ENVIRONMENTAL CHAD PORTION i-ENVIIRON MENTAL --= - ; =---C-V-= --

ASSESSMENT. . APPENDICES Public Disclosure Authorized - E-ZoZ .~~~~~~~~ -voL..02 Chad Public Disclosure Authorized -Export

Public Disclosure Authorized 'Project Public Disclosure Authorized

.O8 ESSO Exploration and Production Chad Inc.

OCTOBER 1997 ENVIRONMENTALASSESSMENT

APPENDICES

CHAD EXPORTPROJECT CHAD PORTION

ESSO EXPLORATIONAND PRODUCTION CHAD INC.

OCTOBER 1997

C7 DAMES & MOORE CHAD EXPORTPROJECT

This IEnvironmentalAssessment of the Chad Export Projectis being made availablefor public review in Chad and Cameroon,and through the World Bank Public Information Center in Washington,D.C., United States of America.

Written commentscan be directedto the following:

Esso Explorationand ProductionChad Inc. c/o Chad/CameroonEnvironmental Assessment BP 694 N'Djamena,Republic of Chad

COTCO/EssoPipeline Company c/o Chad/CameroonEnvironmental Assessment SAGA 2 Building 179 Rue De La Motte Picquet Bonanjo,BP 3738 Douala, Republicof Cameroon

Esso Explorationand ProductionChad Inc. c/o Chad/CameroonEnvironmental Assessment P. 0. Box 146 Houston,Texas 77001-0146,U.S.A. APPENDIXA

* World Bank Environment, Health and Safety Guidelines, Onshore Oil and Gas Development

* Typical Oil Spill Response Plan Content WORLD BANK

ENVIRONMENT,HEALTH AND SAFETY GUIDELINES

ONSHORE OIL AND GAS DEVELOPMENT WORLD BANK ENVIRONMENT.HEALTH AND SAFETY GUH)ELTNES'

ONSHORE OIL ANT GAS DEVELOPMENT

LIQUIDEFFLUEN-TS

Processwastewater, domestic sewageand conamminatedstormwater should be treated to meet the following specifiecllimits before being dischargedto surface waters:

pH 6 to9 BOD5 50 mg/t Oil and Grease 20 mg/f HeavyMetals, Total (exceptBarium) 10 mg/f PhenolicCompounds IO0 mg/l TotalSuspended Solids 50 mg/f

Coliformas Less than 400 MPNlIOOml (MPN- Most Probable N=mber) Temperature- at the edge of Max 5O C above ambienttemperatre a designatedmixing zone of receiving waters - max 3° C if receiving waters >280 C

AMBIENTAIR

Concentrationsof contaminants,measured outside tie project property boundary,should not exceedthe following limits:

ParticulateMatter (

NitrogenOxides, as NO, AnnualArithmetic Mean 100 ;tg/m Maximum24-hour Average 200 g/Im'

Sulfur Dioxide Annual Arithmetic Meam 100Dgg'/ Maximum24-hour Average 500 ±g/m'

STACKEMISSIONS

ParticullateMatter 100 mg/rn' Sulfur Dioxide 100 TPD

NitrogenOxides, as NO2 Gaseous fossil fuel 90 g/nillion BTU of heat input Liquid fossil fuel 135 g/million BTU of beat input

'Source: The World Bank policies and guidelines,supplemented with information from OECD sources and the proposedrevisions to the World Bank guidelines. OTHER GENERAL ENVIRONMENTALREQUIREMENTS

a) Monitorsfor hydrogensulfide must be installed wherever this gas may accumulate. The monitors should be set to activate warning signals whenever detectedconcentration levels of H.S exceed 7 mg/m3 (S ppm). b) An assessmemtof oil spill risks must be conducted,and an oil spill contingency plan must be developedand implemented.

ENVIRONMENTAL GUIDELINES SPECIFIC TO OIL PIPELINES

a) Positive pipe corrosion control measures b) Program of periodic inspectionand maintenance c) Pressuresensors connected to alarms and automaticpump shutdown systems. d) Mcteringsystemn should provide continuousinput/output comparison for leak detection. e) Adequateengineering design providing adequateprotection from likely extenal physical forces f) Accurate and complete records of all inspections,leak incidents,unusual events, and safety measures taken g) Minimizationof disturbanceto natural vegetation,soils, hydrologicalregimes, and topography h) Positivemeasures to control populationinflux to remote areas due to increased access created by the pipeline right-of-way,and to prevent associatedsecondauy impacts (e.g., encroachment on taditional indigenouspopulation lands or prserves; imcoauolled exploitationof natural resources)

WORKPLACE AIR QUALITY

a) Periodic monitoring of workplace air quality should be conductedfor air contaminants relevant to employee tasks and the plant's operations. b) Ventilation,air contaminantcontrol equipment,protective rcspiratoryequipment and air quality monitoring equipmentshould be well maintained. c) Protectiverespiratory equipmentmust be used by employeeswhen the exposure levels for welding fumes, solventsand other materials present in the workplaceexceed local or internationally acceptedstandards, or the following threshold limit values (TLVs):

CarbonMonoxide 29 mg/m' Hydrogen Sulfide 14 mg/rn NitrogenDioxide S mg/rn' Sulfur Dioxide S mg/n?' e) Monitorsshould be insalled which activate an audible alarm when toxic gas concentrationsexceed 1/2 the above threshold limit values.

WORKPLACE NOISE a) Feasibleadministrative and engineeringcontols, including sound-insulatedequipment and control rooms should be employedto reduce the averagenoise level in norrnal work preas. b) Plant equipment should be well maintainedto minimiz noise levels. c) Personnel must use bearing protectionwhen exposedto noise levels above 85 dBA.

WORK IN CONFINED SPACES a) Prior to entry and occupancy,all confined spaces (e.g, tanks, sumps, vessels, sewers, excavations)must be tested for the presence of toxic, flammableand explosivegases or vapors, and for the lack of oxygen. b) Adequateventilation must be provided before entry and during occupancyof these spaces. c) Personnelmust use air-suppliedrespirators when working in confined spaces which may become contaminatedor deficient in oxygen during the period of occupancy. d) Observers/assistantsmust be stationed outside of confined spaces to provide emergency assistance,if necessary, to personnel working inside these areas.

Onshorc Oil and Os DevelopmenV2 HAZARDOUSMATERIAL HANDLINGAND STORAGE a) All hazardous (reactive,flammable, radioactive, corrosive and toxic) materials must be stored in clearly labeledcontainers or vessels. b) Storage and handling of hazardousmaterials must be in accordancewith local regulations,and appropriate to their hazard characteristics. c) Fir: preventionsystems and secondary containmentshould be provided for storage facilities,where necessaryor required by regulation,to prevent fires or the rlease of hazardousmaterials to the environment.

EALTH- GENERAL a) Sanitay facilities should be well equippedwith supplies(e.g., protctive creams) and employeessbould be encouragedto wash fequently, particularlythose exposedto dust, chemicals or pathogens. b) Ventilationsystems should be provided to control work area temperaures and humidity. c) Personnelrequired to work in areas of high tempweam and/or high humidity should be allowed to take fequent breaks away from these area. d) Pre-employmentand periodicmedical examinationsshould be conductedfor all personnel, and specific surveillanceprograms instituted for personnel potentiallyexposed to toxic or radioactivesubstances.

SAFETY - GENERAL a) Shieldguards or guard railings should be installed at all belts, pulleys, gears and other movingpars. b) Elevatedplatforms and walkways, and stairways and ramps should be equippedwith handrails,toeboards and non-slip surfaces. c) Eleerical equipmentshould be grounded,well insulatedand conformwith applicablecodes. d) Personnelshould use special footwear,masks and clothingfor work in ares with high dust levels or contaminatedwith hazardousmaterials. e) For work near molten or high temperaturematerials, employees should be providedwith non-slip footwear, gloves, safesyglasses, helmets, face protection,leggings and other necessaryprotective equipment. 1) Eye protectionshould be wom by personnel when in a where there is a risk of flying chips or sparks, or where intense light is generated. g) Personnelshould wear protective clothingand goggleswhen in areaswhere corrosivematerials are stored or processed. b) Energency eyewash and showers should be installed in areas containingcorrosive materials. i) A safety program should be establishedfor consuaction and maintenancework. j) A fire prevention and fire safety program should be implemented nd include regular drills.

TRAINING a) Employeesshould be fained on the hazads, precautionsand proceduresfor the safe storage,handling and use of all potentiallyharmful materials relcvnt to'cach employee's task and work area b) Training should incorporateinformation from the MaterialSafety Data Sheets (MSDSs) for potentially harmful materials. e) Personnelshould be tained in environmental,health and safety matters including accident prevention,safe lifting practices, the use of MSDSs, safe chemical handlingprctices, and proper control and maintenanceof equipmentand facilities. d) Training also should include emergencyresponse, includingthe location and proper use of emergency equipment,use of personal protectiveequipment, procedures for raising the alarm and notifying emergency response teams, and proper response actionsfor each foreseeableemergency situation.

RECORDKEEPING AND REPORTING a) Tbe sponsor should maintainrecords of significantenviroanmental matters, including monitoring data, accidents and occupationalillnesses, and spills, fires and other emergencies.

OinshorcOil and Gas Developmcnt3 b) This information should be reviewed nd evaluatedto improve the effectivenessof the environmcntal, health and safety progam. c) An annual summary of the aboveinformation should be providedto IFC.

My ,1, 199s

Onshore Oil and Gas Development/4 TYPIICALOIL SPILL RESPONSE PLAN CONTENT OIL SPILL RESPONSEPLAN CONTENT

PART I: EMERGENCYRESPONSE ACTION PLAN

1.0 OVERVIEW

Part I contains informationto assist in respondingto a spill resulting from the Chad Export Project. It is arranged in a logicalformat so response actions are not delayedand responders havethe informationneeded to contain,recover, and dispose of the oil. This part also contains references to additional sources of information that will be included in Part II and the Appendices of the document.

Part I contains informationon the following issues:

* Initial ResponseActions * EvacuationPlan * CommunicationPlan * Oil Spill ResponseOrganization * IncidentChecklists * Forms (to be completedduring or after a spill response).

2.0 IINITIALRESPONSE ACTIONS

2.1 INCIDENTASSESSMENT

This section will provide guidance for performing an initial incident assessment to assist in determiningthe level of responserequired.

2.2 NOTIFICATIONPROCEDURES

Defines proceduresfor notificationto be used in the event of a spill. Parties to be notifiedwill include Esso management and response teams, local and national government agencies, locallypotentially affected communities, and other countries which may be affected. Depending on the nature of the spill, cooperativeand mutualaid spill responseorganizations may also be notified.

O:A Wappenacach7 Page A-1 2.3 EMERGENCYCONTACT NUMBERS

Provides a list of emergency contact phone numbers for all three tiers of oil spill response team members, local community and government contacts, company management, local affiliate! industryoperators, and regional and worldwide industry cooperative organizations.

3.0 EVACUATIONPLAN

Defines the procedures for evacuating company personnel or the area communities. The Evacuation Plan provides evacuation procedures and identifies potential muster areas.

4.0 COMMUNICATIONPLAN

Defines requirements for the response organization's intemal communications, including equipmentto be used, radio frequencies,etc. This could include specificationsfor all manners of response vessels (boats, land vehicles,aircraft).

5.0 OIL SPILL RESPONSEORGANIZATION

Defines the structure for oil spill response organization,responsibilities and job descriptions, and the person(s) responsiblefor each job description. This could include defining changes in the structure for the different level of three-tiered responsesystem, as well as changes in the structure between the initial response (first few days) and a longer-termresponse.

6.0 INCIDENTCHECKLISTS

Provides checklists to assist personneldescribed in Section 5.0.

7.0 FORMS

Provides blank copies of forms to be completed by respondersto document response actions and assist in communicating with internal and external interested parties, such as company management, local communities,and local governmentofficials.

0AL..Apper,aach7 PageA-2 PARTII: SUPPLEMENTALINFORMATION

1.0 ADMINISTRATION

1.1 SCOPE

The Oil Spill Response Plan will be developedto serve as a tool for establishinga response framework in the event of an oil spill. Preparationfor an oil spill is the key to efficient implementation of response containmentactions. The goal of the Plan is to provide general guidance and resource informationfor conductingoil spill responseoperations.

1.2 OBJECTIVES

The primary objectives of the Oil Spill ResponsePlan are to:

* Prepare personnelwith trainingand drills

* Ernsurean effective,comprehensive response

* Drefinenotification procedures to be followedwhen a spill or the threat of one.occurs

* Documentequipment, personnel, and other resourcesavailable to assist with spill response

* Establish a responseteam and define the roles and responsibilitiesof team members

* Define lines of responsibilityto be adheredto during a response

* Outline proceduresand techniquesfor respondingto a spill (including most credibleevent scenarios)

* Satisfy Environmental,Health and Safety Policiesto protect employees,local communities, and the environment.

1.3 PROJECTAND SITE DESCRIPTION

Proviidesa general descriptionof the operations,environment, and local communityactivities.

O:.tappen-acxd7 PageA-3 1.4 PLAN DISTRIBUTION

Provides a list of Plan holders and their location.

2.0 GENERALFACILITY INFORMATION

Provides a detailed description of each facility, product properties, quantity of oil transported and stored, preventionactivities, maps, and access roads.

3.0 INCIDENTMANAGEMENT SYSTEM

Providesan explanationof the managementsystem that will be used to respond to an incident.

The incident management system includes a response organization that can perform the functionsdictated by the incident and provides rapid, continuousaccess to accurate, up-to-date information. The incident managementsystem establishes communication procedures from the field to senior management,government agencies, and the local communities. It enables the response organizationto establish priorities based upon a realistic appraisal of personnel requirementsand equipment resources.

4.0 RESOURCES

Defines quantity and types of response equipment requiredto be stored at specific locations or made available through cooperativeefforts.

5.0 SITE SPECIFICRESPONSE STRATEGIES

5.1 SENSITIVEENVIRONMENTAL, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL RESOURCES

Information on sensitive environmental, social, and cultural resources will be collected and clearly identifiedin the plan.

5.2 OIL SPILL RISK ASSESSMENT

Defines potential most credible and most likely spills.

OA.. lappen-acch7 Page A-4 5.3 SP'ILLRESPONSE STRATEGIES

5.3.1 Land Spills

Includes informationon spill detection,response considerations,and methodsfor responding to a land spill which may include manual containmentand cleanup, heavy equipment use, mechanical clean-up options or in-situ bioremediation.

5.3.2 River Spills

Includes information on spill detection, responseconsiderations, and methodsfor responding to a river spillwhich may includeboom deploymentoptions, containment strategies, mechanical clean-up methods, or in-situ buming and dispersantuse.

5.3.3 Open Water Spills

Includes informationon spill detection,response considerations,and methodsfor responding to an open water spill which may include boom deploymentoptions, containmentstrategies, mechanical clean-up methods,or in-situburning and dispersantuse.

6.0 WVILDLIFERESCUE AND REHABILITATION

Identifies agenciesthat can be used for wildlife rescueand rehabilitation. Althoughevery spill is different,certain facilities that could be usedfor such efforts can be identifiedin advance and listed.

7.0 WASTE DISPOSAL

Defines methods that would be used to store, transport, and dispose of recovered oily waste.

8.0 TRAINING AND DRILLS

Defines drill and training requirements for spill response personnel, including frequency drills/training,content of training,nature of drills, etc. Training will address personnelhealth and safety issues in additionto oil spill responseoperations.

OA.. appen-ac.dW7 Page A-5 9.0 HEALTHAND SAFETY

Defines proceduresand equipmentrequired for working personnel.

10.0 SECURITY

Defines security proceduresand personnel requirementsfor establishingand maintainingsite security.

11.0 TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

APPENDICES

Appendices could include additional information on sensitive environments and wildlife resources, communities,available support infrastructurein the area, typical climatologicaland oceanographicconditions, etc.

O: bappen-acxch7 Page A-6 APPENDIX B

HUMAN ENVIRONMENT THE HUMAN ENVIRONMENT

CHAD EXPORT PROJECT CHAD PORTION

By: Ellen Patterson Brown, Ph.D. May, 1996

The opinions expressed by Dr. Brown within this document do not necessarily reflect the opinions of Dames & Moore. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Preface and Overview: Problems in Chad's Human Environment ...... Page 1

1.0 PURPOSE OF THIS REPORT ...... Page 6 1.1 TARGET AUDIENCES ...... Page 6 1.2 METHODOLOGY ...... Page 6 1.3 CONTENTS OF A WORLD BANK HUMAN ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT ...... Page 6

2.0 THE PROPOSED PROJECT AREA ...... Page 10 2.1 PROJECT DESCRIPTION ...... Page 10 2.2 METHODOLOGY ...... Page 10 2.3 GEOGRAPHY ...... Page 13 2.4 SOCIAL CONTEXT OF THE PROJECT ...... Page 14 2.4.1 Ethnic Groups ...... Page 15 2.4.2 Demographics ...... Page 20 2.5 TEMPORAL CONTEXT OF THE PROJECT ...... Page 26 2.5.1 Pre-Colonial Times ...... Page 26 2.5.2 Colonization ...... Page 27 2.5.3 Independence ...... Page 28 2.5.4 The Present ...... Page 29 2.6 VULNERABLE GROUPS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES .... Page 29

3.0 ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA ...... Page 30 3.1 TRADITIONAL SOCIAL ORGANIZATION ...... Page 30 3.1.1 Social Organization ...... Page 30 3.1.2 Social Variation and Social Cohesiveness ...... Page 34 3.1.3 Cultural and Archaeological Resources ...... Page 38

4.0 BASELINE ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT DATA ...... Page 40 4.1 LOCAL ECONOMY ...... Page 40 4.1.1 The Sara Farming System ...... Page 41 4.1.2 Commodity Circulation ...... Page 56 4.1.3 Living Standards ...... Page 63 4.1.4 Health ...... Page 73 4.1.5 Housing and Utilities ...... Page 79 4.1.6 Schooling ...... Page 81 4.1.7 Communication ...... Page 83 4.1.8 Private Businesses ...... Page 84 4.2 NATURAL RESOURCES ...... Page 87 4.2.1 Land Use Patterns ...... Page 88

i 4.2.2 InstitutionsDealing with Resources ...... Page 94

5.0 THE CONSEQUENCES OF OIL DEVELOPMENT...... Page 96 5.1 PRESENT SOCIOECONOMICSITUATION ...... Page 96 5.1.1 SocioeconomicPressures ...... Page 96 5.1.2 Historical Evolution of the Situation ...... Page 98 5.2 POSITIVE IMPACTS OF THE PROPOSED PROJECT AND MITIGATION ...... Page 99 5.3 NEGATIVEIMPACTS ...... Page 102 5.3.1 Land Take and Resettlement .Page 102 5.3.2 Sedentary Farmer-HerderRelationships .Page 103 5.3.3 Exploitationof Natural Resources.Page 104 5.3.4 Sacred Sites ...... Page 104 5.3.5 Disruptionof LaborPattems, ithe Division of Labor, and the Influx of Outside Workers .Page 105 5.3.6 Inflationary Pressuresand Social Disruption.Page 106 5.4 THE ALTERNATIVESOF RESETTLEMENT,MITIGATION AND COMPENSATION .Page 107 5.4.1 Traditional Mitigation and Compensation Strategies .. Page 107 5.4.2 A Socially Approporiate Compensation and Mitigation Strategy .Page 109 5.4.3 Individual and Communal Compensation and Mitigation ...... ~~~~~~~~~~~Page Pg 1111 5.4.4 The Compensation and Mitigation Process . .Page 112 5.4.5 Resettlement .. Page 113 5.5 NEEDS FOR MITIGATIONAND COMPENSATION ...... Page 117 5.5.1 Jobs ...... Page 117 5.5.2 Roads ...... Page 117 5.5.3 NGO Projects ...... Page 118 5.5.4 Agriculture ...... Page 118 5.5.5 Pastoralists ...... Page 119 5.5.6 Water ...... Page 119

Annex A: Pastoralists ...... Page 120

Annex B: ...... Page 128

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... Page 134

ABBREVIATIONS/ACRONYMS ...... Page 137

ii Chad Export Project Human Envionment

Preface and Overview: Problems in Chad's Human Environment

The Chad Export Project would have a number of impactson the human environment in the project area. First, inherent in the social organizations of the societies involved and the resourcesthey utilize are certain problems not of the Operator's making but which could be exacerbated by the project. Second, certain problems would be created by exploitation which otherwise would not exist. The adverse consequences of some of these new or underlyingproblems probablymay be avoided by prompt and early action, others mitigated by well-designed measures prepared sufficiently in advance of the actual rush of project activitiies, and some are insoluble. If they are equipped through the EA process with a comprehensiveunderstanding of the local societies and economic alternatives, the Operator would be able to select altemative courses of action to compensate for the situations that cannot be avoided. Last, the Operator's presence would affect the societies in the Doba region whether or not the project moves from exploration to commercial exploitation. The process of exploration already has prompted social change and modified resources at the societies' disposition. In addition, the possibility of commercial exploitation already has created certain expectationsamong the region's populations, expectations that either would be fulFilledor disappointed.

