Peasant Mobilization and Solidarity

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Peasant Mobilization and Solidarity BennoGaljar t Departmentof rural sociology of the tropicsand subtropics, Agricultural University, Wageningen, theNetherlands Peasantmobilizatio nan dsolidarit y Ipudoe1 CentreforAgriculturalPublishingandDocumentation Wageningen-1976 ^y>w\ Presentaddres so fth eauthor : Rijksuniversiteit teLeide n Faculteitde rsocial ewetenschappe n Subfaculteit der cultureleantropologi ee nsociologi ede rniet-westers evolke n Stationsplein 10 Leiden,th eNetherland s ISBN90-220-0602- 6 © Centrefo rAgricultura lPublishin gan dDocumentation ,Wageningen ,1976 . No part of this book may be reproduced and/or published in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm oran yothe rmean swithou twritte npermissio nfro m thepublishers . I » ' } -—r Tableo fcontent s Prefaceto th eDutc heditio n 1 Prefacet oth eEnglis h edition 2 Chapter 1 Probleman dtheoretica lframewor k 3 Chapter2 Researchmethod san dth eresearcher' svalue s 12 2.1 Thepreliminar y investigation 12 2.2 Thesurvey s 14 2.3 Theanthropologica fieldl researc h 15 2.4 Myow nvalue s 17 Chapter3 Themobifzatio no fpeasant si nLati nAmerica : Approacht oa theor y 20 3.1 Definition andbrie fdescriptio n 20 3.2 Kindso floca linterests :a mode l 21 3.3 Local,structura l obstaclest o mobilization 25 3.4 Structural and cultural conditions for peasant mobilization on the nationalleve l 28 3.5 Factorsleadin gt o aweakenin go fth epatronag e relationship 34 3.6 Obstacles to mobilization present in theloca l culture and their possible removal 37 3.7 Classawarenes san d theaim so fmobilizatio n 40 Chapter4 Mobilizationi nChile : testingpar to fth etheor y 44 4.1 Introduction 44 4.2 Analysis of the differences between comunas with and without syndi­ cates 44 4.3 Correlations ofth edegre eo forganizatio n 49 4.4 Multipleregressio n analysist oexplai nth edegre eo forganizatio n 50 4.5 Conclusion 54 Chapters Mobilization with noloca l opponent:th e small independentpeasant s andthei rco-operativ e 55 5.1 Introduction 55 5.2 Thespontaneou s settingu po fco-operative s 56 5.3 Theinduce d co-operative 56 5.4 Theimplici t ideology 59 5.5 Casedescriptio n 61 5.6 Postscript 66 Chapter6 Members andnon-member so fassociation s 67 6.1 Introduction 67 6.2 The syndicates 67 6.2.1 Hypotheses 67 6.2.2 Results 69 6.2.3 Themember : anideal-typica l portrait 75 6.2.4 Thenon-member s 76 6.2.5 Multiplecorrelatio n 77 6.3 The co-operatives 78 6.3.1 Introduction 78 6.3.2 Hypotheses 78 6.3.3 Results 79 6.3.4 Localdifference s 86 Chapter7 Leadershipan dparticipatio n 90 7.1 Thefunction s ofleader s 90 7.2 Thedysfunction s ofleadershi p 91 7.3 Thedifference s between leaders and memberso f syndicates 93 7.4 Thedifference s between leaders and memberso f co-operatives 95 7.5 Participation and oligarchization 95 Chapter8 Co-operation and solidarity 98 8.1 Introduction 98 8.2 Peasant interests and conflicts ofinteres t 99 8.3 Solidarity 101 8.4 Factors whichinfluenc e solidarity 106 8.4.1 Theinstrumenta l valueo fth eassociatio n 106 8.4.2 The common opponent 109 8.4.3 Support for certain values:equality ,justice ,participatio n 110 8.4.4 Affection 110 8.4.5 Compensations:reciprocity , prestige,leadershi p and suspicion 112 8.4.6 Social control 113 8.4.7 Braking factors: differences in status and sub-group solidarity 114 8.4.8 Therol eo fpolitic s 117 8.5 Solutions 119 8.6 Recommendations 121 Epilogue: Theoretical andpractica l conclusionsfo rpolicy-maker s 124 References 127 Subjectinde x 131 vi Preface to theDutc h edition Thefield researc h in Chile upon which the greater part of this book is based, was carriedou tbetwee nJun e196 9an dSeptembe r 1970.Fro mth eNetherland sOrganizatio n for the Advancement of Pure Research (ZWO)I received a scholarshipwhic h covered my research and travelling expenses,whil eth e Agricultural University of Wageningen granted me leave to spend over a year in Chile. I am exceedingly grateful to both organizations for theopportunit y thusoffere d me,bu t acceptsol eresponsibilit y for the manner inwhic h I availed ofit . In ChileI received hospitality from theInstitut e deCapacitació n eInvestigació ne n Reforma Agraria, established in Santiago. This organization was of particular helpi n providingm ewit hintroductions .I a mgratefu l toSolo nBaracloug han dDavi dAlalu ffo r their readiness to smooth my path with a note or a telephone call. In addition