Populist Politics and Liberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe

POPULIST POLITICS AND LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE Grigorij Mesežnikov, Oľga Gyárfášová, and Daniel Smilov Editors INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS 2 The authors and editors wish to thank Rumyana Kolarova, Lena Kolarska−Bobińska, Andras Sajo and Peter Učeň for reviewing the country studies and Kevin Deegan−Krause for proofreading. This publication appears thanks to the generous support of the Trust for Civil Society in Central & Eastern Europe 3 Edition WORKING PAPERS Populist Politics and Liberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe Grigorij Mesežnikov Oľga Gyárfášová Daniel Smilov Editors INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS Bratislava, 2008 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .....................................................................................................................................................................5 The Rise of Populism in Eastern Europe: Policy Paper .....................................................................................7 Daniel Smilov and Ivan Krastev CASE STUDIES: Bulgaria ................................................................................................................................................................ 13 Daniel Smilov Hungary ................................................................................................................................................................ 37 Renata Uitz Poland ................................................................................................................................................................... 69 Jacek Kucharczyk and Olga Wysocka Slovakia ................................................................................................................................................................ 99 Grigorij Mesežnikov, Oľga Gyárfášová, Martin Bútora, and Miroslav Kollár 5 PREFACE The main goal of the comparative project Populism and social issues. They analyzed the issue of “transition con− Liberal Democracy in Central Eastern Europe, sup− sensus” − whether it exists at all and if so, then to what ported by Trust for Civil Society in Central and Eastern extent the major parties agree on key policies? What are Europe, was to assess the consequences of and the dan− these policies? When did such a consensus emerge? How gers related to the rise of populism in Central Eastern Eu− stable it is? Are there any parties radically challenging rope in pre− and especially in post−accession period in this consensus? new EU member states. In 2007 scholars from four in− Satisfaction of population with politics, an important stitutions – Centre for Liberal Strategies (Bulgaria), In− factor of people’s political behaviour, was analyzed (trust stitute for Public Affairs (Slovakia), Institute of Public in political parties and representative institutions, level Affairs (Poland), and Central European University, Le− of approval of democracy) as well as public participa− gal Studies Department (Hungary) elaborated national tion in politics, turnout in elections, membership in po− case studies in which they analyzed various factors of litical parties, interest groups, NGOs. Media are impor− populist politics. They did not deal with populism as a tant actors of public life, therefore analysts could not societal and political phenomenon or debate the definition abandon such issues as involvement of media in electoral and typology of populism, but rather focused on wider and political contests, their political orientation, role in societal conditions for populist politics in four mentioned formation of public opinion, party affiliation, and the countries, putting them into the context of whole transi− extent of political control over the public media. tion period after the collapse of communist regimes. In the area of political resources of parties and politi− At the level of background conditions authors of case cal players scholars’ aims was to outline the strategies studies described the political background underlying the of successful political players, to define the role of ide− rise of populism in contemporary Central and Eastern ology in party programmes and speeches of leaders. Europe. They addressed three groups of questions. First, They described the most important areas of disagreement is there a falling confidence in established political par− among the main parties since the middle of the 1990s, ties standing behind the transition agenda (or the consen− the main political cleavages related to party competition sus formed during the transition period) around issues and the main issues of political discourse. One of the such as socio−economic reforms, privatization, restitu− discussed issues is the sociological profile of the support− tions, EU and NATO membership, financial discipline? ers of the parties as well as the dynamics of parties sup− Secondly, is there a process of constraining the room for port/popularity. Other areas of analysis included patron− democratic politics, resulting from the growing influence age (the scope for patronage appointments in the of players such as constitutional courts, independent economy, public administration, public electronic media, central banks, independent judiciaries, EU bodies and party affiliation as a factor of career chances, and extent networks, NATO, thus limiting modus operandi for of political nomination), nationalism (nationalist appeals mainstream parties professing liberal constitutionalism as a tool for mobilisation, the link between nationalism to perform as political actors? Is it therefore possible for and euro−scepticism, nationalistic rhetoric in ideological a mainstream party to offer a platform significantly dif− profile of parties), integrity politics (extent of anticor− ferent from the platform of its competitors? Thirdly, to ruption issues on the agenda of political parties and in what extent have mainstream parties become alienated public debates), personality factors (role of party lead− from the voters and surrendered the role of formation of ers in the political process and in communication with political will to other players: media or political new− their constituencies, and level of trust in politicians), comers, often apparent populists? strategies of governing vs. opposition (how political parties cope with changing the roles). Authors of the case studies assessed the extent of policy areas dominated by EU bodies in domestic socio−eco− As far as the consequences of populism and populist nomic and political agenda, the foreign policy con− politics for democracy and the rule of law are con− straints (NATO, EU), significance of strong independ− cerned, scholars explored some of the more lasting con− ent bodies in policy making process (constitutional sequences of the changes in political competition, courts, central banks, regulatory boards, independent namely which might pose a threat to democracy and the judiciaries etc.) as well as civil society actors able to rule of law. They examined to what extent these changes play a formative role in public discourse on important could possibly lead to an anti−liberal political wave in 6 Central and Eastern Europe which could endanger po− of rivals, and challenging the right to political participa− litical stability and the protection of human rights. They tion of minorities. analyzed the relationship between majoritarianism and constitutionalism and how committed political parties Four national case studies served as a factual and ana− are to observing constitutional restrictions in the face of lytical background for writing the policy paper on the popular illiberal demands. Surveyed areas included at− rise of populism in Central and Eastern Europe which titudes toward political opponents, attempts to criminal− is included in this publication as a substantive introduc− ise them, using smear campaigns, attacking the integrity tion. March 2008 7 THE RISE OF POPULISM IN EASTERN EUROPE: POLICY PAPER Daniel Smilov and Ivan Krastev ‘A spectre is haunting the world: populism. A decade They promise to reinvigorate political life, to bring back ago, when the new nations were emerging into independ− “substance” to politics. Secondly, populists (to varying ence, the question that was asked was, how many will degrees) oppose a key idea of liberal democracy: that the go communist? Today, this question, so plausible then, political majority should be limited in important ways sounds a little out of date. In as far as the rulers of the by constitutional constraints. The Central European fam− new states embrace an ideology, it tends more to have a ily of populism is openly majoritarian – it is centered populist character.’ This observation was made by Ghita around the belief that the consent of the majority is the Ionescu and Ernest Gellner exactly forty years ago, long ultimate ground of legitimation in politics. Therefore, enough for ‘populism’ first to disappear and then to re− this type of populism is particularly opposed to the idea emerge as the major player in global politics. Now, as of minority rights. Thirdly, and again to varying de− then, there can be no doubt about the importance of grees, populists challenge at least some elements of populism. But now, as then, no one is clear about exactly what they see as the “liberal consensus” of the transi− what it is. Is there one phenomenon corresponding to this tion period: market−oriented reforms, integration in the one name? Euro−Atlantic organizations, rejection of nationalistic language and behavior. Populists

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