Existiing Problems that would be Exacerbated:

The Sara's and Mboum's present farming system of slash-and-bum-with-fallowagriculture is unsustainable. Under the onslaughtof a population increasing at 3 to 4 percent per year there is less and less land to clear and subsequentlyto leave to regenerate in fallow. In the northwest of the proposed project area, population has increased from approximately 8-9 people/km2 in 1964 to 32 people/km2 in 1993, and the less populated southeast (20 people/kM2) has become the target of immigration. In the proposed project area about 85 percent of land is "owned" already, that is to say, it has been farmed sometime in the last 30 years or so, and the farmers or their heirs may return to farm it again.

By shifting existing farm land and arable forest reserves out of agriculture to exploit the petroleum resources under ground, the project would hasten the inevitable moment, currently projected in the less densely populated parts of the proposed project area as 30 years into the future, when there would no longer be enough land to leave fields in fallow. By decreasing the available land resources the project would reduce the amount of time, already as little as four years in the northwestern part of the proposed project area, that a field may remain in fallow. The resulting reduction in soil fertility would lower yields, especially of the food staples sorghum and millet which, unlike cotton, rarely benefit from chemricalor natural fertilizers. In the northwest section farmers already are obliged to grow

o:I..lapptchd.dr7 Page I 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project a much less palatable type of sorghum that can grow in less fertile ground. At present the economy of the proposed project area is still auto-sufficient,and people grow enough staples to feed themselves, although nutritional levels are becoming increasingly marginal. Faced in the future with insufficient surface area and low yields, peoples' nourishment may suffer, and local people may turn to purchasing more food in markets; but for this they need a source of revenue.

Unfortunately, in an agricultural society land is the source of most income. A man earns most of his annual income through farming cotton or peanuts as cash crops or by selling part of the food reserves he and his family have grown. In recent years women's petty but regular income has become the mainstayof most households. However,women need fields to earn money; sorghum fields for brewing beer, manioc fields for making firewater and flour, peanut fields for saleable snack foods or peanut oil, millet fields and vegetable patches for foods to sell in the market. They need the bush', where they can find leaves for sauces, bark for the national dish, marketablefresh fruits, and seeds to convert into oils to sell to local "middlewomen" or "moso". The bush also provides men with roofing straw, poles, grass for fences, barkfor cords,leaves for containers,wood for tools, and all the things needed-toshelter the family and sell in towns for supplemental income. Removing farmland from use and reducing the bush area that people can exploit would decrease the resource base on which men and women depend for importantsupplemental income as well as everyday needs. The poorer the family and the more exhaustedthe farmland,the more importantthese sources of income become for the most economicallyvulnerable groups.

The major cash crop in the area, cotton, is unlikelyto providea secure source of income either now or in the future. For some years the cotton sector has been in crisis both at the macroeconomic,intemational level, and within Chad where poor management,high input costs, abominable roads and low farmer productivity have driven the parastatal cotton company, Cotontchad, to the brink and necessitated a "restructuring"of the sector under World Bank guidance. Restructuringhas not ended Cotontchad's problems. Even the 1994 devaluation of the CFA currencyby 50 percent may not have tumed the cotton sector around. The average net profit of a cotton farmer in 1995 was only about US $57 each. In an attempt to control the cotton sector the governmentof Chad has limitedthe amount of cotton grown; the surface area in cotton fell more than 50 percent between 1991 and 1993, and the number of households growing cotton dropped from 80 percent in 1991 to about 50 percent in 1995.

'The English term "bush" comprises two categories of land uses in local thought. Fields ("ndor") are left to fallow, if those fallowed fields are put back into crops within a few years, the fallow is referred to as 'girem' (a stomach rumbling as it tums over and over to digest its food). Fallow left to nature becomes 'bush" ('kag') but can still be owned fallow land producing bush products that are exported by anyone, though the owner eventually may bring it back into crops. Long-fallowed land and virgin forest are both 'kag'. Thus fallow and bush both have value producing "bush" products.

08837-787-0o2 Page 2 o:L.iappbchd.dr7 Chad EX/DortProject Human Environment Moreover, since cotton is a major source of revenue for the government certain opposition groups are attempting to prevent farmers from cultivating it. In the late 1980s the cotton compainyand agriculturalextension agency pushedcooperative village cotton markets as a way to cut logistics costs and funnel part of the money saved to villages to use for community improvements.This program worked in the beginning-the averagerebate per cooperativeand village in 1992 was US $820; however,by 1995 most villageswere receivingonly paltry sums and about a third of the cooperativeswere deeply in debt to the cotton company. Their members, of course, made no profit whatsoever. Cotton's ability to provide an adequatecash incometo householdsand villages in the region has been decliningfrom year to year, and initial 1995 cotton sales figures indicate that the drastic devaluation improved the situation only minimally.

As the project takes farmland out of productionand acceleratesloss of soil fertility, increasing the population's need for cash income,their traditionalmeans of earningincome may become more and more problematic. Moreover, taking unfarmed bush also has negative consequences. First, everyone depends on the bush to a greater or lesser extent for construction materials and food. Secondly,although much land to the untutoredeye appears to be uncultivated bush, most of the land in the oil field area has been cultivated within this generiationand is appropriatedland, fallowed bush held for future fields by the owner and his heirs and used meanwhile by the population at large for food and other resources: approximately96 percentof land in the immediateoil field area is "owned" traditionallyand most of the remainingtrue bush is not cultivablebecause it is flooded during much of the agricultural season.

Opportunitiesfor Solutions

So driven are farmers to find cash income that, even though only 27 percent of farmers were given seeds, fertilizer, and other inputs by the cotton company as the governmentattempts to cut back on production, up to 50 percent of villages' cotton fields in 1994-1995 were unsanctioned. Since only 50 percent of the householdsin the region are gefting income from cotton, the other half must depend entirely on other sources of income. Sixty-two percent of male heads of householdearned income from somethingother than cotton, mainly the sale of food crops, often peanuts. Farmers are desperatefor a cash crop other than cotton. However, they encounterdifficulties getting seeds (peanuts are too expensiveand improvedcereal "mini- doses," exist but are not readily available through the extension agency) and transporting harvestto marketwithout the transport infrastructureof parastataltrucks and road maintenance crews available to cotton growers.

The nmostpromising markets the cash crops farmers have tried for the peanuts, sesame, and manioc are in Central African Republic (CAR) and Cameroon. However, transport over bad

o:L.Wppbp&hd.dr7 Page 3 08837-787-012 Hunan Environment Chad Export Project roadsmakes these marketsalmost inaccessible or transport too costly. The project would offer various potentialsolutions to these problems. Employmentas a new source of cash is a source that would be tapped by those who earn it and also by all their "brothers" in the village who are in greater need but equally eligible for sharing the pay of those employed by the project. The improved roads necessary for the Operator to bring in construction and drilling equipment would improve market access and reduce transportationcosts dramatically. The "maraschino cherry" that would change the Operator's activitiesfrom a necessary business investmentto not merely a mitigatingbut incrediblyconstructive and beneficialinput, would be to complete the few remaining kilometersto the CAR and Cameroonianmarkets that are the major outlets for agricultural produce of the project area. This would augment access to the cash income that is important to alleviating the economic pressures on everyone in the project area, the pressure producing repugnant social and economic differences, and spread the potential benefits of the project from the lucky few who are employed,and those who can tap directly into their earnings,to most of the farmers-male and female-in the region.

A critical element in finding replacementcrops and growingthem in large enough quantities to bring in sufficient income, especiallyin a world where fertile land is diminishing and the major constraint is labor (73 percent of households had to hire outside labor, mostly other villagers whose need for money overruledtheir obligation to tend to their own fields), is agricultural equipment. Agricultural equipment is extremely expensive; an ox cart costs eight times an average farm household's annual income (pre-devaluation),and a plow two times the income (pre-devaluation). Equipment is available on three years' credit only to members of village cotton marketing cooperativeswho are growing cotton, currently only the most well-equipped and efficient farmers.

Thus the poorer members of society only have access to agricultural equipment that would improve their productivity,yields, and income, if they can come up with enormous lump sums of cash. However, the best equippedfarmers, with large families of productive laborers, have easier access to labor-saving material that allows them to increase their surface area and income, for which and with which they must hire other villagers' labor. Limited access to agricultural equipment in an environmentin which the conditionsannually grow more restricted is leadingto social differentiationbetween haves and have-nots. This is antitheticalto the most basic social valuesof the sedentaryfarmers of the region. Access is limited by the requirement that credit is given only if cotton income is available to be garnished for repayment; by the decision of village cooperativesto give inputs only to the most productive (hard working and best equipped) farmers in the village in order to avoid being "struck" by having to pay mutually agreed credits of other, less productive, farmers; and by the incredible but true costs of equipment in a landlocked countrywithout foreign exchange.

08837-787-012 Page 4 o:LaApbchddr7 Chad ExiportProject Human Environment The other resolutionto this problem of incomewould be to use inputs to increasefertility and yield. Farmers in the project area, especiallythose in the more densely populated parts with shorterfallows, are onlybeginning to recognizethe economicvalue of inputs that increaseyield. Inexpensive ways of enriching the soil, such as compost and manure, are not traditional techniques; once learned and appreciated there are still problems, especially transporting weightymanure, as fertilizer,to the field from the place it is produced. Lack of carts to transport larger quantities require head loading. More expensive inputs, e.g., fertilizer, urea, and cottonseed cake have been pushed by the agriculturalextension agency.

In the last few years farmers have not been allowed to take cotton seeds if they also do not agree to purchase fertilizer and insecticide. However, the minimal package costs US$ 56.50/lha,when most farmers grow only one-half to one hectare and each make a net profit of about US $57. Statisticallyit is true gamble on the farmers' part whether he will sow on time, the rain will be favorable, etc., and he will come out ahead, break even or end up in debt if he uses inputs. The only affordable input is cottonseedcake, at US $6/ha, but it is difficultto find. The cotton company that produces it puts cottonseed cake low on its list of priorities in deliveringinputs, and there is also considerabledemand for the cake as an animal feed and to fire the cotton gins.

Jobs would be the major benefit of the project, over which the most reflectionand time would be spent in assuring that project benefitswould be distributedequitably. Equitabledistribution of projiect benefits should help minimize magnificationof social antagonisms. Consequently, the syrmbolto local populationswould be that they are acknowledgedas owners of resources and primordial occupants of the land, that their rights and physical, politicaland sacred control over resources are not jettisoned as irrelevant and unimportant even though they are the majorityholders of the region's resources by ancient rights,who have welcomedoil exploration and productionfor the entire country's, not just their own, benefit.

o:. lappbcld.dr7 ...... Page 5 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 1.0 PURPOSE OF THIS REPORT

1.1 TARGETAUDIENCES

The Chad Export Project would involve mineral exploitation, a pipeline, and possibly resettlement;for these reasons,the proposedproject is a Category A project under the World Bank's EnvironmentalAssessment Guidelines for EnergyProjects. Such a project requires an EnvironmentalAssessment (EA), which evaluates,among other impacts, how the projectwould affect the societies involvedand the environmentalresources used by those societies.

This assessment of the human environmenthas benefitedfrom the fact that for more than 20 years members of the Operator and its subcontractorsbeen working in the proposed project area. Nevertheless,carefully examiningpast and present reactionsto the Operator's presence has allowed the SocioeconomicAssessment Team to predict with more certainty what some of the environmentalimpacts are likely to be.

Accordingto World Bank EnvironmentalAssessment guidelines the target audiences for an EA are:

* Project designers (i.e. Esso, Dames & Moore) e Agencies (i.e. Esso, World Bank, Non-governmentalorganizations, Government of Chad) * Borrowers (i.e. Operator, Governmentof Chad) * World Bank staff * Affected people.

1.2 METHODOLOGY

To understand the methodologyused for this study and how reliable the informationgathered is, refer to Section 2.2.

1.3 CONTENTS OF A WORLD BANK HUMAN ENVIRONMENTALASSESSMENT

The World Bank's 1991 EnvironmentalAssessment Source Book, Operational Directive 4.20 on Indigenous Peoples and 4.30 on InvoluntaryResettlement, and its 1988 Policy Guidelines on Involuntary Resettlements in Development Proiects outline its definition of an EA for Category A projects and its requirementsfor lending, which will affect indigenous peoples or lead to involuntary resettlement. The social assessment should explain how the various affected societies allocate, regulate, and defend access to the environmental resources on which they depend for their livelihood.

08837-787-012 Page 6 o:L.le8abchd.d7 Chad Export Project Human Environment Certainissues must be coveredin the initial assessmentdocument of an EA which is submitted to the public for commentand consultation. These issues cover who would be affected, how they regulateaccess to their resourcesand their ability(institutions, information) to defend their rights. If they are not, protectingthe rights of vulnerablegroups would need to be evaluated. World Bank directives pose the followingquestions:

* Who are the peoplewho might be affected by the project?

• What are the broad social group structures (communities,classes, castes, tribes, etc.) through which people organize?What is the structure of regional and local governments?

* What are the authoritystructures of the groups? Is the authoritybased on kinship, seniority, consensus, or democraticvoting?

* Which of the groups is responsible for access to or management of environmental resources (e.g., grazing rights, water and fishing rights,forest extractionrights)?

* What is the annual cycle of activities? When and where do groups assemble? How are decisionsreached?

* Are there sacred sites or importantarchaeological or historicalsites that might be affected by the project?

* What proportion of the affected community can read? Do they have access to radios, newspapers,or other media?Do they speak the nationallanguage?

* How effective are the print and electronic media likely to be informingthe public about the project?

* How do govemment ministriescommunicate with villagers in rural areas and with the urban poor? How are the interests of traditional social structures communicatedand taken into account in the administrationof programs?

* Which groups are aware of the project and any problemsthat might be associatedwith it?

* Has the EAteam been in contact with in-country researchers, social workers, or extension workers who might help the social scientists in communitylevel consultations?

o:.. appbchd.dr7 Page7 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project * Does the approach being used at the communitylevel ensure that the issues foremost in the minds of the people are being articulated and recorded? Are the views of affected groups informedviews? Are their views being taken into account?

* What role do political parties play? What is the capacity of governmentor party structures to participate in the EA process?

* What nationaland internationalnongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the country are involved with environmentalissues and/or environmentaladvocacy? Have they had any direct experiencewith the people in the affected area? What are the technical capacities of the NGOs that are likely to be involved in the EA? What is the current state of government/NGOrelations in the country?

* What grassrootsorganizations exist in the areas that may be affected by the project? What NGOs are already in direct contact with the potentially affected people and what is the nature of their relationship? Have the local NGOs adequate resources to undertake the roles expected of them in the EA process?Are the NGOs strong enough to be effective?

After the EA has been drafted, it would be submiftedto the general public for consultation. In generalconsultation the EA is made availablepublicly, especially to interestedgroups, including not only the affected people but Govemment Ministries, NGOs, political parties, and experts from outsidethe government. In a public forum or fora, or an inter-agencymeeting, the EA and project are subjected to debate and criticism and eventuallyto modification,if appropriate.

The degree to which "general public consultation"has in fact involvednot just an inter-agency meeting but also the wider public and the people directlyaffected has from country to country and projectto project, varied greatly, as has the degree to which the EA and project have been modified as a result. The World Bank's Operations EvaluationDepartment (OED), its various Human Resources and Poverty Divisions.

The Environmental SustainabilityDepartment, and the World Bank as a whole have become increasingly and more actively committed to beneficiary participation and stakeholder involvement in projects. These activities are seen to improve the quality and sustainability of the resulting projects, though participation can increasethe World Bank's project preparation and implementationcosts by 10-15 percent2. Ensuring effective implementationby involving stakeholdersand finding incentivesto involve them leads to "Practicaland realistic objectives, targets and standards,which are negotiatedso that they are locally acceptable,meaningful and practicable...effective participationby key stakeholdersin the planning phase is likely to have

2 Hentschel, J., 1994, Does Participation Cost the World Bank More? Emercing Evidence, Human Resources Development and Operations Policy Working Paper 31, World Bank, Washington, D.C.

08837-787-012 Page 8 o. I-ppbchrd.d,r7 Chad Export Project Human Environment positiveeffects in reachingagreements in later phases (NationalEnvironmental Strategies and ActionPlans, 1995, p.22)."

This report attempts to cover the questions asked of an EA and proposes a culturally appropriateway to carry out public consultationon the EA.

o:L 7op&7bu,hd.dr7 P...... Iage Y 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 2.0 THE PROPOSEDPROJECT AREA

2.1 PROJECT DESCRIPTION

The project directlywould affect people in two areas of southern Chad: (i) the area around the oil fields and the project base facilities; and (ii) the area along the pipeline. Project activities directly would affect them over two periods of time: (i) in the beginning, a short and intense period of heavy construction,with an extensive use of local and outside labor and contractors, multitudinous activities, frequent traffic, and an influx of people into the region; and (ii) afterwards, a prolonged period of low-level extraction and maintenance activities over the lifetime of the oil field, with limited employmentopportunities for local or outside workers.

In the oil fieldand basearea the projectwill drill wells, build access roads and oil transport pipes to and from wellheads and remote field gathering facilities, build a central processing unit, a productionoperations center, a power plant for oil extractionand treatment,storage structures, maintenance shops, construct a 2.3 km long airfield, and erect housing for oil company personnel. It is not yet clear what provisionswould be made for lodging and feeding the people hired by local or non-Operatorcontractors, or their sanitation,recreation, transportation to work sites, etc. Nor have either the long-term presence of military/gendarmesor the arrival and departures of truckers, etc. at the base and construction sites been considered. Various altematives for dealing with these problems and their different environmental impacts will be discussed in this report.

Along the pipeline route, construction activities would be short and intense before the construction moves on to an area farther down the pipeline. Once the buried pipeline is built, the only remainingoil company presencewould be at the 4-8 pumping stations with pump units, electric power generation facilities, central control rooms and ancillary facilities (heliport or airstrip, communicationsfacilities, parts storage, fuel treatment,storage, etc.) along the route. Pipeline maintenance activities would require that access to the pipeline be kept open along tracks and the length of the pipeline, hence the pipeline area would not return to its original state. It would, however, be suitable for annual cropping but not tree crops or housing construction. This may tum into pedestrian/animaltrack and cart way, as many seismic lines have.

2.2 METHODOLOGY

This studyfor the projectoutlines the cultural characteristicsof the project area and surrounding region (Map 1); identifies land uses and resource conflicts; and describes existing and future economic pressures. This informationis based on fieldwork, publishedgovernment statistics and data provided by various ministries, publishedand unpublishedsociological studies of the

08837-787-012 Page 10 o:L.Lappbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment region, unpublished NGO reports, and extensive interviews with govemment, NGO, religious workers and others in the Doba and pipeline area. Comparative material also is drawn from the author's and others' sociological studies of the culturally-related Ngambay, Mbay Moissala, Kabba, Lakka, Day, Nar and Sara in Logone Oriental or nearby Logone Occidental and Moyen- Chari (Map 2).

Although considerable agricultural, education, livestock and health data were obtained in country from concerned ministries and departments, data were not always available for every year oir for every area. Government statistics about the area rarely are published except for health and agriculture. National census were carried out in 1962 and 1993, hence up-to-date information is available on most of the population and comparisons over time are possible. Nomadic and transhumant pastoralists were not, however, included in either census. The Livestock Ministry's data are incomplete and variable in quality, therefore it is difficult to quantify how theaproject would impact pastoralists in the proposed project area.

In 1995 the author and two Chadian assistants, native to the area, spent two months in the spring *-summer (May - June) and one and one-half months during the harvest time (November - December) on anthropological research assessing the human environment of the proposed project area. The author already had done fieldwork in 1968 around Doba, in Logone Oriental, and spoke the local languages. The proposed project area was defined as:

* The area around the proposed production facilities and existing exploration base * A corridor along the proposed pipeline * A corridor along the road to be improved * Villages and towns with regional economic ties to the production, pipeline and road areas.