I had frequent contact with a number of members of the scientific staff. I am particularly grateful to Hugo Zemelman, Sergio Gomez and Emilio Klein for their many services, large and small.Ther e is noroo m to mention hereal lth eCOR A and INDAP officials whogav eu pthei rtim es ofreel yt oa ninterchang eo fideas ,introduce dm et ofarmin gcom ­ munitiesan dallowe dm et oaccompan ythe mo nthei rfiel dtrips .A nexceptio nmus tb emad e forJuli oManrique z andAlejandr oRui zLamas ,wh obecam em yfriends . Since my research entailed visits to a large number of places, I got to know many peasants and peasant leaders. Although the exact nature of my intentions may not alwayshav ebee nclea r tothem ,I wa streate d everywherewit hgrea tcourtes y andhelp ­ fulness. Myintention shav eno wbecom efac t inth efor m of abook . Ihop etha tb ycor ­ rectlyinterpretin gthei rthoughts ,action s andaspiration sI hav eredeeme da tleas tpar to f the debt Iow ethem . Theresearc hwa scarrie dou tdurin gth elas tyear so fPresiden tFrei' sgovernmen tan d theboo kwritte n duringth ethre eyear stha tPresiden tAllend ewa si npower .Afte r itwa s finished thearm yseize dpowe ri nChile . Sinceth eboo ki sno tintende da sa descriptio no f Chilean affairs but rather as an attempt at sociological theorizing on peasants who organize and on the vicissitudes of their organizations, I do not believetha t the altered situation in Chile since 1970ha s affected its validity. It does sadden methoug h that it should appear at atime whe n those to whom it was addressed, albeitobliquely ,whos e idealismI frequentl y counteredwit hm ymor epragmati capproach ,hav elos tthei rjob so r been obliged to leaveChile .Th efac t that Id ono t always sharethei r opinions doesno t meantha t Irejec t their aspirations.O nth econtrary ,thi sboo ki sintende da sa contribu ­ tion towards achieving those objectives. Our discussion wasrudel y interrupted by out­ siders,bu t will surelyb econtinue d at anothertime an d inanothe rplace . Wageningen,Septembe r 1973 Preface to the English edition Thankst oa furthe r grantfro m ZWO,th eDutc htext ,afte r somemino rrevisions ,ha s beentranslate d intoEnglish .I a mgratefu l to Rudiva nLier ,Emanue ld eKad t andDic k Papousek for their critical reading of the Dutch edition of the book. Some of the blemishes they pointed out havebee n eliminated. Others I havelef t in, for the reader's sake, or for my own. I owe gratitude to Mrs Mary Foran for the care with which she translated thebook , andt o Ineke Smeetsfo r theconstructio n of anindex . Leiden,Jun e 1975 Chapter 1 Problem aed theoretical framework This book deals with the sociological aspects of the mobilization of and solidarity amongpeasants .Althoug hmos to fth edat awer egathere di nChile ,I believ etha tm ycon ­ clusionsposses sa wide rvalidity .Unlik eothe rauthors ,wh oreserv eth eter mpeasant sfo r independent small agrarian producers,I understand by thister m allthos emor eo rles s poor peoplewh oear n their livingi n agriculture.Thi swoul dinclud ethos ewh owor ko n thelan d solelyfo r paymenti nmoney 1.1 shallcal lthes epeopl epeasant sand ,wheneve rit . becomes necessary todistinguis h betweencategories ,spea k of smallholders(tha tis ,in ­ dependent producers,whethe r theyow nth elan dthe ywork ,ren tit ,o rsharecro p it)and, agriculturallabourer s(eithe r permanent ortemporary) . Some people might regard a sociological study of the political mobilization of peasants, of their co-operation and solidarity, as a fairly unimportant and specialized exploration ofon efractio n ofth estupendou sdevelopmen tproble mwhic hconfront s the countries of theThir d World. Such an impression,however , wouldb eincorrect For a timei twa sthough ttha tdevelopmen twoul dhav et oconsis tchiefl yo frapi dindustrializa ­ tion. Now, however, the view is growing that the solution to the immense problemso f poverty, unemployment, low agricultural production, low rates of internal savings,i n short,o funderdevelopment ,mus tb esough ti nth efirst instanc ei nth erura lareas ,i nth e agricultural sector. It may be said of the majority of developing countries that in the course of the next twenty years, their future willb edecide d inth e countryside and by thesepeasants .I twil lprov eo fcrucia limportanc et odetermin ewha tthe ywan tan dwha t they do not,wha t is capable of arousing their enthusiasm and what isnot ,wit hwho m they associate and arewillin gt o co-operate and withwho mthe