet Decolonization in the Baltics Ten years have now passed since the dramatic events in the Baltic Republics which led to their regained independence. The whole point of the popular movements organized in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia was to underline for the world that these states were not, and never had been, legally parts of the Soviet Union (having been forcibly occupied in 1940). Readers of H-Russia will nonetheless find the memoir of a leading Baltic politician interesting for the insights it offers into the process of decolonization and resistance, which marked the last stages of the Soviet Union's decomposition in the late 1980s and early 1990s. With the distance that a decade allows, one of the main players in these political upheavals offers his memories and assessments of the momentous events that marked the road to full independence. Vytautas Landsbergis, as the leader of the Lithuanian popular independence movement Sajudis and later Chairman of the Lithuanian parliament, steered that republic towards its declaration of the restoration of independence on March 11, 1990. In the following months, he led efforts to find international recognition for this political act, while dealing at the same time with Gorbachev's imposition of economic blockade on the country, the cool reaction of the Western diplomatic establishment, and an unsettled society at home. -
Kaunas of 1919–1939: a Temporary Capital Built by Its Citizens
/ nr 2 / 2018 Instytut Historii Sztuki UKSW Kaunas of 1919–1939: a temporary capital built by its citizens VAIDAS PETRULIS countries, became independent. However, INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTURE AND CONSTRUCTION soon after this, in 1919, the historical capi- OF KAUNAS UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY tal, Vilnius was lost, and the government of the Republic of Lithuania had to move to INTRODUCTION Kaunas – the second largest city in the Upon embarking on exploration of country. This previously military town of Lithuanian modernism, it is important to Tsarist Russia became the temporary capi- take a short glimpse at the political envi- tal of the country until 1939. During a short ronment. Just after the end of World War I, but very intense period, Kaunas lived Lithuania, along with the other Baltic through one of the most important phases in its historical development. Its Residential houses Public houses 2. City development plan prepared for Kaunas by the Danish architect Peter Brick Wood Owerall Brick Brick Owerall status as a capital city provoked Marius Frandsen and Lithuanian architect Antanas Jokimas. 1923. Partly 1918 a huge construction boom, aim- implemented. LCVA 1919 1920 ing to create the entire neces- 1921 8 46 54 4 9 13 sary infrastructure: govern- legacy as a cultural heritage has a surpris- be named the European Capital of Culture 1922 67 113 180 29 74 103 ingly long history. Some of the buildings for 2022. The cultural agenda for that year 1923 88 108 196 37 60 97 ment institutions, museums, 1924 78 216 294 35 127 162 educational institutions (a uni- were recognised as architectural monu- will include a programme entitled 1925 83 224 307 22 166 188 ments of local significance as early as in “Modernism for the Future”, interpreting 1926 102 165 267 13 103 116 versity, academies and schools), 1927 88 198 286 38 117 155 business offices, hotels, industri- 1972 and thus are examples of one of the the inter-war heritage within a broader ar- 1928 119 310 429 33 119 152 earliest inscriptions of modern architec- tistic, social and cultural context.