A wide geographic area and the entire administrative region around the production facilities were surveyed to quantify the potential area of impact as a result of the project. This helped determine how widespread the influence of exploration activities has been, and indicate future influence. It also established a baseline for future influences and provided control villages for comparison, monitoring, and evaluation of impacts and mitigation strategies, as required for an EA. For assessing the environmental impact of the pipeline and road, a 10 km wide corridor (5 km on either side) was drawn along each. A previous road impact study had shown that road improvements impacted only the stopping points along the road and at most villages 3-4 km from thie road, depending on the quality of the tracks linking to the main improved road.3

To obtain reliable and representative data a stratified sample was drawn to reflect all the ethnic groups found in the proposed project area; all the sub-prefectural administrative areas in the

3 3rown E. Patterson,1988 System for Researchon the SocialAspects of RoadUse and Maintenance in Chad, USAID/Chad. o:W.Aappbchdfdr7 Page 11 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project proposed project area; all the administrativecantons in which the facilities,fields, pipeline and roadwould be located; all the cantonswhere impact would be felt over the long run rather than transient pipelineand road construction;and all cantons which would feel immediate and long- term impact because villages or fields were located in the footprint of facilities (see Annex A).

All strata were sampled, however, the lowest stratum, the one to be impacted most heavily, received the most attention. In this stratum a 5 percent sample of all geographicallyseparate villageswas drawn for a study of 5 percent of the total populationof these villages. The people to be sampled were drawn from the tax lists of the villages,the most complete available listing of population,which include all adult males and females, except the disabled and infirmed and mothers of more than five children.

Questionnaireswere administeredto the 5 percent sample by literate villagers,who were well acquaintedwith their subjects. These questionnairescovered such topics as:

- Ethnic and geographic affiliations(in case resettlementis necessary)

* Familysize, number of workers, relative importanceof sources of livelihood,and resources at the families' disposal (in order to judge the number of people touched when various resources are reduced/removedfrom their environment)

* Sources of information availableto the village and present knowledgeand attitudes about the project (to evaluate present impact and future consultationand participation)

* Economic resources available to the subjects (to respond to opportunitiescreated by the project).

To addressother target populations,questionnaires were administeredinformally to merchants at local and town markets to measure economic impacts and set a baseline. Because their presence changes the local situation as well as their own lives, the gendarmes charged with guarding oil facilities also received questionnaires (see Annex A). Local and immigrant Operator employees' lives also have been changed by the project and their presence has an impacton the region; they joined in focus groups to discuss this impact. Village meetings were convened in the 5 percent sample villages with traditional leaders, community and group representatives (male, female, and youth), and people who had lost land temporarily or permanentlyto oil exploration.

In the large towns of Doba, Mbikou, Bebedjia,and Moundoutwo quarters in each town were sampled. About 20 people in each were selected from the ward chiefs' tax lists and were administered the same questionnairesas all other informants. The numbers sampled were

08837-787-012 Page 12 o:l.. appbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment deterrriinedby time and resourcesrather than as a continuationof the 5 percent sample.These urban questionnaireswere complementedwith informal interviewsand focus groups. In these urbaniareas owners of rental housingand "debrouillardes"(women who eke out a living or earn necessary income by selling goods and sometimes sexual services in town markets) were especially targeted for focus groups and interviewsbecause they present particularlydelicate social, economicand health issues.

When oil fields go into production, herders resident in the proposed project area probably would have some areas of pasture removed from use. Some will be removed temporarily because construction, road building, and drilling impede access and a smaller amount permanently because of wells and facilities. Until the final seismic and engineering data is availalble only an approximation of the area to be affected is possible. The number of pastoralists and animals and the pressure they put on biological resources can only be approximated. The sociological assessment has, however, determined the corridors transhumantpastoralists use and their dates of passage, so that the impact of pipeline and road construction can be minimized(see Annex A).

The EA team was unableto contact more than a handful of pastoral groups who move through the ar,eabecause they were already on the move in November-December;however the team discussedwith their traditionalleaders and the Governmentof Chad departmentswho deal with pastoralists,how to spread informationabout future constructionactivities in order to minimize any neBgativeimpacts, either to the pastoralists or to the sedentary farmers who may find pastoralistsdiverted into their regions.

2.3 GEOGRAPHY

The plhysicalgeography of this region has had a direct impact on the physicaldistribution of the polpulation,the locationof villages and fields, transportationand social contacts. The whole area is a flat, shallow basin; in the rainy season rivers and streams readily overflow their boundaries and spread out into shallow but extensiveflood plains. There is, therefore,a great deal of land which makes good pasture but is flooded during the cultivation season and is unusaible, although it has excellent potential for recession agriculture and irrigation. The strearns in full flood and the swamps also limit traffic and social contacts. The area between two streams is integrated closely, but is socially as well as geographicallyseparated from groups on the other side.

The southern oil fields are crossed by the stream of the Loule, but its flooding has been so minor in the last 20 years of drought that it no longer acts as a physical barrier. Upstreamon the Loule, towards Gore, but outside the proposed project area, people have begun planting recession corn and a few vegetables;they find this highly lucrative. On the east the oil field

o:. lappbdbd.dr7 Page 13 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project terrain is bordered by the Pende river, a source of economicallyvaluable fish. The Pende, however, cuts off the proposed project area from Doba and all eastem Chad at the end of the rainyseason and access is only possiblevia one bridge to the north and by canoe. While Doba is the principal market for the area in the dry season, it is hard to reach in the rainy season.

The area north of the oil field is cut by the swampy stream of the Nya which runs from southwest to northeast. Late in the rainy season it floods the surrounding area creating extensive grazeable grasslands used by herders. Very few farmers use the floodplain for recession cultivation or irrigation. Sedentary villages have been established some distance from this watercourse, outside the floodplain,and their fields lie behindthe villages, away from the wooded and floodplain areas of the Nya. The Nya also constrains communication and social contact;villages to the west of the stream are connectedby roads or tracks; villages east of the stream are connected, but there is no track connectingone side to the other, so the area is effectively split (Map 1). Those to the north of the stream look to Canton Miandoum,those to the southto Canton Bero. Over the years bridges and dikes have been built to cross various streams which greatly eased travel; but one by one, they have fallen into disrepair and people desperatelylong for new crossings to be built.

2.4 SOCIAL CONTEXTOF THE PROJECT

The region is mainly rural, inhabited by sedentary farmers and nomadic herders. However, Moundou, the major urban, commercial and industrialagglomeration, is the third largest city in Chad, with a population of 98,000. Two large towns in the area, Doba and Bebedjia, are occupiedprimarily by southemerswith a sprinkling of outside merchants,northern and southern government officials, and (mostly northem) governmenttroops. Cotontchad has a research facility in Bebedjia and a gin at Doba that was put back in operationin 1994. The major road in the south, a laterite, two lane road passable in all seasons of the year, with waits at barriers during the rainy season, passes from Moundou through Mbikou, Bebedjia, Doba, and on to Sarh, the other main town in the south.

Ethnic and initiation affiliations are important in the proposed project area because they determine whether people see themselvesas kin bound to one another or as strangers, and as cooperativeco-initiates or as irrelevantforeigners. Their interrelationshipswould affect how well they work togetheras employeesand also whether workers and project beneficiarieswould cooperatefor the good of all in the area or would act as rivals unwillingto share project benefits with "outsiders."

08837-787-012 Page 14 o:.. lappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment 2.4.1 Ethnic Groups

1. Sedentary farmers: The Kome, Bolobo and Miandoumoil fields lie in eastern Logone Oriental,near the border with the Moyen-ChariPrefecture. The Logonesand Moyen-Chariare inhabited by people, known in westem literature as "Sara," who share much common culture and speak mutually intelligible dialects/languages. Early researchers distinguished their languages,and what they considered"tribes" that spoke those languages,as "Sara," centered aroundSarh and Koumrain the Moyen-Chari;"Mbay," centered around Moissalain the Moyen- Chari;and "Ngambay,"Moundou in the Logones. The inhabitantsof these prefecturesclassify themselvesaccording to three factors:

* All those speaking a mutuallyintelligible language form some sort of cultural unit, which for want of a better word they too call "Sara".

* Men who go through the same kind of initiationfeel a tremendous solidarity that creates nameless regional subcultures. The kinds of initiation are "ndo"-done mostly by those classified by outsiders as "Sara"; "ndo besi" and "da kwoi gi" mostly by "Mbay"; and "lao" mostly by "Ngambay".

* Named and separate tribes occupying named geographicalareas are created by the idea of descent from father to son (patrilinealor agnatic ideology)reinforced by a high degree of in-marriageamong members of the same tribe4. These tribal groups are very closely knit.

The southern Chadian pipelineand road corridor is inhabitedby sedentaryagriculturalists, the Mboum, who, though they practice the same kind of initiation,are culturallyand linguistically unrelatedto the Sara. They are culturallyand linguisticallymembers of the same peoplefound on the other side of the frontier in Cameroon.

Proposed project area: The areaaround the oil fields falls on the border among several ethnic groups. To the south, in.subprefectures of Gore and Moissala,are the "Gor", who practicethe "ndo" and are classified as "Sara." To the east, in the subprefectureof Bediondo, are the Bedio/Beju,classified as "Mbay";and to the north, in Doba-Ruraland Mouroum Goulay, are the Daba (Doba) and Mouroum,classified as "Ngambay" or "Mbay Doba." To the west are the "Ngarnbay."

4Comparativedata from otherSara groups reinforces how tightly marriage knits tribes and villages. A 1967study found that in-marriageamong a namedtribal group oscillated around 98 percent and that 90 percentof marriageswere betweenpeople from nearbyor the samelocality (Hiemaux). Not only is marriageamong the sametribe pradicallythe rule,but marriageamong closekin and a restrainedgeographical group is common.Among the neighboringSara Nar

55%of marriagesare with 'kin" 36%of marriagesare with people of the samevillage 25%of marriagesare with women from the man'smother's village

c:1..tappbchd.dr7 Page 15 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project In the proposed project area the people located in Cantons Kome, Miandoum and Mbikou call themselves Ngambay and say they speak Ngambay. They all attend the "lao" initiation. In Canton Bero people identify themselves as "Bero" and say they speak the "Bero" language; their village of origin in the distant past was Bedia,in Canton Miandoum,an Ngambayvillage, but to outsidersthey identifythemselves alternatively as "Mbay" or "Mbay Doba" or "Ngambay." In sum, all the sedentary agriculturalistsin the proposed project area believethey are distantly related and originate from the same place, Canton Miandoum, but the inhabitants of Canton Bero assert a separate ethnic identity arising from their ancient and antagonistic split from Miandoum.

Pipeline and Road Corrdor: The pipeline and road more or less parallel one another and pass through the same ethnic groups. The pipeline has been planned to pass through less inhabited and less ecologicallysensitive areas. By the very fact that the projected road would, for the most part, upgradeexisting roads it would transit through more heavilyinhabited areas, since village sites tend to gravitateto nearby roads for transport and economic access to other areas.

The pipeline would originatearound Kome in Ngambayterritory and continues until it reaches the Kabba ethnic group between Kagopaland Bedia. From Gadjibianto Bessao and Madog the pipeline and road would pass through Lakka land. South of Ouli Bangala to the CAR and Cameroon borders the road and pipelinewould cross through Mboumterritory.

Both the Kabba and Lakka (often grouped together in the literature as Kabba Lakka, not to be confused with the Sara Kabba, who live northeast of Sarh in the Moyen-Chari)belong to the "Sara" cultural group. Their languagesare closest to Ngambay; Kabba speak Ngambay and can understandpeople from Doba and Moundou;the Lakka speak an Ngambaywhich is a mix of Ngambayfrom LogoneOccidental and Oriental, and many also understand Mboum because they are neighbors.

Kabba and Lakka interviewedfor this EA say their kinship and religious beliefs resemble the Ngambay's; for example they practice the "lao" if they perform the men's initiation and bury sacred objects ("mia bo") at initiationsites, etc., but they are mostly Christian, Catholic in the main. Kabba and Lakka rules of land ownership are less strict than among the Ngambay, though their terminologyfor different kinds of land is the same; their rules about environmental resources more closely resemblethe Sara's than the Ngambays.

ChadianMboum call themselvesand those on the Cameroonianside near the Chadian frontier "Mbai Boum" and distinguish themselvesfrom the majority of Mboum in Cameroon. However they recognize a close cultural affinity with Cameroonian Mboum whereas they consider themselves totally unlike the neighboring"Sara" populationsof Kabba, Lakka, etc. The Kabba

08837-787-012 Page 16 o:1..iappbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment and Lakka likewisesee themselvesas relatedto Ngambay,Sara from Moyen-Chari,and Sara Kala,whereas they consider the Mboumas a totallyseparate cultural group. Mboumand Sara belong to totally different language groups. The Mboum share cultural similarities with the Adamaoua region of Cameroon, not with southern Chad. Those Mboum and Sara who still perform men's initiationceremonies, however, all perform separate but similar initiations.

The Mboum are slash-and-burnfarmers like the Sara. Both men and women engage in agricultural activities, mainly for subsistence, though they commercializea bit of everything. Just as in the proposed project area, farmers here are eager to grow cotton for cash income; if Cotontchad drives it all the way to the gin at Moundoufrom the area around Baibokoum. Womengrow maniocto produce flow which they sell for income,mainly at the importantborder markets of Mann (or Manni), CAR and Mbai Boum, Cameroon.

2. Pastoralists: Pushed south over the last 20 years of drought that dried up northern grasslands,nomadic Bororo and transhumantPeul and Arab herdsmenhave moved seasonally and permanentlyinto the oil field and pipelinearea to take advantageof the lush pasturage fed by the Pende,Logone, Nya, Loule, and La Lim rivers. They make extensiveuse of grazing and water resources and must be counted among the people impacted by the project. Two kinds of pastoralists would be affected: a) resident pastoralistswho live permanentlyin the area but move their camps from pasture to pasture, and b) transhumantand nomadicpastoralists who arrive in the area following the greeningof the grass in different seasons.

Transhumant pastoralists tend to follow the same routes year after year, whereas nomads sometimesfollow the same routes but tend to roam more widelyand changetheir main venues with some frequency so that their movementsare less predictable. The Bororo are nomads, whereas Foulani tend to be transhumant. Arabs today are mostly transhumant,though as the widespreadpresence of "Arab Salamat" in the Chari-Baguirmiand Kanemindicates, they were once rnorenomadic. Residentpastoralists are herderswho restrict their movementsto a limited area and often have taken up semi-sedentaryagriculture, where members of a family remain in one place to farm during the rainy season while other memberstake their cattle elsewhere in the same region in search of pasture.

Fellata,Foulata, Foulani, Peul, Peulati and Foulbe are alternatepronunciations/spellings of the same word in its singular and plural forms. FellatalFulbe/Fulaniare Anglicizedforms, Foulata, Peul,Peulati, Foulbe, Foulani the Francophoneversion. This wide variety of spellings indicates how widely they are spread: from Senegalto the CAR. They all are related culturally, as are the Bororo (or MBororo) who, unlike the others, have not become Islamized. Peuls in some places have become city dwellers, others retain their pastoral heritage; the Bororo remain distinctly nomadic and are looked down upon by other Peuls, and vice versa. Peuls have residedin Chad for centuries, but as nomadsor transhumantpastoralists they annuallywander

o:l.. appbchddr7 Page 17 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project over many prefectures and national borders, into Cameroon and the CAR and back again, following the grass. In the last century the proposedproject area was raided often for slaves by city-dwelling Foulbe (called "Bam" in Ngambay, "Piloti" in Sara) from Cameroon. In this century Peuls and Bororo from Chari-Baguirmiand Kanem in northern Chad and from Niger descend and return seasonallythrough the proposed project area leading their animals from green pasture to green pasture.

The pastoralistswho enterthe proposedproject area are, for the most part, Foulani and Bororo. Kreda, known in the proposed project area as "Arabs (Arap)", move from Bousso in the Chari- Baguirmi to Doba and down the east bank of the Pende River, only occasionally pasturing in the proposed project area. Missiriye Arabs, another tribal group, move through the Doba- Koumra area east of the proposedproject area.

Resident pastoralists: "Fellata Baguirmi" and Salamat Arabs who had lived for decades in Chari-Baguirmi movedsouth during the drought of 1973-1993into the subprefects of Bebedjia and Doba-Rural,in LogoneOriental and became resident pastoralists,living permanentlyin the area, and moving over short distances as the rivers flooded and receded. Because they are relative newcomers, no local administrativeorganization of nomad canton chiefs, with whom the Operator could treat, has been instituted,and they continue to pay their taxes and maintain contacts with their sultans in north5. Some of the Arabs have become semi-sedentary,leaving women and young and old family members in a permanentcamp to cultivate grain during the rainy season. Their farming activities, however, would unlikely be altered by the project because the Arabs spend most of their time on the east bank of the Pende River, on the Doba side near Doba, Beboto, Bodo and Nyaboto,not on the petroleumoperations' side. The Peuls pasture their cattle on the Nya, Loule, and Pende Rivers, around Bemboura (near Bebedjia), Bedia, Ndoheri, and MBikou, near the area where the oil fields are located. Unlike the Arabs, they have remaineddependent solely on their livestock, obtaining cereal, etc. by purchase or bartering animal products. However, any changeswhich may affect pasture and water would affect directly the resident Peuls.6

There are also resident pastoralist Foulani in Canton Mont de Lam near Bidenga/Bidangarand Canton Mbaissaye,where the road and pipelinewould pass. Resident Bororo, originally from

sTheArab Sultans in LogoneOriental are Djima Shargan,at GoreNord, and his representative,Madadje Ouda, at Gore Sud. The FellataSankara Sultan is Alifa Ibrahimat Diourbali(Chari-Baguirmi). Other pastoralist groups may have their own sultans.

8The1993 census put the numberof residentherders at about9,500. Poe # households S-P Bebedjia 1,768 354 S-P DobaRural 2,135 366 S-P Baibokoum 3,373 611 S-P Gore 2,175 390 TOTAL 9,451 1,721

08837-787-072 Page 18 o:. lappbchd.dr7 Chad ExDort Project Human Environment Baguirmi, are around Madog and Dodangnear the pipelinein Canton Bessao. At present not enough is known about them to determinehow the pipelineand road would affect them.

The resident Arab and Peul populationsappear to be fairly stable; some groups have been in the area20-40 years. In generalthey make an effort to remain on good terms with farmers and do not actively destroy their fields, although their animals may stray. Most herder-farmer conflictsand cattlethefts involve transhumantpastoralists. On the other hand there is very little contact or cultural knowledge shared between the resident pastoralists and sedentary agriculturalists;most meetingsoccur in the marketplace,where pastoral and sedentarywomen seem to have developeda somewhatfriendlier relationship than havethe men.

Transhumant and nomadic pastoralists: Families and their herds move from the north during September-October. Passing through the subprefectureof Bongor,in the Mayo-Kebbi, they airrive in the extensive pastures around Lai, in the Tandjile, in October, November and Decernber. After Lai, the paths they follow split (Map 3), arriving in the proposed project area in November-December. Eventually in November, December, January, and February they would cross the proposed pipelineroute and improvedroad at several points7. The main lines of descent for the Fellata/Foulbe/Peulappear to be: e Along the LogoneRiver from Lai, passingMoundou and south to Donkassa, into the canton of Panzanguein the subprefectureof Baibokoumand on south into the CAR or Cameroon;

- From Moundouto Mbaikoroto Doniawhere they will cross the pipelineand road to Timberi and Gore-Sud. They continuesouth to the CAR or movewest to Bitanga,north to Bessao and Bam, and on into Cameroon. Until about three years ago they crossed the road and pipeline on their way from Bitanga to Cameroonnear Madog and Dodang and Bedoli in CaintonBessao. However,according to local farmers military presence has been so heavy that recently pastoralists have been avoidingthe area. The Foulani and Bororo also move on from Bitanga southwestto Baibokoumand Mbaissaye,crossing the road/pipeline,and into CAR or Cameroon. From Gore-Sudthey also go west to Canton Bekan and north to Boy Bessao, having crossedthe road and pipeline,to Mabo and Cameroon;

* Or they continue down the western side of the Pende to Doba,just north of the proposed project area, and pasture along the Nya and other streams in the proposed project area, where they find grazing and water in the months of January and February and around Betabarand Benarbein Canton Gadjibianwhere they remain from January to July, causing frequent conflictswith farmers;and

7 See Annex A: Pastoralists, for a discussion of the problems of estimating numbers of transhumant herders and cattle that may pass through the proposed project area. o:1..iapobcchd.dr7 Page 19 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project * Other routes take them from Lai through regions east of the proposed project area but eventually to Gore-Sud where they may take up the routes going through Bitanga and Bekanand cross the proposed road/pipelinein the Decemberto Februarytimeframe.

All move back north around May, June, and July, following a few routes mostly along the rivers so that their animals will not get into newly planted fields (Map 4). They would cross the proposed road/pipeline at a number of points between the CAR/Cameroon border/Mbaissaye/Baibokoumand around Bessao/Bam. Canton Bero in the proposed project area is a major corridor for their return.