y are not Themobilizatio n and solidaritywhic har eth esubjec t ofthi sboo koccu rwithi na par ­ ticular structural and cultural context, namely that of an underdeveloped country in Latin America. I do not intend here to deal exhaustively with the problem of un­ derdevelopment.I twil ,however ,b enecessar yt otouc hupo ni tinsofa r asth ethinkin go n thisproble mha sinfluence d thecentra lthem eo fthi sstud yan dit stheoretica l framework. Thisi s allth emor eessentia l sincem ytheoretica lframewor k differs from that ofman y other rural sociological and anthropological studieswit hregar dt oagricultura ldevelop ­ ment Until recently these studies concentrated mainly on the peasants' resistance to change, their conservatism, their apathy, in short upon the obstacles to development arisingfro mthei rculture 2.
Recommended publications
  • Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO.
    [Show full text]
  • New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland
    ARTICLES 137 New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland Beata KosowsKa-Gąstoł and Katarzyna soBolewsKa-MyśliK* Abstract Parties launched by political entrepreneurs are usually newcomers into more or less established party systems. Their ‘founding fathers’ act without specific external group support and the literature on new parties predicts that there is a low survival rate for entrepreneurial parties. In the case of Po- land, the party system had been relatively stable from the 2001 until the 2011 parliamentary elec- tions and subsequently some new parties entered into politics, tried to gain electoral support as well as political relevance. The most recent groupings in the Polish political system which are closest to the theoretical concept of entrepreneurial parties are the Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota), Kukiz’15 and the Modern Party (Nowoczesna). The aim of the paper is to examine to what extent the leaders of these parties can be seen as political entrepreneurs and the parties as ‘entrepreneurial parties’. Another point we discuss is in which aspects the leaders of the parties examined are similar in their role of political entrepreneurs and in which they differ. In order to answer these questions, the previous careers of the leaders, the ways they entered politics and the strategies they used to achieve their goals will also be analyzed. Keywords: political entrepreneurs; entrepreneurial issue parties; Polish parties; new parties DOI: 10.5817/PC2017-2-137 1. Introduction While in the 1990s the main division line in Poland was between post-communist and post-Solidarity parties, that changed from the 2005 elections on as two post-Solidarity par- ties, Law and Justice (PiS – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) and Civic Platform (PO – Platforma Obywatelska), became electoral rivals.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy, Interests and Corporatism in Poland
    THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH TITLE : Democracy, Interests and Corporatism i n Poland AUTHOR : Ireneusz Bialeck i Polish Academy of Scienc e Barbara Heyns New York University CONTRACTOR : University of Michigan PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Michael Kennedy COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 806-02 DATE : June 10, 1992 The work leading to this report was supported by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research. The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author . COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded by Council Contract . The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitte d under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within the Council and U.S. Government for their own use , and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies,- but the Council and U.S. Government do no t have the right to distribute, or make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U .S. Government without the written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of th e Freedom of Information Act 5 U.S.C. 552, or other applicable law. Executive Summary : Democracy, Interests and Corporatism in Polan d by Ireneusz Bialecki and Barbara Heyn s summarized by Michael Kenned y Democracy is more than elections and the publi c interest requires more than the free for all of pluralisti c politics . Both require the development of new forms of rul e and representation .
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł Jagiellonian University Piotr Borowiec Jagiellonian University Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik Pedagogical University of Cracow Comparing Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries Some Determinants of Political Party Development in Emerging Democracies of CEE Democratic political parties have developed in the emerging democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since the beginning of the 1990s, when political parties in well-established democracies were undergoing organizational transformation. The latter weakened their ties with society and strengthened their relations with the state using its resources. This influenced the development of parties in CEE countries, as they followed Western patterns to a certain degree. But whereas parties in developed democracies were usually well-rooted in society, represent­ ed social cleavages, had mass membership, were financed by membership fees, and changed only subsequently; parties in CEE did not manage to create strong relations with society before they took part in elections. There was a lack of clear social cleavages, and parties were created by political elites rather than social groups or movements, thus they often became a part of the state institutions even before they tried to establish roots in society.1 While in Western Europe mass po­ litical mobilization preceded the building of party structures and participation in Post-communist parties can be regarded as exceptional in this matter. 466 Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec, Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik elections, “party formation in newly established democracies generally followed a different trajectory, as parties engaged in mass electoral competition before developing their party organization” (van Biezen 2003: 30). Consequently, such parties gained representation in parliament, and sometimes even executive power, before creating extra-parliamentary organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • INTER-PARTY MOBILITY AMONG PARLIAMENTARY CANDIDATES in POST- COMMUNIST EAST CENTRAL EUROPE Goldie Shabad and Kazimierz M
    PARTY POLITICS VOL 10. No.2 pp. 151–176 Copyright © 2004 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com INTER-PARTY MOBILITY AMONG PARLIAMENTARY CANDIDATES IN POST- COMMUNIST EAST CENTRAL EUROPE Goldie Shabad and Kazimierz M. Slomczynski ABSTRACT The development of stable partisan commitments among political elites is crucial for party-system institutionalization in the new democracies of post-communist Europe. Little is known, however, about the partisan behavior of those who compete for national office. This study begins to fill this gap through an analysis of inter-party mobility among all candi- dates who ran for the lower house of parliament in two pairs of consec- utive elections in Poland (1991–3 and 1993–7) and in three pairs of consecutive elections in the Czech Republic (1990–2, 1992–6 and 1996–8). We consider the overall extent of inter-party mobility, struc- tural versus voluntary components of mobility, patterns of movement between types of parties and electoral payoffs of stable and shifting partisan affiliations. Although the overall rate of party-switching has declined substantially in the Czech Republic but not in Poland, changes in other characteristics of inter-party mobility indicate that party-system institutionalization is taking place in both countries. KEY WORDS elite party-switching party-system institutionalization political mobility The continual formations of entirely new parties, some of which acquire ‘overnight’ success, and the ongoing disappearance, schisms and mergers of established parties, together with high rates of electoral volatility, attest to the under-institutionalization of the party systems of new democracies in East Central Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook CPDS III 1990-2012
    Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET III 1990-2012 Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set III 1990-2012 is a collection of political and institutional data. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for a group of 36 OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period 1990-20121. The data are primarily from the data set created at the University of Berne, Institute of Political Science and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation: The Comparative Political Data Set I (CPDS I). However, the present data set differs in several aspects from the CPDS I dataset. Compared to CPDS I Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus (Greek part), Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia have been added. The present data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions is provided by Jelle Visser (2013). When using the data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. This data set is to be cited as: Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler. 2014. Comparative Political Data Set III 1990-2012. Bern: Institute of Political Science, University of Berne. Last updated: 2014-09-30 1 Data for former communist countries begin in 1990 for Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Lativa and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia.