There is considerable tension between sedentary farmers and transhumant/nomadic pastoralistsin particular,and all pastoralistsin general. Problemscreated when cattle stray into farmers' fields are aggravatedby cultural misunderstandings,ethnic bigotryand disregard for "inferior" ethnic groups' private property, and political cum ethnic discrimination. Sedentary farmers often losevery expensiveplow animalsto pastoral rustlers and the pursuit of presumed thieves often leads to skirmishingand deaths on both sides.

2.4.2 Demographics

1. PopulationSize: The populationof the proposedproject area totals 239,965 people, or 3.8 percent of Chad's total population. The followingtable showstotal populationof the proposed project area, counting people in more than one categoryonly once:

I Sub-PrefectureBaibokoum, PREFECTURE LOGONE ORIENTAL ITown: Baibokoum-Urbain 5,125 Canton:Bessao-Rural 21,196 TTown: Bessao-Urbain 3,694 Canton:Gadjibian 14,655 Canton:Mbaissaye 6,783 Canton:Mont de Lam 6,736 Sub-PrefectureBebedjia, PREFECTURE LOGONE ORIENTAL Canton:Bebedjia-Rural 8,323 Town: Bebedjia-Urbain 9,291 Canton:Bero 6,308 Canton:Kome Ndolobe 10,430 Canton:Mbikou 9,194 Canton:Miandoum 11,434

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Sub-PrefectureGore, PREFECTURELOGONE ORIENTAL | Canton:Timber 10,367 Sub-PrefectureDoba, PREFECTURELOGONE ORIENTAL |Town: Doba 18,477 Sub-PrefectureMoundou, PREFECTURELOGONE OCCIDENTAL Town:Moundou 97,952 TOTAL: Proposed project area 239,965

For the sociologicalaspects of the EA the project area has been defined as:

* The area around the proposedproduction facilities and existingexploration base

* A corridor along the proposedpipeline e A corridor along the proposedroad to be improved i Villages and towns with regionaleconomic ties to the production,pipeline and road areas (this includes, in Logone Oriental, the towns of Doba, Bebedjia,Mbikou, Miandoum, and Baibokoum,and the city of Moundouin LogoneOccidental).

However, all residents of the various administrative areas (cantons, subprefectures, prefectures) in which project activitiesoccur probablywould be affected to some extent, even if they live at a great distance and do not participatedirectly in any project-relatedactivities. This is because they are under the same administrativeand budget structure as people more directly involved,and any changes in budget or administrationwrought by oil exploration,would affect the entire administrativearea. The populationof the subprefecturaladministrative areas which wouldbe touchedby the project is, as of the 1993 census: 820,166 people, or 13 percent of Chad's total populationof 6,288,261.

The number of transhumant and nomadic pastoralistswho would be affected is unknown because they were not counted in either the 1993 or 1962 census. Neither the Ministry of Livesitock at N'Djamena nor veterinarians in the different regions have any idea how many transhumantand nomadic herders pass through this zone (or how many there are in the entire country). It is possible,however, to approximatethe number of transhumantand nomadic cattle which pass through the explorationand proposedpipeline areas using vaccinationfigures from veterinary posts, which gives a general idea of the possible impact on transient pastoralism. However,since we havefigures from Gore on the number of transhumant/nomadichouseholds owning different numbersof cattle (AnnexA), it will be possibleto calculateapproximately how

o:... 1appbbchd.dr7 Page 21 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project many transhumant/nomadichouseholds use the areas' resources. Resident pastoralists were counted in the 1993 census; in LogoneOriental they number about 9,500.

2. PopulationGrowth: Populationdensity, distributionand rate of increase, which affect how many natural resources are and would be used, and where, and would play an important role in determining the project's impact. The rate of populationincrease was projected in 1964 to be only 1.4 percent per annum, however, this was not the case, as is illustrated by the population in Logone Oriental; in 1993 it would have had approximately 419,000 people, whereas it had 440,342 instead. In Cantons Kome, Bero and Miandoum,where the oil fields are located, the population would have been approximately 18,000 instead of the 28,000 countedin 1993. Clearlythe populationhas been increasingmore rapidly than the government and aid agencies had planned. The agricultural research organization CIRAD calculated in 1993 that the rate of populationincrease in the Logoneshas been 3-4 percent per annum.

3. Population density: Population also has changed in density as well as size. In 1964 neighboring Logone Occidental's density was 21.9/km2, the highest in the nation, while in Logone Oriental it was only 8.4/km2 . At that time the populationdensity of Moyen-Chariwas only 8.3/km2 . It should be noted, that there was no pressure on land not surrounding villages which was allowed to lie fallow for more than one generationand considerableforest which no one remembered having been slashed and burned. Given similar population densities, the pressures on land in the proposedproject areas and Moyen-Chariwere probablycomparable in 1964.

However,since that time the situation has changed. The following table shows a clear gradient of heavyto light populationfrom north to south and west to east:

PopulationDensity Gradient: peoplelkm2

Prefecture 1964 1993(National Census) West I MJfiddle- I Eat i Tandjile(NW) 12.6 40+ I 15-40 I 10-15 LogoneOccidental 21.9 40+ 40+ 40+

08837-787-012 Page 22 o:1..1appbchdddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment

Prefecture T 1964 1993 (National Census) l __I I WestW Middle East LogonieOriental 8 8.4 SW/Baibokoum Gore NEI BebedjialDoba9 10-15 6-10 15-40 Moyen-Chari(SE) 8.3 15-40 10-15 2-6

Logorie Oriental is in an intermediate situation both numerically and geographically, with densities approachingthe heavy populationsof northwestTandjile and LogoneOccidental in the proposedproject area and lesseningdensities towards the south and east. Overthe years the population in the south of Chad has become heavier in the northwestthan towards the south and southeast. The south and southeast have become, in some cases, zones of immigrationfrom other areas; often, local villagestend to move southeastinto neighboringbut emptiier areas in search of more fertile land. Even within the proposed project area Canton Miandloumin the northwesthas a denser populationthan Canton Bero in the northeast,which is heavier than in Canton Kome to the southeast.

For the most part the populationof southern Chad and of the proposed project area have responded to the increase in populationby putting more village land into cultivation and by reducing the time that land is left in fallow. When fallow becomesso short that productivityis reduced seriously, the population seeks secondary sources of income to purchase food no longer grown in sufficient quantities. This usually is accomplishedby exploiting other bush resources,which puts considerablepressure on the environment.

A 1992 study by CIRAD agriculturalresearch showedthat the increase in populationhas been paralleled by an increase in the area used for growing food. In a village with demographics

8Beauvilain, in an analysP of various sources of demographicdata (year uncertain, po sibly 1994) found the following: ILOGONEORIENTAL Population around 1951 1968 1993 S-P Baibokoum 42,565 (1950-51) - 100,570 S-P Bebediia 16,441 (1949) 35,605 70,224 S-P Doba 67,703 (1947-50) 101,302 185,477 S-P Gore 19.975 (1947-51) 45,190 84,071

9The 1985-1986 ONDR report gives the following population densities for the proposed project area.

Population Densitv/ km2

Bebedjia Mbikou Miandoum Bero Kome 32 53 24 20 8 o:1..lapptchd.dr7 Page 23 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Proect similarto thoseof Canton Miandoumin the proposedproject area (Betima'°,near Donia), all the village land would be under cultivation and there would be no fallow within 28 years. In the proposed project area there is enough land to continue turning land into fallow for only 30-50 years; i.e. the present agriculturalsystem is not sustainable. Already 15 percent of land is left in fallow for only one year; 17 percent for two years; 12 percent for three years; 55 percent for morethan four years. Even though farmers worry that their childrenwill not have enough land, they are not modifying their slash-and-burnand fallow system to cope with problems of soil infertility(Sanfo).

4. Population Distribution: Urban-Rural: Of the total population of these administrative regions and of the proposed project area, by far the largest number, 81 percent, are rural sedentaryfarmers. A mere 1.3 percent of the region's inhabitantsare resident pastoral herders who move their cattle from pasture to pasture in the same region, residing permanentlyin the same area year round, year after year. A far larger number of transhumant and nomadic pastoralists pass through the proposed project area during November through January and againduring May through July; they too may be affected by the project if pasture lands are torn up, watercourses altered or polluted, and cattle passages blocked temporarily or cut off permanently. The rest of the populationlives in cities and towns.

Chad has become one of the most highly urbanized of all Sahelian countries, with about 21 percent of its total population in cities and towns, in part seeking refuge from fighting, in part seeking to earn a living in a country where military disruptionof rural areas is frequent. The shift between pre- and post-wareras is clear.

'°CIRADis studyingenvironmental management in the SoudanianZone. Theyfound that the differentways in whichthe environmentis exploitedare relatedless to the physicalquaiities of the environmentitself than to threesocioeconomic factors: demographicpressure, population movements, presence/absence of sedentaryor nomadicanimals. By thesecharacteristics the proposedproject area is characterizedby two kindsof environmentalmanagement- Zone betweenthe Logoneand Pende rivers (Moundou-Doba) characterized by mediumpopulation density, heavy pressurefrom transhumantanimals, especialty along watercourses, and small butgrowing numbers of sedentaryfarm animals;and * Baibokoumzone, isolated, hilly and mountainous with heavyrainfall. Very dense population. Underdeveloped sedentary or transhumanthusbandry. Betimavillage represents the Moundou-Dobazone of environmentalexploitation. Betima exhibits the followingcharacteristics:

* 812inhabitants in 152households or 5.3 people/householdof whom2.4 areproductive * The populationis growingat 3.9 percentyear or 47 percentin 10years * In 1960-1961a householdlived on3.12 ha, in 1993on 2.68 ha * 36 percentof landis notfallowed * 213of fallowland has beenin fallowfor 15+years * 75 percentof householdsprepare their landby hoe,28 percentof householdshave plows, 9 percenthave carts * Householdswho use hoesplant an averageof 1.10ha, withplows but no cotton:1.85 ha; withplow andcotton: 4.2 ha

08837-787-012 Page 24 0:1..iappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment Urban-Rural Population

1964 1993 Urban 7% 20% Rural 93% 81%

While t:hey may be urban dwellers, most townsfolk have not abandoned farming entirely; except for a few well-to-do businessmen and civil servants in the big towns who depend entirely on their earnings, most people who live in large agglomerations still farm fields nearby or hire others to work their fields for them.

As the! economy has worsened and civil servants have grown more and more despairing of being properly paid, there has been a reverse movement from the city to the rural areas. Now that edJucated people and students tuM to farming there has been an increase in the use of improved farming methods, unfortunately offset by their lack of small amounts to invest". There are no statistics to show this return to the land but the phenomenon has been noted widely by Chadians.

Age: Over half the population is under 20 years of age, and 30 percent is under 10, which when conjoined with the decreasing amount of uncultivated land and shortened fallow periods, underlines the lack of sustainability of the present agricultural system. Most children under 10 do not participate actively in farm work although their household help in herding oxen, helping prepare meals, baby sitting and fetching water is very important. In rural areas almost all heads of households, male and female, are active agricultural workers; about 40 percent of wives engage in major agricultural activities, as opposed to kitchen gardening around the house; 30 percent of children over 15 are part of the family farm work force; and 8 percent of children 11- 15 participate actively in farming (Guibert, 1994). Farming and exchange of food produced is so important in Sara society that everyone, even the old and decrepit, farms unless they are completely unable to do so. Once a person can no longer farm, he is effectively removed from the food and social exchange network and becomes a non-person, gradually fading away unless some devoted child sustains him. Thus, even elderly men and women have their tiny fields and produce.

Sex: The sex ratio for Logone Oriental, where most of the impact would be concentrated, is 93 men/1100 women. For all the administrative regions which would be affected by the project it is 95 men/I 00 women, the normal ratio throughout Chad. This implies that this region has not

"While investmentsin improvingfarming with oxen,plows, and carts cost considerable money, very often the sums neededto improveyields are small.In onevillage in CantonMiandoum where soil fertilityis a problem,five peopleexperimented in 1994with cottonseedcake as fertilizer.Using one bag of cakeat 1,250CFA (US$ 2.90) yielded 15 sacks of graininstead of six. Unfortunatelythe moneyeamed from the sale of the extragrain was taken during a militarysweep through the villageand none of the five have 1,250CFA to buy cakein 1995. o:1.. appbchd.dr7 Page 25 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project undergone extensive economicand military stresses like N'Djamena,the capitol, where there are 118 men/I 00 women and the eastem prefecturesof Biltine and Ouaddai, where there are only about 79 men/i 00 women.

The polygamyrates in neighboringMoyen-Chari are 35 percent of rural women and 50 percent of urbanwomen haveco-wives; Logone Oriental probably is comparable. The number of wives a man has is important because more wives may mean more children to share the family land inheritance,which is fixed in size unless the father is able to clear true, uncultivatedbush in a society where bush land is disappearing'2.

A man with many wives, however,does not profit from vastly increasedamounts of farm labor. When his wives are young,they help him in his fields but must devote much of their time to child care. When his wives get older he gets help from older children, but older women often cultivate their own fields and give their husbands' minimal farm aid. In fact a husband's remarriage is often what provokes a woman to set up her own household. (In nearby Moyen- Chari the maximum number of people who work together in the household head's fields rarely rises above three.) Women use the producefrom their own fields to feed their children and to sell for their normal householdexpenses. While their economic contributionto the family is important,their labor and income do not go to increasingthe householdheads' personal wealth or investmentmonies. By the same token, women have their own sources of gain (they usually convert cereal to money by making alcoholto sell) which they can invest as they wish.

2.5 TEMPORAL CONTEXTOF THE PROJECT

The history of the region goes far towards helping understandthe ethnography of the region and the present day situation.

2.5.1 Pre-ColonialTimes

Western explorers first reached this area in 1892, however, a colonial presence was not establisheduntil 1905. Slaving,generally, did not stop until 1911 and in some areas until 1918. The parents of today's adults may themselves have lived through slave raids and recounted to their children, now grownups, vivid tales of neighborhoodkidnaping and intemecine wars, of marauding and devastation by Baguirmians,Hausa and Bornouansfrom the north and Fulbe

12 ciRAD's 1992 study of Betima, a village similar to those in the proposed project area, showed: Household Size, Polygamy, and Birth Rate Number of people in Household number of wives of 1-5 people 6-10 11-15 more than 15 household head 0.9 1.3 1.8 | S

annual birth rate 4.35 % 4.39% 3.29 % 6.87 %

08837-787-012 Page 26 o:1.. appbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment from Adamaoua (present-dayCameroon). Grandparents'view of the world as a dangerous place with nearby villages that kidnaped or attacked, and of outsiders whose armed forces assaulted, pillaged and carried off goods and people, was only reinforced by the colonial experienceand eventswhich followed.

The southeastern part of the proposed project area in Canton Kome escaped most of this outside slave raiding and knew relativetranquility. It still suffered the same intestinalwarfare as in otherregions where one villagewould attack a neighboringvillage for slaves and revenge.

To reduce the chances of attack in pre-colonialtimes, groups of close paternal kin joined by other relatives who had fled from raidson their own homes settled in tiny, isolated agricultural hamlets, inaccessiblethrough swampsand thickets of thorn trees, moving frequentlyto avoid discovery and to clear new fields. Intermarryinghamlets formed a larger political unit, the village. Behaviorwas govemed by kinshipand mutualsupport among brothers and sisters and by antagonismto outsiders (what anthropologistscall segmentaryopposition). There were no village chiefs who exercised politicalor judicial authority. Villageswere hostile to one another, although individuals had good personalrelations in other villages with clans from which they had found wives or trading partners. In fortifiedenclaves such as Doba, where the river gave protection on several flanks, large numbersof people banded together under war leaders to sally forth on raids in the surrounding area. Doba became headquarters for Baguirmian invaders in the 1880s,and the Fulbehad a base at Bediondoby 1903.

2.5.2 Colonization

Beginning in 1907 French colonial administrators forced hamlets together into compact settlements along footpaths where they could be supervisedmore easily to keep order. They created local chiefs, some of whom already had emerged as powerful war leaders, others picked by chance, and obliged them to provide porters, food, and taxes. With no traditional basis of authority,these chiefs had to resort to force, backed up by the colonial authorities.

The Doba, Bero, and Kome regions lay on the German side of the border in the colony of Kamerun. German colonial authorities turned out to be much harsher than the French colonialistson the eastembank of the Pende River, and peoplemigrated across the border until Germanylost control of its coloniesafter World War I. But life under the French soon became difficult as well; 8,000 local men were seized from Logone Oriental as forced laborers on the Congo-Oceanrailway between 1924-1936,from which many did not return. In the 1930s many villages again were displaced in the colony's battle against trypanosomiasis or sleeping sickness. To turn the colony into a moneymakingenterprise, villagers also were forced by guarcisfirst to tap wild rubber,then from 1929 on, to cultivatecotton. To escape this life in the 1940sand '50s manyyoung men joined the French armed forces. They would serve eventually

:i.. iappbChd.dr7 Page 27 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project in North Africa, Europe and Indo-China,and in later years their ample military pensionswould turn them into men of influence,model farmers, and village leaders.

The first Protestant missionaries established themselves here in 1925, and the Catholics in 1929. They set up churches, schools, and health facilities which turned this area into one of the best educated, healthiest and most developed parts of the country. Because of the churches' longtime presence in the community, many local people are practicing, not just nominal,Christians, who have renouncedmost of the animist beliefs that remain integratedwith Christianity.13

2.5.3 Independence

All in all colonialismprovided some physicalsecurity from raidingand warfare but little respite from forcible removal or flight, and domestic productionwas still expropriated in the form of taxes, rubber, and cotton. Unwelcomepolicies inflicted on the populationby coercion did not cease with independence in 1960. The national government continued to force cotton cultivation until it raised cotton prices sufficientlyin the mid 1980s to induce farmers to grow it voluntarilyand to invest in animal traction to replace hand hoe cultivation.

Ethnic conflict was limited to the north of the country until Chad's first president, Francois Tombalbaye,sought to strengthen his political hold with an unpopular"cultural revolution"from 1973 until his overthrow in 1975, when forced civil servants and prominent public figures of all ethnic groups and religions to undergothe Sara initiation. Many southemers, especially local Protestants,were killed.

Subsequently,political conflict with ethnic overtonesworsened, until by 1979-1982no effective national govemment existed in the Logonesand Moyen-Chari. Armed political factions fought back and forth across the area, punishing and destroying villages for "harboring" their opponents. Many inhabitantsfled to the ethnicallyrelated CAR. What local order and economy remaineddepended on the continuedfunctioning of Cotontchad. Once central control had been reinstituted in 1982, the nationalgovernment sought to exert control over and punish this zone so that major hostilitiescontinued here until 1985.

13 Religious beliefs for southem Chad as a whole(1968): Catholic 32% Protestant 16% (higher in Logone Oriental) Muslim 5% Animist 47%

0ge37-787-012 Page28 o:L Apu,bchdedr7 ChadExport Project Human Environment 2.5.4 The Present

Minor disruptions still occur today. Returned refugees and local residents have reinvested repeatedly in restoring and developingthe localeconomy onlyto see it destroyed. Doba town underwent militaryoccupation in 1992, which devastated the regional hospital, leaving only Mounclouhospital and a private Catholichospital in Bebedjiato serve the region. Rural areas around Gore and Moundouwere fought over in 1993. Fightingbetween government military and local rebels ("codos") continues today, though the area of action shifts around Logone Occidental and Oriental.

2.6 VUJLNERABLEGROUPS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES

As the traditional owners of the land and the majority ethnic group, the Sara, long-time inhabitants of the proposed oil field development area, do not fit the description of an indigenous people or a vulnerable group. They do, however, meet other World Bank EA criteria,14 which trigger concems and require special action to protect "vulnerable" populations. In today's politicalclimate their ethnic status "restricts their capacity to assert or defend their interests in the land and other resources upon which they depend for their livelihood,"and they are politicallyand militarilyvulnerable.

The recently settled herding groups are also vulnerable, although the govemment administration tends to favor them in court cases, because they are a minority and their traditional legal claims to natural resources have not had time to be established clearly. Non-resident extractors of local resources, Cotontchad, the parastatal cotton purchasing and ginning company, and the "moso" or demi- and wholesale food merchants who pass throug!hthe area, have long played a critical but ambivalent role in the local economy and are now the object of considerable govemment and donor interest and reform.

14SeeWorld Bank, 1991, Environmental Assessment Source book: Policies, Procedures, and Cross-Sectoral Issues, Vol. 1. p. 114,World BankTechnical Paper #139, Environment Department.

"The Bank will not assistdevelopment projects that knowinglyinvolve encroachment on landsbeing used or occupiedby vulnerable indigenous,tribal, low-casteor ethnicminority people, unless adequate safeguards are providedto at leastmitigate the negativeor adverse ieffects of such projectson thesepeople, their culturesand their environments...Keyconcems in EnvironmentalAssessment relateto the preferencesof indigenous,tribal, low-caste or ethnicminority people and their responsesto developmentopportunities."

o:1..1appbfhd.dr7 Page29 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 3.0 ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

3.1 TRADITIONALSOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The pastoralists who have entered the area over the last 20 years have not yet been studied in this region. The general ethnographyof the Sara, who predominatein the proposed project area is fairly well understood, the Mboum, who represent about 4 percent of the affected population, less so. While there are many minor cultural variations even within one Sara tribe, the Sara in the proposedproject area exploit similar resources in similar ways. How they relate to their environmentis likewisesimilar; land classification,social institutions,and religious terms may be different in different languages,but they all refer to the same concepts. Differences in control over resources and institutionsdealing with these resources are minor. The Ngambay seem to place a bit more emphasison the patrilinealline (in kinship terminology, inheritance, and social relations) than the Sara, Mbay, Kabba and Lakka; Ngambay appear more insistent on demonstrating actual genealogicalconnections than the others, for whom acting like a paternal relative is tantamount to being one. This means that getting access to lineage resources is more difficult among the Ngambay than other Sara, as they are less open to sharing with more distant or non-paternalkin.

3.1.1 Social Organization

Most Sara live a traditional, rural, egalitarian,tribal life. There is little intra-ethnic variation as they maintain a common standard of living through the extended family and indirect social controls such as political factions and peer pressure. Sara believe that many deaths and illnesses result from others' determinationto bring down those who become too wealthy or greedy. At one time there were a few retired soldiers in the villages who collected hefty pensionsfrom the French govemment,which raised their standard of living and permitted them to become progressivefarmers (hence this area as a whole is more developed than much of Chad), but most are now dead. Their superior economic position was tolerated because the pensionerswere "consumed" by the rest of the village. The concept of "consuming (oon)", i.e., others profiting from an individual'swealth, is a fundamentalSara concept. People tolerate, in fact enjoy, others' prosperity as long as they share in it. Generositywith food, treating others to drinks, giving or lending money to someone in need, raising the standard of living in the village, all this allows the whole villageto profit from, to "consume"the lucky individual.

Villages consider themselves fortunate to have someone who is a good farmer, a war pensioner, a civil servant, a salaried worker with resources that can be used by the whole village. If he refuses to share, however,he will find himself socially isolated, believed to be a sorcerer or witch, and liable to jealous supernaturalattacks (when someone in his family dies

08837-787-072 Page 30 o:1.. appbchd.dr7 Chad Ex,portProject Human Environment people look knowingly;if he won't share his goods willinglyhe is forced to expend them at the funeral).

One distinctionwhich may prevail in a village is religious;believers in Protestantismin a village tend to separate themselvesfrom the otherswho drink and dance and often act as a separate politicalfaction.

1. The Primary Local Unit-The Village:The village is the largesttraditional social unit. With approximately90 percentof its male populationborn in the village and 40 percent of marriages made within the village, it is a very stable unit. The villageis composedof a number of named clans, each grouped fairly separatelywithin the village and farming a contiguous area in the bush uinder the control of an agriculturalrepresentative ('chef de carre'). Clans do not "own" the land they inhabit, but, place and peopleare intimatelylinked in people'sminds.

Even though it is the largestcooperative unit in Sara society,the averagevillage is small. The averagevillage contained 375 inhabitantsat the time of the 1964 census but had swelled to 520 (range20-2,000) by 1992. Householdsalso are small, averaging4.5 people, of whom 2.4 were actively productive members in 1964. In 1992 householdswere up to 6 members, of whom 3 were productive.

The villageas a geographicaland social entity is not alwaysthe same as the administrativeunit. In administrativeterms a villageis made up of all the peoplewho pay taxes to the same chief. But families sometimesmove out and settle in different spots, often in search of better land or because of politicalfactionalism or witchcraft/sorcery. If enough peoplejoin them, they form a "baby village" (ngon be) under a "chef de carre" named by the village chief, who receivesthe taxes collected by the chef de carre.

A baby village is a geographically separate unit with its own facilities (wells, churches, spontaneous schools, if it has them), and a separate social and political life. The loyaltiesof people in a baby village are to one another rather than to the parent village; in other words the geographical unit acts like a village, whereas the administrativeunit exists more or less on paper, dependingon the personalqualities of the chief.

ONDR gave the number of villages in its Bebedjiasub-sector as 81 villages in an area of 907 kMi2, probablyreferring to administrativeunits, which means there are more than 81 local units scatteredthroughout the proposedproject area. Each of the 81 villages would have an average of 11 km2 of land, which gives a general idea of a village'sland resources. This does not take into accountthe size of villages or the fact that an administrativevillage may be sharing its land

o:I lappbchd.dr7 Page 31 08837-787.012 Human Environment Chad Export Project with one or more ngon be."5 In terms of social interaction and access to environmental resources the geographicvillage is the critical unit.

The number of geographicalvillages changes constantlyas new groups move out to take up residence nearer their fields and other families move back to the parent village because they get lonely in their tiny ngon be. In 1994 a GOC letter (ref. no. 1431MMEP/DGIDPENR/94) chargedlocal officials not to authorize new villages in the proposedproject area. This direction has been followed and no new administrative villages have been permitted. But several legitimate (according to traditional law) geographical villages have sprung up within the last year. Any resettlementwould have to deal with the physical and social reality of villages, not administrativelydefined villages.

2. The Primary Social Unit-The Household:The primary social unit is the household, the people who live together in a residential unit ("concession"in French) consisting of houses, hangars,and perhapskitchens, and who interact on a day-to-day basis. A separate household usuallyexercises a great deal of economic, productiveand consumer independence. However, the householdmay be smaller than the family productiveeconomic unit; a man's wives may not all live with him but may havetheir own households. The householdand production unit usually are different from the units that share the household's products. The latter usually consists of a) a man and the brothers and neighborswith whom he gets along, plus their young sons, and b) a woman and her children and sisters, co-wives and neighbors with whom she gets along.

Indeed the size of the consumption unit is a good indicator of the degree of harmony and cooperationin a village. Large numbers of people share if they get along harmoniously. Those who have disagreementsdo not eat togetherfor fear of sorcery.

The small average household size (six people) reflects women's independence; a male householdhead rarely has more than three adults working with him. If his householdincreases beyond that, his wives tend to break away and become heads of their own household units, more or less economicallyindependent.

15 The 81 villages contain 5,370 "exploitations" or productive units,with 25,000 people. This means each household has an average of 17 ha and each person 3.6 ha. Earlier, in 1986, ONDR reported:

Place # exploitations total ha/ exploitation in # ha in cotton # ha in other # workers/l production crops exploitation Kome 1,592 2.4 0.0 2.4 2.1 Bebedjia 4,360 4.2 0.2 3.8 2.1 Zone Soudanien - 3.4 0.4 3.0 -

At 17 ha/ household this would mean that Kome has 14.6 ha/ exploitation in fallow/bush, Bebedjia 12.8 ha, and ZS; 13.6 ha.

08837-787-012 Page 32 oA. appbihd.dr7 Chad Eaporr Project Human Environment 3. The Primary Kinship Unit-Siblings: While the Sara proclaimthat they are patrilineal,that is to say that kinship is reckonedmainly through the male line,the strongest kin tie is between brothers and sisters of the same father (even stronger if they also have the same mother). Parents and children are separated ritually at adolescence/initiationand should show one another respect and social distance.'6 Thus lineal kinship is downplayed,but brother and sisterhood are emphasized. People who behave to one another as "siblings", i.e., cousins, eventuallyconsider that they are somehowpatrilineally related. Any professionof "brotherhood" (ngokonan) is a strong statement of mutual support, cooperationand sharing, and people, villages, clans, tribes or groups who claim they are "brothers"can be expected to some extent to cooperate and share resourcesand benefits.

4. Secondary Groups: In most villages of any size various inhabitants group together in associations("groupements") for differentactivities. The idea of a groupementwas introduced by missionaries,the government,and NGOs who wished to organizethe populace for social and economic change. Working in groupements has not come easy, and very few have registeredmuch success.

Largervillages have an AV (AssociationVillageoise), an agriculturalgroup consistingof farmers who want access to cottonseed,inputs and agriculturalcredit. Membershipin an AV is a pre- condition but not a guarantee of these accesses. The AV can receive money back from Cotoritchad for running its own cotton market. Converselymembers who farmed cotton are liable for debts incurred by other members.

The aim of most groups other than the AV is to hire themselvesout as work groups or work together on activities to finance mutually agreed actions. Catholics and Protestants often organiizethemselves into chorales,or women's auxiliaries(Dene Noudji), or religiouslyaffiliated youth groups (JAC, JACT, Scouts, Eclaireurs, Flambeaux, Sunday school), and contribute money or hire themselves out as work groups to earn money for the church. NGOs and missionaries have promoted groups as a way to finance communityactivities, improve living standards, and promote social unity. Hence some villages will have one or another organizationsdealing with villagepharmacies (CoopSante), or a water pump (Comite Eau), or communitygrain storage against famine and price gouging(Grenier villageois),etc.

16 Despitethis social separation the linkbetween mother and son remainsincredibly strong and sonsoften will goto live neartheir mothers in anothervillage. Ties to peoplein one'smothers village are almost as strongas to the patemalvillage. Among the Nar 25 percentof marriagesare with women from the mother'svillage, and 86percent of men not livingin their fathers village were livingin their mothersvillage. Thus while the villageis the mostsolid social unit it is cross-cutby multitudinousstrong ties of individualvillagers with different matemal villages, which creates a greaterregional unity. The resettlementplan evaluates matemal as well as patemalties to othervillages. o:L.1appbchd.dr7 Page 33 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 3.1.2 Social Variation and Social Cohesiveness

1. Differential Access to Resources: At present, access to resources is equitable and it is unlikely that unequal access would become a source of conflict or inequity if oil development occurs. Unless, of course, those "brothers" charged with employmentfavor their relatives and home villages. Given the value local people attach to employment as a benefit of oil development, and based upon past behavior, it is likely that favoritism would enter into the distributionof benefits.

In some societies certain occupational groups are in a particularlyfavorable or unfavorable positionto take advantageof oil development. Among the Sara, however,occupational groups are unimportant. Most people are farmers, and those with specialties are first and foremost farmers who supplementtheir income with particular crafts or knowledge. Gender does not restrict access to environmentalresources, though it limits the kind of knowledge each sex acquires and women's rights to contributedirectly to decisionmaking. 17

Socioeconomicstratification is limited by leveling mechanismsinherent in the social structure, as discussed above. However some economic differentiation appears to be developing, brought about by the use of animal traction and improved farming techniques in a situation in which access to these resources is restricted by the govemment.

In the 1970s, when the use of animal traction for plowing became widespread, people rushed to increase the size of their fields. This was especiallytrue when the price of cotton/kg shot from 49/kg CFA in 1982 to 100 CFA in 1985. Everyone profitedbecause animal traction, while expensive, was subsidized and everyone could grow cotton, including women. Even if one didn't own oxen and a plow one could hire a neighbor to plow his field. These were the boom years,when peoplecould affordclothes, tea, sugar, even lamps and petrol, and people became accustomed to a higher standard of living.

But the events of 1979 to 1985 and the insecurity which continues into the present have reduced the number of plows and cattle, so that today plows are few and far between in many villages. First, agricultural equipment is no longer subsidized, and agricultural credit to buy equipment is available only to those who grow cotton. Second, in its attempts to get cotton pricesand productionunder budgetarycontrol, the governmenthas limited the amount of cotton grown each year, so that only a few farmers/villagesare eligible for credit. Third, growing and selling cotton is now regulated through AV's, which oblige all farmers to repay the credit advanced to any one member ("caution solidaire"). For self-protectionand to avoid being hit by mutualguarantees, farmers in the AV only allow the best farmers, who make the most profit,

17 SeeBrown, E. P., 1991, "Sexand Starvation: Famine and Three Chadian Societies", in Downs,Kemer and Reyna, eds.The PoliticalEconomy of AfricanFamine, Gordon and Breach.

08837-787-012 Page 34 o:.. lappchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment growcotton. Those who make the most moneyare those who own animal traction so that they can plow large areas early and sow on time; everyoneelse must wait to hire plows.

Ownersgladly plow others'fields for cash once their own fields are done'8. Secondarily,owners with small households who rent give preference to groups or families who are willing to exchange labor for plowing. Finally,those who promise to pay at the harvest also are able to rent. The number of peoplewho get their fields plowed dependson the number of plows and how much rain there is to soften the earth for plowing.

2. Local Political Institutionsand DifferentialAccess to Power: Within the village there are two kinds of political power, the traditional chief ("ngar" or "mbay") and hard-working, generous,well-respected, wealthy farmers ("brakos"). If the traditionalchief is also a "brakos", the village tends to be unified; if not, some "brakos" seeking political power may use their earned wealth to win over partisans. More than one person may make legitimate claims to power and try to overthrow rivals, as in Bero. In dividedvillages it is difficult for either leader to represent all the populationand for the communityto reach complete consensus.

Among the Sara, respect ("bol") for political power, people in authority, and superiors is the equivalent of fear ("bol"). The history of the region makes respect of superiors in the form of fear an understandable reaction. Sara hesitate to tell the truth to outsiders and superiors. Instead, telling lies is a way for an inferior to keep control of a situation by controlling the flow of information.

Sara also show respect/fearby behavingin ways which happento be antitheticalto Western notions of respect and openness. A well-behavedSara will show respect by turning away and stayingat a distance and not ever lookinga superior in the eye. Someone havingbusiness with a superior prefers not to address him directly, but often sends a letter stating his business or gets a friend to accompany him and state his business for him. Hence getting a letter is more serious than a personal visit. Additionally,an angry person does not confront his adversary directlybut often postponestaking action untilthe situation becomes explosive. Developingan egalitarian and on-going exchange relationshipcan, however, create the trust necessary to avoid lies.

Village and canton chiefs are not indigenousoffices but were introduced by the colonists. Before the French and Germans arrived there was only a few people with control over small

lain mostvillages where access to plowswas discussed villagers explicitly stated that if a manand a womanboth had cashthe womanwould be helpedbefore the man,and that in generalwomen were favoredover men. Owners reason that women whocuttivate do so becausethey must support themselves (whether widows or separatedor independenthouseholds) and, becausethey cannot cultivate cotton, have less access to cashto hireoutside labor in the placeof plowing,therefore putting women aheadof men is sociallyresponsible. o:..Uappbchd.dr7 Page 35 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project religious domains, the spirit of this, the sacrifice of that; even the male initiationdepended on the cooperation of a multitude of specialistswith very little control over one another.

A number of traditional religious office holders have jurisdiction over various environmental resources.While they may overseegreater or smaller geographicalareas, there is no hierarchy of power, and no one predominates over another. Each controls only his own sphere of influence/resources, and each must be addressed individuallywhen these resources are in question. The village and canton chiefs may have overall political command of the holders of these rights, but they do not by any means have effective control over these rights. Hence the Chef de Canton of Kome gave the Operator the right to build facilities on his canton's land, but he asked the do nang who controlledthe land to agree and to make the appropriate sacrifices so that the proprietor and her spirits would be appeasedand not provoke industrial accidents.

The village and canton chiefs' powers, originally conferred by the colonial govemment, have become more legitimate with time. Local level government is today quite democratic. Traditionalchiefs are elected by universalsuffrage, though descendantsof previous chiefs are usually front-runners. Nevertheless,other than in tax collection,where no one reacts,if a chief uses force, a traditional chief can only lead, not guarantee that people will follow. His power lies in his wisdom, his wealth, and his ability to build support among his subjects and the fact that he is in a position to articulate the wishes of his populace. Agreement, support and concerted action are arrived at through developing a community consensus, not through command. Consensusis the result of a lengthy process of grassroots discussionand eventual acceptance by the majority of the population. If they do not support his course of action, they will not follow. Actions forced on part of the population often provoke them to political factionalism,uncooperativeness, or sabotage. If a chiefs policiescome to differ radicallyfrom the voters', rivals will challengehis right to office.

The processby which decisions are made and action taken demandstime, a full understanding on the part of the people, and time for questions, clarificationand reflection. The Sara system is adaptednaturally to participationand consultation. Although men engage in conferences and grassroots discussion and women do not participate in the more specific, day-to-day political decisions, women usually manage to express their views indirectly. Consequently,it would be unusual for an action to be taken if women did not support it. Moreover,with the increasing dependence of the householdon women's eamings in today's difficult economy,women have become more and more articulate and are beginning to participate directly in the political process.

3. Social Cohesion: The social unity of the village arises from kinship, respect for age, and the distinction between men and women. Beyond the village and even among kin, cohesion is relative, based on segmentary opposition. People or groups more closely related will unite

08837-787-012 Page36 o:a.lappbchd.dr7 Chad EirportProject Human Environment together against outsiders, even when those outsiders are also, but more distantly, related. Thus brothers would unite against cousins, cousins against another clan, clans of a village against another village, and so forth. Ties are tight among patrilineal kin, especially among brothers and sisters of the same father and mother, slightly less so among paternal brothers, then among all brothersand sisters, i.e., cousins on both the paternal and maternalsides. Kin alwayswill unitein moral,physical, and politicalsupport against outsidersand closer kin against more distant relatives.

The necessityof maintaininga commonfront among kin, especiallypatrikin, while at the same time pressured by the egalitarian nature of the society to share and share alike leads to considerablefriction among siblings and cousins. It is preciselythose most tightly tied through kinshipwho must presentthe most unifiedfront, who are most likely to split into politicalfactions or believe a sibling has provoked an illness or death, thus indirectly expressing their antagonismsand distrust.

The second strongest moral tie, besides kinship, is respect for age. Unfortunately,this moral authoritydoes not carry over into economic,political, or judicial spheres,and there are no social instituitionsthrough which elders can exercise control over their juniors. They can only give good counsel and hope it is followed.

Another powerful force within and among communitiesis the male initiation; male initiation creates an enormous religious divide between adult male initiates and uninitiatedwomen and children. This divide creates unity because men and women depend on the opposite sex to performtasks which their differentritual statuses prohibit."9 Sara men considerwomen socially disrulptive and lacking in common sense because they have not been educated through initiation.

Despite their inferior ritual status, women economicallyand jurally act very much like men. In agriculture, young married women work under their husbands' supervision, but many older women become independentfarmers, income earners, and householdheads.20 Women have equal access to land in the village where they live and can "own" and control their own fields and property in their natal village on the same terms as men. Women can sue and be sued in village courts.

19 SeeBrown, E. P, 1991.

20Togive a representativeidea, in Moyen-Chari: 50%of aduKtwomen had food fieldswhich belonged to them 10%of adultwomen had cash crops which belonged to them 89%of marriedadult women also farmed with their husbands 79%of womeneamed income from marketactiies 30%of householdshave female heads 80%of adultwomen clear land (a 'male" activity) 50%of adultwomen clear fields (a 'male"activity)

o. L. appbctidr7 Page 37 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 4. Regional Organization: The nationalgovernment operates through civil servants at the prefectureand subprefecturelevels. The subprefecturelevel is the lowest purely administrative level in the Chadian national system; below it are administrative cantons under traditional canton chiefs. Outsiders coming into the area first encounter officials at the prefecture and subprefecturelevels. Howevernegotiations held at the cantonaland village levels will represent better local interests and needs.

At the canton and village level the central government no longer appoints civil servants/politiciansas local representativesbut ratifies the person chosen by universalsuffrage of the local populace.Thus the political and social agendas of the subprefect are most likely very differentfrom those of his inferiors,the Canton Chiefs and local village chiefs. The former reflect national policies, whereas the latter reflect the views of the people in the proposed project area.

5. InterGroupRelations: The relationshipbetween herders and sedentary farmers is, on the whole, not good. While they do not compete to use the same land (herders graze areas inundated during the growing season), they are unable to avoid one another. The farmers complain of straying animals, refusalto compensatecrop damage, theft of plow animals, and violent run-inswith herders who, despite being in the wrong, are thought to be supported by the ethnicallysimilar central governmentauthorities. Herders objectto farmers obstructing access to grass and water and injuring stray animals.

The relationship between the local sedentary populace and representativesof the national government assigned to the region is not good. High level administratorsand military forces assigned to this region are drawn from ethnic groups which dominate or are allied with the centralgovemment. The centralgovernment views the local populationof this agriculturallyand industrially productive region as fractious and in need of close control. Over the last decade there have been numerous encounters between the sedentary population and government forces.

3.1.3 Cultural and Archaeological Resources

No archaeologicalresearch has been done in the proposedproject area. Of historical interest is the road, known as "la piste Allemande", which leads through Bero to Kome and south, a road originally traced by the Germans and used for military patrols along the German/French border. This road is a regional landmark.