    [Show full text]
  • Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2020a from July 22, 2020 Manifesto Project Dataset - List of Political Parties Version 2020a 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the name of the party or alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 2 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No. Elections
    [Show full text]
  • Facebook As an Instrument of Election Campaigning and Voters' Engagement
    This is a repository copy of Facebook as an instrument of election campaigning and voters’ engagement: comparing Czechia and Poland. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/148204/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Stetka, V., Surowiec, P. and Mazák, J. (2019) Facebook as an instrument of election campaigning and voters’ engagement: comparing Czechia and Poland. European Journal of Communication, 34 (2). pp. 121-141. ISSN 0267-3231 https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810884 Stetka , V., Surowiec, P., & Mazák, J. Facebook as an instrument of election campaigning and voters’ engagement: Comparing Czechia and Poland. European Journal of Communication, 34(2), 121–141. Copyright © 2018 The Authors. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810884. Article available under the terms of the CC- BY-NC-ND licence (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) licence. This licence only allows you to download this work and share it with others as long as you credit the authors, but you can’t change the article in any way or use it commercially. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/
    [Show full text]
  • POLAND October 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit I
    POLAND October 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE V HUMAN RIGHTS VI HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS ANNEX A: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX B: CHRONOLOGY OF KEY EVENTS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE ANNEX D: BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6 monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 The Republic of Poland is situated in central Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset Political Parties in the Manifesto Project Dataset [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2015a from May 22, 2015 Manifesto Project Dataset Political Parties in the Manifesto Project Dataset Version 2015a 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the party’s or alliance’s name in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list by themselves. If the composition of an alliance changed between different elections, this change is covered as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party was a split from another party or a merger of a number of other parties and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 1.1 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No.
    [Show full text]
  • Populist Politics and Liberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe
    POPULIST POLITICS AND LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE Grigorij Mesežnikov, Oľga Gyárfášová, and Daniel Smilov Editors INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS 2 The authors and editors wish to thank Rumyana Kolarova, Lena Kolarska−Bobińska, Andras Sajo and Peter Učeň for reviewing the country studies and Kevin Deegan−Krause for proofreading. This publication appears thanks to the generous support of the Trust for Civil Society in Central & Eastern Europe 3 Edition WORKING PAPERS Populist Politics and Liberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe Grigorij Mesežnikov Oľga Gyárfášová Daniel Smilov Editors INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS Bratislava, 2008 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .....................................................................................................................................................................5 The Rise of Populism in Eastern Europe: Policy Paper .....................................................................................7 Daniel Smilov and Ivan Krastev CASE STUDIES: Bulgaria ................................................................................................................................................................ 13 Daniel Smilov Hungary ................................................................................................................................................................ 37 Renata Uitz Poland ..................................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe
    Get a Subsidy or Perish! Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe Fernando Casal Bértoa & Maria Spirova Department of Political Science Leiden University f.casal.Bé[email protected] [email protected] The Legal Regulation of Political Parties Working Paper 29 February 2013 © The author(s), 2013 This working paper series is supported by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC research grant RES-061-25-0080) and the European Research Council (ERC starting grant 205660). To cite this paper : Fernando Casal Bértoa and Maria Spirova (2013). ‘Get a Subsidy or Perish! Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe’, Working Paper Series on the Legal Regulation of Political Parties, No. 29. To link to this paper : http://www.partylaw.leidenuniv.nl/uploads/wp2913.pdf This paper may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ISSN: 2211-1034 The Legal Regulation of Political Parties, working paper 29/13 Introduction 1 Much has been written about the state financing of political parties, its characteristics and its consequences for party behavior. Research has centered heavily on the effects party financing has had on issues of corruption, accountability, and transparency, and for the most part has focused on the regulation of private financing (Roper 2002, 2003; Protsyk 2002; Nassmacher 2004; Pinto-Duschinsky 2002, Smilov and Toplak, 2007). Similarly, studies have investigated the effects high dependence on public financing has had on the development of organizational structures and the internal shifts of power within individual parties (van Biezen 2003, 177–200).
    [Show full text]