Possible ruins may exist, but they are unlikelyto be of interest to the local people, who appear to have a short historicalmemory. All history is viewed as having occurred recently,just "before the Nassara (white people) came", and after. Abandoned village sites ("ndouba") are

08837-787-012 Page 38 o.. lappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment remernbered sentimentally as long as there is some visible trace or someone alive who sacrificesto ancestors or spirits there, then forgotten. Unmarkedgraves will be located in and around abandonedvillage sites; rare are the villages that have clearly defined cemeteries. Hence identifying burial grounds in advance will be difficult. Disturbing the dead is not dangerous as long as they are handledwith respect and they are disturbedfor the communal good. The notion of the communalgood also affects sacred sites.

Somesacred sites are fixed physical objects such as a mountain(near Ngara) or a spot along a stream (near Venarbe), but are most often trees, now dead tree stumps, in which a spirit is imminent. Other sites are sacred because sacred objects have been buried there for the initiation,etc. These sacred objects can be disinterredand moved. Mythsabout village origins often mention the founder settling under a tree or by a stream which eventuallydemonstrates its mystical powers or arriving at the newvillage site with his "mia bo" or other sacred objects which confer on him his particular importance.

Heads of various clans and individualswithin a village also may have inheritedsacred objects. Depending on their potency,the objects may be of importanceonly to the individual,the clan, the village or a wider area. The individualowner however,mediates all relationsbetween the object and members of society. Since sacred objects are related to the well-beingof the indiviclual,clan, entire village, group of co-initiates,etc., there is nothing antitheticalin the notion of diggingup a "mia bo" or other movableobject to makeway for a road, oil well, or other entity which also contributesto the communalwelfare.

Tinkering with the supernaturalcarries inherentrisks; more deaths may occur as a result, but they can be minimized if the proper care and respectare used and the communalgood makes it worth the risk. Immovableobjects should be skirted, but there is nothingdisrespecfful once an airea has been surveyed and marked out by local people indicating with something noticeable, perhaps with yellow police line tape, where these objects are located so that contractors can displace construction slightly to avoid the specific spot or the owner of the sacred object can move it.

Between villages and even within villages there is wide variation in how seriously peopletake these traditional religious beliefs. For some Christian villagesthese traditionalbeliefs are no longer relevant;they know about them but do not practicethem.

o:l.laappbchd.dr7 Page 3.9 08837-787-012 Human Environment ChadExport Project 4.0 BASELINEENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT DATA

4.1 LOCAL ECONOMY

The local economy benefits from long access to education in this region. Due to missionary presence the educational level in this region is one of the highest in the country. Many rural people, however, neither speak nor understandthe national language, French, which makes it difficult for them to address Operator personnel. It is true that more people understand French than can speak it,21 however.

The Logonesand Moyen-Charihave a long history of providingsoldiers and forced labor under the colonial regime because of their strength, resistance, ability and reputation as excellent workers. Because the local agricultural economy is declining, people will be looking for alternative employment. The local populationviews employmentas the major potential benefit of the proposed project.

During consultation for developmentof the EA any number of male informants indicated their willingness to travel considerabledistances and to leave their families in order to get a job on the project. Women were interested in working or selling to the Operator only if they did not haveto venturetoo far from home. On this basis the EA team has tried to calculate the number of working age men in the area potentiallyinterested in jobs. According to the national 1993 census38 percentof the populationis working age. Given the total male populationof Cantons Bero, Kome, Miandoum, Mbikou and Bebedjia,38 percent would equal about 13,500 men in the oil-field area and 27,000 in the project area. However interviewsand experience indicate that those most interested in jobs, or who have already sought jobs, tend to be between the ages of 17 and 40, people who consider that they are sturdy or hearty (ngang). A closer approximation of the number of potential workers can be derived from census figures on the actual number of young men in the area. Age group figures were availableto the EA team for the Sub-Prefecturesof Baibokoum(road and pipeline), Bebedjia (oil field areas, plus some road and pipeline), and Doba-Rural (possibleeconomic fall-out and labor pool); in these areas 34 percent of the populationwere betweenthe ages of 15-39,the closest possible approximation to hearty men. Thirty-four percent is less than the national average for working age people. If 34 percent of the male population in this area is working-agethen about 11,500 men might seek work from all Bebedjia Sub-Prefecture,and 27,000 from Bebedjia and Baibokoum Sub- Prefectures together. Thirty-four percent of the entire male population of the project area,

21 In the EA sample: Comparablefigures for the Moyen-Chariare: 55%of rural adultsunderstand the nationallanguage, French 37%of rural adultsspeak French

08837-787-012 Page 40 o:.L.1appbchddr7 ChadEa.ort Project HumanEnvironment excluding Moundou town for which no figures were available, comes to 23,500 working age men who might seek work.

Total T Total Age S-P Baibokum S-P Bebedjia Rural Baibokum Bebedjia and and Bebedj a Doba-Rural 15-1El 4 701 3 803 5 747 8 504 14 251 20-24 3 011 2 420 3 806 5 431 9 237 25-29 3 174 2 151 3 364 5 325 8 589 30-34 2 519 1 578 2 522 4 097 6 619 35-39 2 238 1 470 2 151 3 708 5 859 total 15 643 11 422 17 590 27 065 44 655 working age total# 47769 32928 52613 80697 133 310 males % males 33% 35% 34% 34% 34% working age

4.1.1 The Sara Farming System

The proposed oil facilities and pipeline would be located in rural areas, so their major impact would be on the farmers and farmland/bush in the area. The farming system already is facing growinig problems which would be exacerbated by the proposed project, especially if resettlement is necessary. These problems also govern what mitigation may be necessary and what would be fair compensation.

Agriculture is still slash-and-burn and labor; it is not capital intensive. A major shift governing why people farm has occurred over the last 15 years. Previously, food was the most valuable resource people had; presents of food, the meaning of food gifts, the symbolism of raw and cooked food were the cement that held Sara society together. The economy was not monetized. Money had value only because it could pay taxes and be converted into food which could create stable family relations, political power, and friendship. When the price Cotontchad paid ifor cotton skyrocketed between 1980 and 1985, large amounts of money entered the econo,my. At the same time, climatically induced famine and warfare forced people to buy food in markets. Many small village markets developed and people, especially women, created ways to earn petty cash.

The economy today is monetized and food and money have exchanged places. While food still retains its religious and social symbolism, producing food is now important mainly because it is much cheaper to grow it than to buy it in the market; it also can be converted into cash. Whereas, before they could have done without money but would not have known how to

o:LAappbchd.dr7 Page 41 o0837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Projct manage their social relations without food; today people would not know what to do without money because it can be converted into food and other socially valued items. Nevertheless, farmers are still more subsistencethan market oriented.

1.Traditional Farming System: Traditionalfarming is a system of creeping slash-and-burn. A farmer clearing a field22in the forest ("kag") chops down bushes and small trees, piles the brush around the large trees and eventually burns it. The ringed trees drop their leaves, admitting sunlight and compostingthe soil. Clearing a field in the bush is a long and laborious process; farmers must start in September to have a field ready for planting by the next rainy season. In the first year the vegetablematter has not decomposedthoroughly, and the soil is not yet fertile so farmers in the pre-colonialperiod planted sesame,which is not too demanding of nutrients. The farmer rotates crops in this field as long as its fertility lasts, then he leaves it in fallow.

In the meantime,as the field's fertility is dropping,each year the farmer is clearing a small area at the edge of his fieldsto put into cultivation. Thus an individual'sfields creep through the bush like a caterpillar,one end advancinginto the bush with crops at the head of the cycle, the other end with undemandingcrops followed by fallow. The length of the fallow depends on how quickly the soil recovers; it is easier to clear a fallow field than bush, but the additional effort is worth it if the fallow soil is too poor.

A newly cleared bush field usually is cultivated four to five years, maybe even six to seven. After a short fallow of three years, it again can be cultivated for two to three years. It should then be left in fallow for at least 10 years. Ideally,it should be left in fallow for about 15 years, the time it takes trees to reach the height of a man. 3 Fallow left for 30 or so years will have grown trees big enoughfor it to be once again considered forest (kag).

When a village is first founded, its fields creep out around the village. For convenience sake these are the fields most often used, hence the least fertile. To replace the area around the village ("ndouba") farmers find promising spots in the bush which belongto the village where they start another series of fields. An aerial view of the traditionalsystem would show a village surrounded by a large area of bush; dotted here and there are cleared areas, like stains, spreading out from the initial clearing with the biggest stain around the village itself. The older and larger the village the larger the stains and the smaller the bush area.

2 The wholefamity, men, women, and children, (usually 10 years or older)help farm, but clearinggenerally is doneby adultmen.

23 The Sarawere knownin the colonialperiod not onlyas 'the Ubanguis"but also as 'the giantsof the Chari"because of their largestature.

08037-787-012 Page 42 o:L.vappbchddr7 Chad Export Project HiumanEnuronment When it becomes necessary to farm land so distant from the village that it is difficult, some farmers may hive off and set up a baby village, either on village land or far away in some unclaimedarea. Increasingly,however, this option is not available.

Because farmers start new fields in different fertile parts of the bush, families have fields in several different areas. If many fields in one area are lost, it may not deprive owners of those fields of all their lands, since they may have other fields elsewhere.The number of fields and whether they are sufficient or not to sustain the family, with some intensification,would be established to know whether mitigationby intensificationis adequateor whether resettlement wouldlbe necessary.

The traditional farming system integrates not only fields and fallow but also the bush as an active part of its productive system. Dependenceon wild foodstuffs and, when rainfall is adequate,fishing, make wild areas as critical a part of the farming systemas cultivatedland. 24 Hence the loss of bush has dire consequencesboth on the length of time a field can be left fallow and on the nutritional level of the population, as well as availability of construction materials,etc.

The bush also furnishes wild foods and materialswhich people take to market for sale. Free bush products often furnish the capital needed to move into other areas of commerce. Wild items are critically important in areas where the soil has become less fertile since people sell them for supplementaryincome to buy food.

2. Changes in Crop Rotation: Sorghum is the most importantcrop, used for beer and food, follovwedby pennisetumfor food. In 1928 to 1929 the French introduced cotton (planted in associationwith manioc,which was to replacethe food crops farmers would no longer have the tme to plant). It became the lead crop, replacingsesame which, for the most part, dropped out of the system except for a few people who planted it late in the rotationwhen fertility was low. It was no longer possibleto let cotton leaves decompose;instead everythingwas burned and the ashes fertilized the soil.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s the govemment attemptedto limit the total amount of cotton produced. Manyfarmers no longercan acquire seed or fertilizer to grow cotton. Since so many

24 To give an idea of the economic importance of "wild" areas, the following trees provide a major part of the foods consumed almost daily: Parkia biglobosa -flour and spice, religious significance, containers Tamarindus indica -drinks and spice Shea -oil, fruit, tools Grewia mollis -sauce, religious significance Borassys flabellifer -food, containers

People who come to the Kome base in search of work subsist almost entirely on wild fruits and bush products, in part because the local market does not provide much prepared food, but mainly because they cannot afford to buy their meals.

o:l. app.bhd.dr7 Page 43 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project of them are now working fallow land rather than bush they have not reverted to the old cycle starting with sesame. Instead they start with sorghum for the first year or two, followed by pennisetum millet or peanuts,then perhaps sesame or an undemandingsorghum or manioc.

Rather than planting manioc around cotton, an entire field is turned over to manioc just before it is let go fallow. Thus it can grow for more than one season. Manioc also is grown increasingly because it is stored in the ground, not in granaries. Granaries are vulnerable to theft by herders if they are near the fields and military in the village. On the other hand, manioc fieldsare a tempting target for transhumant pastoralistsand for strayingcattle. In the southern part of the proposedproject area Mboumfarm more maniocfor home consumptionand for sale in CAR and Cameroon than Sara farmers do. By Chadian standards the Mboum are heavy consumersof manioc;by Cameroonianstandards Mboumeat more millet and maize than most Cameroonians.

3. Soil Fertility: Farmers plant beans (black-eyedpeas) in conjunctionwith other crops or in the second or third year of rotation, and peanuts are planted in the third. Peanuts are good moneymakersas well as food and providefodder for animals. Otherwisethe traditional system uses no legumesthat can increasefertility. Crop rotationis not a way to decrease or slow down soil depletion but simply a way to get the maximum yield out of a decreasingly fertile field. Ashes from weeds cleared at the beginningof the farm season are the only soil enrichment used on food crops.

Farmers haveno traditionof making compost or manure,although ONDR and NGOs have tried to introduce them. They have, however,run into three obstacles. First, as long as there was land to slash-and-bumfarmers had little interest in investinglabor or money in fertilizing the soil; this is changing as land becomes scarce. However,the other two obstacles remain: too few animalsto produce much manure and no means to transport the manure/compostto the fields. If farmers use fertilizer on their cotton (13,000 CFA or US $28.25/half ha), the grain crop the following year reaps some benefitfrom residual fertility.

ONDR introduceda grain fertilizerseveral years ago and has just reduced the price from 12,500 to 8,500 CFA (US $27 to $18.50) to make it more affordable, but most farmers do not even know it exists25.All these fertilizers are subsidized by ONDR. Even with the subsidy, fertilizer is so expensive that it eats up a good part of cotton profits. In any case, only those lucky few` who can grow sanctionedcotton get access to fertilizer.

25 Most farmers do not know that "mini-doses", packets of high yield seeds, have been available for a number of years. Although most mini-doses cost about 500 CFA (US $1.00) only 3 percent of households in the proposed project area bought them in 1994. This lack of knowledge should not be surprising given that each agricultural extension agent is responsible for more than 1,500 households. Moreover most have no means of transport to get to villages, and many are reluctant to venture out because of insecurity. This lack of contact between agents and farmers is a problem that mitigation must confront.

26 Locals consider those who cultivate cotton very fortunate because its sale is guaranteed, unlike food crops.

08837-787-012 Page 44 o:L appbchd.dr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment In 1994 to 1995, 25-50 percent of villages' cotton surface was unofficial and planted without fertilizer; only 27 percent of all farmers grew officially sanctionedcotton and had access to inputs, unless they found them on the black market. Now progressivefarmers recognizethe value of cottonseed cake, sold at 1250 CFA (US $2.90), but Cotontchadhas trouble delivering it becauseof bad roadsand poororganization. In 1994 to 1995 Cotontchadwas able to deliver enough cottonseedcake for only 575 householdsin the proposedproject area.

Farmers recognizethat fertility is relatedto ashes and chemicalfertilizer, how long a field has been cultivated, and how long it is left in fallow. However,they blame drops in crop yields, particularlydrops in cereal crops since they appear later in the cycle, on striga27. The apparition and qluantity of striga are their main measures of infertility,28 and as soon as it appears they abancionthe field if possible. Fallowinga field is the only way they knowto combat striga. The agricultural research station at Bebedjia, seeking ways to combat striga, has identified two cultivars of sorghum indigenousto the proposedproject area which appear to be resistant to striga.

4. Changes in Land Use: Farmers long resistedusing fertilizer on their cotton because of its cost. Eventually access to cottonseed was made conditional on purchasing fertilizer and insecticideand productivityper hectarejumped. Today farmers value fertilizer and insecticide, more highly than the seed, but it is used only on cotton, whose sale can repay its cost. Only cottonseed cake is cheap enoughfor farmers to use on other crops.

But fertilizer, as long as it is available, has shifted the locus of valuable land from the forest (kag) to the once despised,over-utilized area around the village(ndouba). Because it is close and convenient and can be brought back into productionby fertilizer, ndouba is dedicated to cotton, which is farmed in the same fields year after year. This part of the system is beginning to switch to intensive agriculture.For the rest, whether farmers are interestedin intensification appears to be linked directly to the pressure on land and drop in fertility. Thus farmers in Canton Miandoum bewailed their low yields and difficulty in finding fertilizer, and to the southeast in the Kome field, people claim the ground is "still fertile enough". Farmers around the Komefield are less ripe to switch to intensivefarming if the amount of land at their disposal suddenly declines.

5. Chianges in AgriculturalTechniques: The biggest change in farming was the introduction in the mid 1960s of animal traction. Animal traction was promoted as a way to increase productivity (sowing on time, allowing mechanical weeding). Farmers who could afford the

27 Striga:a genusof seedplants (family Scrophulanaceae) bearing lovely purple flowers, living as root parasiteson speciesof the grassfamily, such as com,sorghum and millet.

28 cf. Sanfo,1992., which finds the samebeliefs about striga at Betima,in CantonDonia (Logone Oriental) andat Tchanair,a villagenear Benoye (Tandjile). o:L. appb:hd.dr7 Page 4b 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project cattle and plow and the much more expensivecart so useful for transportationrushed to adopt animal traction. This enabled them to grow more food and earn extra cash by hiring out their teamsto others. Any individual,young or old, male or female, could hire a team to plow a field. More land for sowing could be preparedin the same time so that the bottleneck became labor for weeding.

Before animal traction the average productionunit farmed 1% to 2 ha, today those with access to animal traction tend to farm at least 2 ha. Farmerswho grow cotton also put more land into cultivation than food crop farmers whether or not they have plows. Today farmers depend on animaltraction and bemoanthe loss of plows and cattle because there are never enough plows to meet demand.

Changing agricultural techniqueshave had little impact on the division of labor. Theoretically men clear fields, women and children sow the husbands' fields, the whole family weeks and harvest, and women thresh and transport the produce. In families where women have small .children this ideal pattem is often followed. But once a woman's children no longer demand constant domestic care she often makes fields of her own, the yield of which is her own. The degree to which she continuesto help her husbandin his fields is related directly to how many other domesticservices they exchange. Many married women eventuallybecome economically independentand provide liftle householdhelp.

For a short period when animal tractionwas availableand cotton prices attractive such women beganto engagein cotton cultivation,but the shortage of agriculturalequipment and contention over the rightto grow cotton has driven them back to growinggrain (for alcohol)for cash. Well- to-do men now dominate cotton production. Nevertheless,women still rent plows for preparing their grain fields and receive some preferenceover men because their productionis viewed by the communityas critical to householdwellbeing.

6. Labor Demands and the Agricultural Calendar: Plowing has linked agricultural activity more tightly to the rains, since land must be soft to be turned over. The late rainfall of the last 20 years has added the entire month May to the period of low activity before field work begins. May previously was dedicated to intensive clearing of fields and sowing. Farmers spend an average of 274 days/year in their fields. The rest of the time men, especially, are underemployed.

AGRICULTURALCALENDAR

May June July Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar April

08837-787-012 Page 46 o:L. appbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment plant-weed-harvest

maintenance

ceremonies

leisure

Because March was the transitionalmonth betweenthe dry season and the first rains it was linked symbolicallywith death and renewalof life, fertility, etc. The weather has changed, but the symbolism and ceremonial dates have not. Even though work through March to May is light, few people migrate elsewherefor jobs, except along the proposedpipeline/road corridor near the Cameroonborder. Most heavyagricultural work is done from June to August2,which coincides with the period of "soudure", or the hungry season, when people have little to eat other than green peanutsand early sorghum,and tend to be weak and sick.

Noveimberthrough early Februarymen must gather wild grasses for roofs, before bush fires destroy it. The time is propitiousfor brick making also, for the weather is not too hot, and the wells and streamsare not yet low. Both men and women work hard to construct a house. One reascin for immediately installing a pump/well in any new village created because of the proposed oil project would be for drinkingwater and buildinghouses. This otherwise would be an overwhelmingburden.

People have been and would be happy with seasonaljobs from Novemberthrough May and June. They recognizethat because they are underemployedthey easily can accomplish the necessarydry season maintenanceactivities in a much shorter time so that employmentwould not interferewith the usual seasonalround of activities. Should they be so fortunate as to get a full-time, year-roundjobs they see no problem;they would simply use part of their pay to hire workers to prepareand farm their fields for them.

There is no lack of agriculturallabor, strange as it may seem in an area where lack of farm labor is a rnajor constraint. Individualsare in such need of moneyto meet their household needs, and "groupements"so eager to eam cash to carry out their projects,they will subtract time from their own, unremuneratedfarm activitiesto work for pay. Althoughthe official wage labor rate, SMIG, is about 650 CFA/daythe going daily agricultural labor rate is 150-200 CFA (less than 50 cents) for work from 7 a.m. to 1 p.m., which demonstratespeoples' need for cash. (At the same time the going rate for plowing Y2 ha is 4,000-7,000 CFA ($9-15) which shows how

29The climate of the project area and most of the proposed pipeline/road corridor is Sudanian: six months of dry season, six months of rain, in which 70 percent of rain falls in July through September. 93 percent from May through September, for a total of between 900-1200 mm. The southemmost part of the proposed corridor, Baibokoum and south, has a Guinean climate: 7 months of rainfall greater than 1,200 mm. o:L..Iap,bchd.dr7 Page 47 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project desperate some villages are for plows; the price per hectarerises as the number of plows and oxen available in a village decreases.)

7. The Economics of Agriculture: For years the government pushed farmers to grow cotton. When cotton prices began to rise starting in 1973, farmers finally collaborated.,' Profits and animal traction got farmers hooked on cotton. Between 1979 and 1985 rebels threatened farmerswho grew cotton,and fighting betweenvarious forces destroyed much farm equipment. In 1986 to 1987, even though farmers were eager to grow cotton for cash and for credits to replace their materiel, prices on the world cotton market fell. The government took drastic measures to cut back cotton production but were unable to achieve their goal. Surface area continuedto rise, from about 140,000ha in 1984-1985to around 200,000 ha in 1988-19893'.

In 1994-1995 110 percent more land was planted in cotton than the governmenthad planned. Farmers are desperate to grow cotton; they are now members of a cash economy and dependent on plows and oxen to grow all their crops, not just cotton. They need far more money to maintain a standard of living that has risen above the 1960s when food, not money, was socially valued. In the 1960s money was only for payingtaxes; windfall cash was referred to as money "to drink tea", a definite luxury. Today everyone drinks tea and tips are "to buy soap", an unheard of luxury indulged in only by governmentofficials in the 1960s.

If they cannotgrow cotton, farmers are obliged to sell part of their food crop to pay taxes. Some are reduced to this minimal standard of living where their only monetary income is used to pay the head tax. Farmers prefer to grow peanuts for cash, which are a high value crop, but seeds

30In the 1930scoton wasforced on the productionsystem in orderto makethe colonypay for itsetfand to givethe populationmoney to pay.The monetaryvalue of cottondeclined over the years,forcing farmers to producemore and more in order to pay theirtaxes; the numberof kilos necessaryto paythe polltax was:

1930 5 kgs 1947 21 kgs 1970 30 kgs In thesecircumstances cotton was grown to paytaxes and to buy a few necessitiessuch as clothing,salt, tea and sugar,not to raise the standardof living.In the 1970sthe priceof cottonwas doubled and peoplebegan to grow more,mainty to buy agricultural equipment.In the 1980sthe price/kg of cottonwas raised to four timesits 1970price . Farmnersincreased their production.People nolonger engaged in subsistenceagriculture solely to eat andto pay taxesbut beganto acquireequipment and buyluxuries such as bikes,radios and medicine;they couldeven buyfood if theydid not raiseenough. The numberof kilos necessaryto paythe poll tax became: 1986 10kgs 1994 12kgs (pre-devaluation) 1996 8 kgs (ifcotton is 130CFA/kg as proposed)

31 Cottonseedcan be foundfairly easilyon the blackmarket in areasnear cotton gins. The easewith which some parts of the regioncan acquireseeds and farmers desperation to growcotton to ensurea cashincome has meantthat a greatdeal of cotton is growntraditionally, necessitating a largersurface area and giving a loweryield: 440 kglha intraditional versus 800 kg/hawith inputs.There is nowa growingblack market in fertilizerand insecticide since ONDR has madefarmers repay fertilizer credits even if the rains cametoo lateto use, ratherthan creditingit towardsthe followingyear. Those who cannotuse it sell it to thosewho can and usethe moneyto pay their credits.

08837-787-012 Page 48 o:L. appbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment are not only beyondthe reach of many but also difficult to find. Thus in 1992-1993there was only a slight increase in peanuts in the area.

Instead farmers must sell grain. Two times more land is neededto bring in the same amount of moneyfrom grain as from peanuts;hence the shift from cotton has led farmers to bring more land into production. This tendency is offset to some unknowndegree by lack of access to plowswhich is forcingsome farmers to reduce their surface area becausethey cannot cultivate as much with manual labor.

Efficient transportation, one of the major problems throughout Chad, also impairs farmers' chancesof eaming moneyfrom their food crops. A limited and very poor32 road networkmakes it difficult for farmers obliged to sell food crops to get their crops to market. Cotton farmers escape this difficulty because Cotontchadtrucks pick up and transport cotton from the village market to the gin. But other truck transport is rare and sparse; truck owners rarely agree to venturetheir expensivevehicles over bush tracks and if they do, they charge dearly. Transport by ox cart costs less but few own them because they are so expensive.

The return to food as a cash crop and the lack of plows is leading to economic differentiation created by the interaction of: i) agriculturalequipment or lack thereof; ii) number of laborers in the family; iii) cash to hire outside workers; and iv) cotton.

Beforiethe economy became monetarizedalcohol was the major medium by which agricultural produce was transformed into other goods or labor. Agricultural labor was recompensed by alcohol and grain,fish, chickens could be exchangedfor beer. Alcohol's role has not changed and its importance has grown. With limitations on cotton growing, the overall decline of the economy, prior to and subsequent to devaluation of the CFA in early 1994, and lack of opportunities for wage labor and other ways to earn money,the petty cash that women bring in has become the mainstay of most households.The easiest way for women to convert their food 'crops to cash is by makingvarious home brews,for which there are always buyers even when it is difficult to liquidate cereal or other products at local markets.

Preparing alcohol has become the primary source of most income: 79 percent of women in Moyen-Chari, where the economic conditions are the same as in Logone Oriental, earn householdmoney through producing alcohol.Alcohol is not the way to transform farm produce into money;48 percentsell raw or preparedfoodstuffs, but it is the most importantone and only 2 percent sold handicrafts. It also appears to membersof the EA team, who have had over 25 years' experience in the region, that alcohol has grown more pervasive in the region, perhaps

32Forexample, the roadsfrom the CARand Cameroon borders to Baibokoumand Moudou have not been maintained since1968 except for minorrepairs for Cotontchadtrucks. o:L..apptPchd.dr7 Page49 Oa837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project in part becausethere is an extra month of inactivity. This is in part because manioc, the basis for many beverages, is grown in far larger quantities nowadays.

8. Pressure on Land: Over the years individualfarming units have tended to increase their land under cultivation. The cultivated surface area increased when cotton was introduced; fields losttheir fertility more quickly and farmers were forced to cultivate extra fields for the chief ("cordes du chef") as well as their own. But in general farmers added only enough area to cultivate the cotton necessary to pay their taxes and what they were forced to by "boy coton".

Over the last 30 years, with improvedagricultural techniques,yield per hectare has gone up from 314 kgfha in 1970 to 627 kg/ha in 1992, and the area under cotton has dropped from 304,000 ha in 1960-1964 to 161,000 between 1985-1989 in the Zone Soudanienne. Plows haveallowed farmers to put more land in socially desirable cereals so this drop per farming unit was offset partially.

At the same time the population has been increasing. In 1968 subprefecture Bebedjia had grown to twice what it was in 1950 and to four times in 1993. Land under food crops has been increasing at the same rhythm as the population,going from 400,000 ha in 1960, when the population of the Zone was 1,300,000to 800,000 ha in 1989 when the population had grown to 2,500,000. As a consequence bush land has been decreasing.The length of time farmers can leave their land in fallow is also decreasing. CIRAD projects that northwest of Kome at Betima,a villagesimilar to those in the proposedproject area, there will be no bush and no time for fallowin 28 years. ONDR figures that Canton Bodo, southeastof Kome, will no longer have any free, unclaimed land in 10 years.

Recent studies on land management in southwestern Chad show clearly the future of agriculture in the proposed project area. Fallow time would be reduced to zero, soil fertility would drop, and secondary sources of income and bush exploitationwould become critical to household survival. But the quantity of bush and bush products would have been reduced by conversion into farmland and over use.

In moredensely populated areas of the west not only are people crowdedwithin the village, but the villages throughout the region are jammed together, so there is no place for a village to expand. Western villages have higher growth rates than villages in the proposedproject area and have been losing families emigrating for land and individuals seeking jobs. The land squeeze slows down the break up of households,hence families are larger in the west than in the proposed project area.

No land can be left in fallow because there is so little of it. The few plots in fallow have been abandoned because they are so poor they produce next to nothing except striga. After one to

08837-787-012 Page50 o0:1.. eppbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment two years of dormancy,the striga seeds are less vigorous and the field can be put back into use, even though its fertility is still very low.

Otherwise, farmers keep their fields in continuousproduction. All land is either in production or bairren,providing little pasture for animals. Most crop residuesare used for constructionor fuel, or soldfor cash, not for animalupkeep. For these reason families have fewer animals than in the proposed project area. With fewer animals they cannot readily sell them for cash. Moreover,people must work for secondarysources of income to buy the food, fuel, construction materials,etc. broughtin from other areas becausetheir own bush is gone-and their unfallowed fields' yields are low.

Though the study shows that western householdsfarm larger surfaces than in the proposed project area this is not only because the family is larger but becausemore unfertile area must be exploitedfor the same yield receivedelsewhere. In the proposedproject area, on the other hand, though farmers exploitthe convenientarea near the villagesmost heavily,they still have enoughland to put it into fallow with some frequency,while distant land is often left in fallow for many years or is still true bush.

THE WRITINGON THE WALL Pressureon landin the heavilypopulated area northwest of Moundouand around* Benoyein LogoneOccidental presages the eventualland situation in the proposedproject area, where populationdensity is onlymoderate, and LogoneOriental as a whole.Land management in boththese areas has beenstudied by a teamof agriculturalexperts and sociologistsover the last few yearsso that it is possibleto comparethe pressureon landwhere population is heavyversus moderate. Among the villagessampled in the CIRAD study,were Betimain LogoneOriental, which symbolizes the proposedproject area, and Tchanar,in LogoneOccidental, which represents the projectzone's future.

BETIMA TCHANAR RegionalPopuiation Density 35-62people/km 2 62-121people/km 2

Villages'Size 812 1,545 Numberof Households 152 264 AnnualPopulation Growth 4.22 6.07 AnnualEmigration -0.0004% 2.63% TotalVillage Land 1,100hectares 333hectares Useof TotalVillage Land nofallow 5% 77% 1fallow since 1986 43% 23% 'bush 52% 0% FutureArable Land 28 years 0 years AveragePeople per Household 5.3 5.9 AverageLandholding per Household about5 hectares about4 hectares in fallow 2.4 hectares 0.28 bush not given 0.00 in cultivation 2.48or 3.53 or 2.68 hectares(1.8 insubsistance + 0.88in 3.15hectares (2.12 ha subsistance cotton)(data analyzed in two different reports) + 1.03cotton) (dataanalyzed in averagefertilizer application per ha of twodifferent reports) cottoin 92.4kg/ha 35.5 kg/ha

o:.ilappbchd.dr7 Page bl 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project

BETIMA TCHANAR AverageLivestock per Household+

catue goats 0.09 0.06 sheep 2.6 1.8 0.33 0.52 SecondaryIncome Eaming Activities none(other than selectspecialists) matweaving, etc. Everyonehas a .______.secondary activity Sourceof firewood,building material, Bushand fields Crop residues fodder,etc. LandUse by Proximity <2 km 2-4km >4 km N/A (% of plots-not hectares- and nofallow 25% 50% 25% distancefrom village) 1 since1986 4% 48% 48%

bush 0% 33% 67% 1 no fallowfields but abandonedbecause barren; only two plotsstill in 'bush" for use in bufldingand firewood;most peopleuse crop residuesfor fuel. + Livestockin villagedivided by numberof households.Survey of 10individuals in each village gave different results, probably indicating thatthe ownershipof animalsis skewed,with some (rich) households people owning more animals than other(poor) families.

LivestockOwned by Each of 10 Individuals Betima Tchanar Cattle 1.7 0.8 Goats 6.2 0.4 Sheep na 2.9

Villages north of Doba are emigratingsouth of Doba; Bodo (Gor) farmers are moving around Danamadji(near Sarh, in Moyen-Chari)in search of land. Northwestemsubprefecture Bebedjia is moving into the southeast sector. At the same time subprefecture Bebedjia is receiving immigrantsfrom the even more heavily populatednorthwest where part of the Tandjile have no bush left and fertility has droppeddrastically.

Canton Kome, for example, has immigrant Mouroumfrom Mberi, near Lai, who have moved near the village of Mayongo. Because of the pressure on land the land chief ("chief de terre" or "nje do nang") of the receivingvillage usuallygives less land than in the past to immigrants and immigrant villages, who are thus at a disadvantage.

Land pressure also would be a problem for proposed resettlement.In view of the importance of wild bush to the farming system, pressure must be measured not just for fields but for the bush. A system where bush products become more and more importantfor income and food becausefertility is dropping for lack of bush to cultivateis unsustainable.The role the bush now plays in the local economy and its seemingly doomed future would have to be taken into account in mitigating impacts of the proposedoil project.

08837-787.012 Page 52 o:1.l.appbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Hvman Environment 9. Laind Requirements:Action to mitigate potential project impacts requires knowing the minimal amount of land a productionunit needs to survive and whether people in the project areawill haveenough to remainthere. The findings of CIRAD on the village of Tchanar indicate that a land holding of 3.15 ha is insufficientto support a householdof 5.9, even when people work aitnon-agricultural sources of income, and that some peopleare being forced to emigrate from the area. The average inheritedland holding in the project area is 10.5 hectaresfor 5.4 people, so that most families have some room for future growth, even though 96 percent of land in the area is already "owned", i.e. has been previouslyfarmed. However,any individual household that approaches the threshold of about 3.15 ha is clearly in danger and some mitigatingaction will be necessary.

Anotherway of approachingthe question of self-sufficiencywould be to compare average Sara farm area and average productionper hectarewith FAO standards for minimal intake. By this measure the average farm holding today makes Sara just auto-sufficientin food production; their surplus productionof peanuts and legumes can replace in part the manioc which they underproduce,and part can be sold for cash, but by FAO measures the average household income is clearly inadequate.

HouseholdProduction

Produce Av. kglha Av ha./fam Kg. production Av. kg Surplus or per household household Deficit I ______n a nr4 ______J

cotton 300 1 300 2,400 -2,100

sorghum 700 1 700 {885 {+ 15

millet 400 0.5 200 {

manioc 1000 0.2 200 250 -50

peanut 300 300 {225 {+ 175 legumes 100 100

sesame 400 ? ? ? ? l

meat - 5 v

At the! 1994-5 post-devaluationprice of 130 CFA/kg the need to produce 2,400 kg of cotton would mean an income of US$678 instead of the average cotton eaming of $57. Even if the family's entire production of peanuts/legumeswas commercialized at the 1995 price of 200CFA/kg this would add only $98 in cash to the householdincome as well as depriving the family of important nutrients.If householdproduction drops below the present level the family will no longer be self-sustainingin food production;if cash income drops the householdwill be in even worse shape.

o:L.a,ppbchd.dr7 Page 53 08837-787-072 HumanEnvironment Chad Export Project 10. Degree of Recognition of Problemswith Agriculture,Acceptance of Solutions: The local populationdoes not see its agriculturalproblems in the same way as the agronomists and others who have studied the area. How farmers define their problems and how importantthey feel them to be dictates how receptivethey are to technicalsolutions proposed by experts.

Any attempts to mitigate agricultural problems worsened or created by the project must be applied by the people affected, or the solutions will not work. Solutions are accepted more readily and applied more vigorouslywhen they seem to respond to what people see as real problems. Hence, for example, CIRAD finds that farmers in areas where soil fertility and overpopulation have reached a critical level (in the Tandjile)willingly apply certain techniques, whereas places with lesser problems (like the proposedproject area) apply a few techniques with little enthusiasm or not at all if labor is a constraint and people do not have time to potter aroundwith questionableinnovations. ONDR was able to get only 16 percent of its pilot farmers to try methods to increase yields per hectare, whereas 83 percent began harvesting peanuts the quick and easy way, with a plow.

Problems which the farmers in the proposed project area perceive are, in order of lessening importance:

(a) The right to grow cotton/difficultyin finding replacementcash crops, i.e., cash income

(b) Farmer-herderconflict

(c) Lack of agricultural equipment,i.e., time and labor saving

(d) Increase of striga, i.e., decliningsoil fertility

(e) Lack of land for the next generation.

The two most pressing problems for farmers are not addressed by the experts who are proposingvarious technical solutions to them=. Farmers and experts alike are concerned about soil fertilityand lack of land; most of CIRAD's efforts are directed at these problems, and ONDR is dealing with fertility and to a lesser extent with the decreaseof land by erosion. ONDR also is devoting considerableeffort to lowering productioncosts, a concern of the government but not of the farmer. Nor is the farmer concernedwith nutrition;it was never raised as a problem by villagers during the research study.

33The blem fad here ion incIRaD, the anations view 1 decirinncultunlresarctior soilfertiit, 2) decueasingmoufit t landavala9bIeoerInhbtant;_ a earairn qT Taermanandammaihusnniavs4) r esure onDush resources4)on~ma centrilerionseas e s eagth the a risesemubUuKrortrz me ast seeetn 1r gaai r Stalhoeila,t%sion, gtew years uaseof inputs; Nilprvn ~pr u' ivipyperectare; )Improw gq onandsaving imebemoreei,L n pi ing.

08837-787 012 Page 54 o:1..appbchd.dr7 1

Chad Erport Project Human Environment Thougheveryone agrees that soil fertility is a problem,they define the problemdifferently. Thus, for the local farmer,crop rotationis not a means of regulatingsoil fertility. It is a way to continue producing crops on decreasingly fertile soil. The crop planted also depends not on a fixed rotation but on how far into the rainy season the farmer is planting. If the rains are late or he waftsin vainfor his cottonseed,he will plant millet or sesame becausethey mature more quickly than sorghumor peanuts. Fallowtime is not linkedsolely to the richness of the soil. It depends on the total amount of land the farmer has; if he has too little he will be forced to put it back into production or reduce the time in fallow. Land far from the village is put into fallow more readily than nearbyfields and for a longer time period.

One way to get farmers to apply unappreciatedtechniques is to show that they also can solve problems which trouble the farmer. For example,that certain nutrient-enhancingcrops can be sold for money.

Both CIRAD and ONDR found that some ways to improve fertilitywere more readily accepted than others; for example, plantingacacia albida or legumes.Others were too difficult: manure requires plenty of animals and some way to transport the weighty fertilizer from farm to field. CIRAD also succeeded in getting some farmers to plant in alleys, leaving trees in between, probably because it fits into the way people plow up and down in strips. One problem with improving the utilizationof resourcesaround a villagewas that many of the solutions required comnmunityagreement or communal work, whereas many of the resources were under individual or householdcontrol. But the villagers'preferred solution, as long as the option was open, was to move to a more fertile area ratherthan utilize the new techniques.

Considerations should be made for proposed mitigation measures to assist people in the proposed project area to improve/intensifyagriculture if they need better productivitybecause suddenly they have less land. It should be assumed that they eventuallywould figure out that they are like Tandjile and start to apply solutionswillingly. The problem in Tandjile, however, is that by the time people recognizethat they have problems, solutions become very difficult, e.g., they have no crop residuesfor manure/compost,nothing with which to build stables, etc. The challenge is to convincefarmers in the proposedproject area to change their mentalityin a very short time.

Various possibilitiesfor dealingwith less availableland includeresettlement and:

(a) cash crops: to get high value from little land, e.g., peanuts constraints: road to evacuateto CAR for sale plow to harvesteasily peanut huller peanut seeds available

o:L.iappbchd.dr7 Page 55 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project (b) farmers and herder to pasture animals in harvested fields, as in Cameroon and elsewhere: manioc also high value cash crop constraints: fencing-very costly.

(c) agriculturalequipment: constraints: onlyavailable if cultivatescotton (not everyone can grow cotton and also trying to shift to peanuts);if switchingto peanuts constraints: to increase productionof land and labor need plow for harvesting even with credit some cannot afford equipment precondition: subsidizeagricultural equipment

(d) soil fertility: support development of sorghum and grains resistant to striga parasite preconditions: support cultivar research make mini-doses of resistant strains available once produced, probablynext 3-4 years

(e) lack of land: Allow local people to observe firsthandthe problems and solutions related to constraintson hand

4.1.2 Commodity Circulation

Consumer goods and services are available in towns and at the ambulant cotton markets. A limitedvariety are availableat weekly rural markets brought in by peddlers on bicycles or, in the larger rural markets, by pickups which rent space for people and baggage ("occasions"). In regional towns like Bebedjia and Mbikou there are boutiques,each carrying a wide selection of useful luxuries such as sugar and tea, ballpoint pens and school notebooks, lamps, mentholatum,etc. The largest selection is availablein Moundou.Along the internationalborder people prefer to make their purchases in Cameroon, where prices are lower and there is a greater selection than in Chad.

1. Credit and Banking: Most transactionsoccur in cash at weekly local markets. No credit or savingsexist in rural areas except in the Bessao area along the proposed pipeline/road,where NGOs have tried to develop savings and loans schemes (Caisse d'Eparne et Credit [CEC]).

Catholic priests also hold moneyin safekeepingfor some of their devout parishioners, but this money earns no interest. Unfortunately many of the CEC lost their funds in the military disturbances of the last few years. Of late the priests have been reluctant to hold money, feeling they are not a bank, so their services are availableto only a few.

08837-787-012 Page 56 o:L.1appbchd.dr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment ThrouIghoutthe region saving money or finding money for investmentis difficult. Agricultural creditfor equipmentand inputs is availableonly through ONDR and confined to those members of an AV (villagefarmers group) who are growingcotton. If you cannot grow cotton you cannot get farm equipment except for cash. The formal banking system is not open to small farmers and merchantsand is reluctantto make loans at all. For example, in 1993, banks made only eight loans to individuals,all major business people.

Nevertheless informal credit is widely available in urban areas, less so in the countryside. Seventy-sevenpercent of womenin agriculturalmarketing throughout Chad (includingMoundou and Koumra,near the proposedproject region) use informal credit of some sort to conduct their business: credit in kind, revolving savings associations ("tontines"), moneylenders. Annual interest rates range from 50 percentto 3,000 percent, which seems usurious, but most loans are for sums from 5,000 to 15,000 CFA (US $11 to 33) and are repaid within one week. Since they are unassured,the risk is high.

Approximately40 percent of women in marketingare uninterestedin credit, which they feel can lead them down a slippery slope. Even so, demands for loans from VITA, an NGO making loans to small and medium enterprises and micro-credits,double every six months, and their staff cannot copewill all the portfolios34.It would appear that women in urban areas around the project area are prepared to meet, at a low level, the business opportunities which will arise from the project.

However, 58 percent of women in agriculturalmarketing throughout Chad wanted small cash credits to expand their businessesto meet potentialdemand; these credits are not availablein the proposed project area. The amount of capitalwomen need to set up a typical business is very small, accordingto a study of women in agriculturalmarketing.

Percent of Women Investing Initial Capital in their Business

CAPITAL MOUNDOU ALL RURAL CHAD I lessthan US$11 54% 61%

$11-22 20% 23%

more than $22 27% 16% (Brown,Kruse and Smith, 1993)

Men in urbanareas also would be able to take advantage,though perhaps less so. The subject of men in the urban areas meeting potentialdemand has not been studied as thoroughly as for women. Men seem to use informal credit extensively but have recourse more often to

34See Brown,Kruse, Smith, 1994, Study of Womenin AgriculturalMarketing: Chad, DAI, Bethesda,MD. and Crouzet, J.G.,1993, Proiect VITAIPEP: Interest Rate Studv, VITA, Arlington, Va. o:1..1appbchd.dr7 Page 57 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project expensive moneylenders becausethey do not get involved in the "effeminate"tontine system which is a very efficient way of providing large lump sums.

The NGO VITA began operationsin the capitol city in 1984 and opened an office in Moundou in 1991.The Moundou office wishes to cut back on its clients outside Moundoutown because they requiretoo many resourcesto manageand because of insecurity in the region. This bodes ill for future borrowers trying to invest in businessesoffering goods, services, etc.

At presentVITA are afraid to go to Doba to collect loan paymentsbecause of insecurity. Loan paymentcollections are handled for them by AFDI, a farmer NGO at Doba. VITA has received 99 requestsfor loansfrom the project region, mostlyfrom "groupements"rather than individuals and has responded to 45 of them. The balance did not meet the criteria necessaryfor a loan: collateral of agricultural material, buildings, or equipment,or real property to which they have official and legal title as opposed to traditionalownership.

To demonstrate that businesses can be given a jump start with even small sums of money, VITA-Moundouhas lent 5,970,000CFA, only about US $13,000. This is but a huge amount by Chadian standards and enough to help 45 businessesin the proposedproject area. Twenty- four percent of this money was lent to women, indicatingthat they too are interested in being part of the business economy.

VITA deals only with established business people who have collateral. In the past they collaboratedwith two other NGOs, CARE and OXFAM,which promoted and managed micro- loans to high risk, high need clients, mostly urban market women and food processors. The repaymentrate and businesssuccesses were comparableto VITA's regular clients. Most of the people in the proposed project area will be high risk, high need because they have little or no business experience and no collateral. CARE and OXFAM no longer are involved in this activity, and VITA is not mandated to make such loans. Another NGO, ASSAILD, based at Moundou, has been involved in rural savings and loans (CEC) but is considering moving into the void left by the others. At present it would be difficult for the local urban populationto profit from business opportunitiescreated by the project.

Rural areas are prepared even less to profit from or contribute to the production of oil. Knowledge of micro-credits from NGOs generally is confinedto urban areas. There are fewer sources of informal credit because there are no shop owners and wholesalers or middlemen to give loans, and it is more difficult to save or acquire large amounts of money. Men often receive their cash a few times per year when they sell their cotton or take peanuts or grain to market. What they receive they usually expend immediatelypaying back loans and credits, so that they rarely have access to large lump sums to invest.

08837-787-012 Page58 o:L.Appbchddr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment Rural women also have less access to credit. Twenty-fourpercent of urban women began in agriculturalmarketing through an informal credit, as opposedto only 1 percentof rural women. It is tnie also, however,that urbanwomen must buy their stock, whereasmany rural women can grow or gather it themselves.

In the proposedproject area tontinesare a recent innovationand not manyrural women belong; they exclaim they would not be able to obtain moneyto make their contributions. While urban and rjral women are able to find enough to make daily contributionsto petty tontines;only half as many rural women can raise large sums for the weekly tontines which bring in important lump sums critical to business investments.

Urban and Rural Women's Contributionsto Tontines

E______I I Mondou i All Rural Chad

dailytontine 5 50 cents 56% 56%

L$1.00 16% 18% weeklytontine s $2.15 25% 55% $2.16- $4.35 50% 28% $4.36 - $6.50 13% 3%

L ______2$6.50 13% 14%

The aimountof capital women need to set up a typical businessis small.

Initial CapitalInvested

$11.00 Mondou 1 All RuralChad

$1 1.00 54% 61% $11.00- $22.00 20% 23% $22.00 27% 16%

Only about one fourth of rural women are able to save even petty sums, less than 3,000 CFA, so that tontinesare their only meansof acquiringlarge sums for purchasingpots and pans, etc. or for investing in business.

VITA's loan requestsare a good indicatorof what peopleconsider businessopportunities. Only five loan requests, one from a "fourniseur" at Moundouand another at Doba, and one from Bitenda (Canton Kome) to build an inn, have specified that their loans are to help them take advantageof the proposedproject's presence. In mid-1995a husbandand wife at Kome each

c:L.Aappbchd.dr7 Page 59 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project expressed interest in obtaining loans, he for upgradinghis mechanicshop to meet needs, she for enlarging her informafrestaurant to saffsfy a growingdemand.

Of other loan requests from the project area 9 percent were activities which could eventually profitdirectly from the Operator's presence(building contractor, warehouses, private medicine, orchards and animal herds); 41 percent were for general commerce, mostly wholesale; 24 percent for commerce in cereals. Only 2 percent of VITA's loan requests have come from the proposedproject area. In part this is due to ignoranceof VITA's activities but also, few people havebegun to comprehendthe potentialfor businessopportunities. For example, of the many "groupements"at Doba, only one has consideredthat it could get (construction) business from the project. At Moundouthe Mayorsays that businessmenhave not begun yet to think about the project's prospectiveneeds.

2. Transportation:No major roads,other than those built for access to oil facilities, cut through this area. Most local people travel by foot, bicycle or ox cart. Transportation problems, especially for moving produce, are a major constraint to the regional economy. Commodity circulation in the proposed project area equals pedestriancirculation since commodities are often moved by head loading and ox carts. Fifty percentof transportationis achieved by head loading, and 15 percent by ox carts led by someone walking. Women have less access to modern transport than men, but they are the ones responsiblefor moving most commodities and agricultural producefrom field to village to market.

Transportationin LogoneOriental

Meansof Transport Total WomenOnly : tPopu~~~~EMlation Vehicle 50% 12% Footwith Headload 50% 73% l OxCart 15% 4% l

Roads are the worst problem Chad faces in commerce.There are only about 130 km of paved road, leading from the frontier with Cameroonto Guelengdengto N'Djamena,the capitol and 60 km on north to Djermaya,with a spur to Dandi, for evacuatinggravel from the quarry there, because gravel is a rare commodityin most of Chad. The capitol and the southern towns of Moundou, Doba, Koumra and Sarh, the major cities in the country other than Abeche in the east, are linked by a loop of laterite all weather road. It can be traveled in the rainy season, in principle, with waits at rain barriers, but in fact the road between Moundou and Guelengdeng often is flooded and riversimpassible, so that traffic from N'Djamenapasses through Cameroon to get to Moundou.The rest of the country has a network of dirt roads.

08837-787-012 Page 60 o:1. appbchd.dr7 Chad E-xport Project Human Environment The south is crossed from east to west by this all weather road. The area from north to south is seived by dirt roads exiting from the main road, one from Sarh to Maro and the CAR border in the east; one from Koumrato Moissalain the center, which is often impassible in the rains; one Ifrom Doba to Gore to the CAR border in the proposed project region; and one from Moundou to Gore. Moundou is linked to Baibokoumand CAR and Cameroon by a dirt road which has not been maintainedsince 1968.

The cost of transport by vehicle is high because bad roads increase the amount of gas consumed, cause breakdownswhich call for expensive,imported spare parts and put vehicles out of commissionfor long periodswhen they cannot be earning money, and because of the stresses on the vehicle which therefore must be amortized in a short time. The road from Moundou to Baibokoumand the frontier is so bad that, although Cotontchadtrucks can pass after minimal repairs have been made, most of the year only Toyota pickups and very small trucks travel the road on a weekly market circuit.

The state of the Baibokoumroad is a major problemfor the populationof the region which has no doctors and only a few nurses. Seriously ill patients must be evacuated by road to the hospitalat Moundou.Even if they are taken in a car by missionaries,rather than by ox cart, they frequentlydie before they arrive.

The poor state of this road also has a severe impact on the southern and nationaleconomy. CAR is a major market for peanuts,and moso, or middlewomen, buy peanuts, cereal, and wild shea nut oil from producers in larger southern village markets and hire spots in trucks going south to CAR where they can sell their items profitably.Without moso,.farmers would have a difficult time selling/evacuatingthe food producethey sell to pay their taxes and earn cash.

But the cost of transport over this terrible road is high. Cotonchadtransports large quantities of cotton(cotton bolls and baledcotton, fertilizer and pesticides,cottonseed cake) over the local feeder and main roads of the area. Its costs of transport are US $1.83 per tonne kilometer for heavy trucks and 38 cents for cars. These costs must cover the permanent staff of drivers, mechanics, repair shop and spare parts, governmenttaxes, etc. Cotonchadpays private local contractors, whose maintenanceand legal status is their own affair, from 24 to 30 cents per tonne kilometer.The high cost of transport and its lack of availabilitydrive up productioncosts and reduce profits. This road dampensnot onlythe regional economy but the nationalone as well. The demandfor natron,a naturalsalt found in the Rig-Rig area north of Lake Chad, is very high among pastoralists in the Gore-Baibokoum area and CAR during the rainy season. However,because of the impassiblestate of the road at that time, export demandfar exceeds merchants' financial ability to pay the costs of transportfrom Moundouto Baibokoum/CAR.An imprcvedroad will have a positive impactnot only on the costs of local cereals and peanuts but positivenational repercussions on the costs of cotton, and on the increasedability/reduced cost of exportingChadian goods.

o:1..laPbchd.dr7 Page 61 08837-787-012 Hiuman Environment Chad Export Project Better roads link Doba to Gore and Sarh to Maro and CAR. Some of the back roads in the proposed project area and bush roads elsewhere in the south are maintained in a passable stateby Cotontchadso that its trucks can get through to villages.Otherwise back roads are not maintained.In earlieryears subprefectsand Canton chiefs annuallyobliged the citizens of each village to spend a day or so clearing the road leading to the next village. This forced labor endedwith the disruptionsof 1979, and no other systemof road upkeep has been put in place.

An optionalmeans of transport is by ox cart but many villagesdo not have any. Throughoutthe Sudanian Zone only 4 percent of the populationhas carts; in the Bebedjia sector there are 2 carts per 100 inhabitants, and 2 in 5 householdsowns a cart. Not only is it hard to find a cart to rent, the profit from what is being transported must cover the cost of rental (1,000 CFA) as well as bring in something for the seller. Carts are very expensive,156,000 pre-devaluationor 92 percent of the average pre-devaluationannual household income. Because carts are so expensivefarmers prefer to take them along the good roads and seismic lines in the Kome area where there is less risk of puncturinga wheel or breakingan axle or singletree.

Because of the difficulties in finding automobiles or ox carts for transportation, most short distancetransport is done by head loading.Men and women carrying heavy loads prefer to walk on roads and tracks when possible because it is easier to walk on a flat surface, one without impediments to trip them up. Consequently,cars, trucks, carts, caKtleand pedestrians in the bush all use the same road. Local oxenwander onto the road and transhumantherders prefer to move down the road because it is faster and easier to keep the herd together.

To cope with poorly maintainedroads, cars and trucks have developeda parallel road system on major or well traveled roads. The main road usuallyis cratered with potholes and ruts but provides a solid base over which heavy trucks can travel slowly because of their weight and gently descend into and ascend out of the holes. (Heavy in Chad means heavy; a truck is loaded until full, not until it holds its recommendedweight.) To avoid the bumps cars and pickups speed along a parallel, unprepared and unmaintainedtrack which frequent use has made alongside and below the true road, deviating onto the main road only when water has flooded the low road or it is too sandy. Pedestrians,carts and bicycles, use the original road which has less traffic and provides a solid foothold, and the potholes can be circumvented.

A better roadsystem is one of the three main outcomes local people, merchants,civil servants, missionaries,NGOs and othershope for from proposeddevelopment (the others being jobs and wealth).An improved transport network is so importantfor the economicand social integration and development of the region and the country that any downside in changing traffic pattems is considered of no import compared to a beKterroad. Local people say they don't care if there are a few accidents because an improvedlocal economyis more important; herders don't care if an animal now and then is hit because they can move so much more rapidly along the road to water and grass; extensionworkers, nurses, veterinarians,civil servants imagine they finally

08837-787-012 Page 62 o:L.1appbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment will be able to get out of town to do their jobs. NGOs and missionariesalso see roads benefiting the economy and making their work easier; the consensusis that any negativeimpacts will be more than offset by the benefits.

Roads are so importantto the local economythat when a road is relocatedalong another axis, villages will relocate along the new road. Even though part of the proposed improved road between Kagopal and Timberi passes through a sparsely inhabitedarea, village people in the pipeline/roadarea proclaimedtheir intentionto move near the road once it is upgraded.

Roadsand transportation are so problematicin this area that many of the seismic lines cut over the years have been turned into roads or footpaths and have eased travel considerably. Cars and "occasions" (pickups traveling between one village and another which rent space to travelers and baggage), and moso trucks-now use cut lines leading to or near major villages and towns like Bebedjiaand Mbikou. Other lines leadingfrom villageto villageor fields, or near a village or field, also are used because they are straight and unencumbered,therefore time- saving.If it does not go directlyto a village or field, peopletake the line and then make a cutoff.

Herders interviewedby the team were happy about seismic lines. The lines are straight and clear so pastoralists are able to move along them rapidly, even at night, when many of them travel. Instead of the herd breaking up to get around trees and getting lost in the bush, forcing the herders to rush hither and thither or to go back to look for lost animals,the herd is able to travel together (and does not crash through the brush, breaking branches and trampling vegetation). They can move more quickly along lines from place to place.

4.1.3 Living Standards

1. Household and IndividualIncome, Outlay, and Savings: Most rural people depend on farmingfor their subsistence and for income.Information about rural income is biased because most figures, including ONDR's, report only on cotton and only on males.

ONDR Calculationsof HouseholdIncome 1994-1995

l___I Categories* I & 2 Category 3 Categories 4 & 5

L______(60% of households) (30% of households) (10% of households) Annual Income 52,000 = US $113 156,000 = $340 260,000 = $565

Annual Expenses 52,000 = US $113 130,000 = $282 200,000 = $435

Annual Savings 0 and usually in debt 26,000 = $57 60,000 = $130 *categories defined by holdings of agricultural equipment

o:1..appbchd.dr7 Page 63 08837-787-012 Human Enwronment Chad Export Project The income from cotton alone would not be sufficient to support most households. A growing numberof households, approximately50 percent in 1995,are unableto grow cotton and must find othersources of income. Men also earn income from selling food crops, animals, wild bush products, field labor and, if they own agricultural equipment,from leasing it out. A few have artisanal skills, but this brings in very little: 400 CFA for a hoe handle,for example.

A major sourceof incomefor a few who live along rivers is fishing;they can earn around 37,000 CFA for the few months when the fish are running. Women earn additional income from brewing, from selling farm and bush produce, and from field labor.

Womeneam additional incomefrom brewing (36 percent of their average income),from selling farm and bush products (22 percent of their average income),and from field labor (9 percent). In rural areas men's income comes in blocks, women's in dribbles. Men are, in principle, in charge of paying for household expenses, children's schooling, etc. but in fact are usually withoutcash sincethey eam large amountsof money at the twice yearly cotton markets or from the wholesale of entire sacks of grain or peanuts, at which time they pay the familVs taxes and debts and make most of their big ticket purchases. Insteadwomen support the householdyear round by routinely eaming petty sums.

In a 1992 random survey of women in Moyen-Chari,a region comparable to the proposed project area, 100 percent earned income. Most rural women earn up to 10,000 CFA at weekly markets,urban women from 150- 250 CFA per day. Women end up paying for most purchased food items like salt and hot peppers,minor medicalexpenses, children's lesser clothing needs, and school supplies.Women's contribution to householdincome is vital; the income contribution most rural womenmake to the householdis equal to the cotton income of men (less than about $600 each); but women's constant stream of income keeps the household functioning35.

Men'sand Women's Income'

35CIRAD'spreliminary post-devaluationfigures for 1995 support the critical role of women's eamings. CIRAD's researchers feel that their survey greatly under-reportswomen's income, but their results make clear that women spend all their money on the household and that their money goes out as fast as it comes in for household needs. A comparison of Tchanar, which has no bush and heavy pressure on increasingly infertile land, with the rest of the southem sample, where cotton eamings still play a role, also indicates that women's income is what keeps the household afloat and cotton is the real source of a household's disposable income. Sex All South Tchanar

Income Expenses Income Expenses

male US$ 316 $216 $126 $121

Female $ 55 $55 $68 $ 52

Total Household $371 $271 $194 $173 Figures from other sources indicate that most women eam about as much as most men do, especially given that fewer and fewer men are cultivating coffon.

36Derivedfrom ONDR Annual Reports, Study of Women in Aoricultural Marketing in Chad, and Moven-Chari Baseline Study Chad Child Survival

O8837-787-072 Page 64 o:1..apochd.dr7 Chad aport Project Human Environment

=- RuralMen RRural Women UrbanWomen Income % of men eaming Income % of women eaming Income % of women eaming

<52,000 60% <60,000 79% + <60,000 41% (US$180*) (US$210) (US$210) <156,000 30% <180,000 25% + <180,000 42% (US$550) (US$630) (US$630) >260,000 10% >180,000 2% >180,000 13%

(US$910) I _ _ (US$630) (US$630)

* Based on pre-devaluationCFA. Dollar equivalents are approximate, since exchange rate varies. + As published.

Women's income covers most of the weekly householdoutlays for food and daily necessities such as fuel, soap,etc. Most rural women spend less than 200 CFA per week on these needs. Urban women on the other hand have much higher weekly outlaysfor fuel, etc. Only half are able t) get by on less than about 600 CFA per week. Saving is difficult becausemoney comes in small sums and is constantlyneeded for minor purchases. Only 27 percent of rural women in Moyen-Charihad been able to save anything,usually less than 3,000 CFA.

Women's Income and Expenditureson Food37

% of women Rua Women UrbanWomen [ ofwmn RuralWomen UrbanWomen I eaIinsRpendinf <60,000 79% 41% <52,000 79% 30% (US$210) (US$180) <180,000 25% 42% <156,000 16% 28% (US$630) (US$550) >180,000 2% 13% >156,000 5% 41% (US$630) _ (US$550) ___

There are no data on income urban males outside the capitol city, but if they are civil servants, their income is erratic. With the national economic decline38the informal sector has been regressing,and on the whole is reducedto necessitiessuch as food, most of which is provided by market women. In Moundou 47 percent of market women (percent of all urban women

37Derivedfrom Study of Women in Agricultural Marketing in Chad, and Moyen-Chari Baseline Studv Chad Child Survival

38 Pre-Devaluation Per Capita Revenue in Chad over Four Yeas

Indicatcir 1990 1991 1992 1993

Gross F'IB/ per capita $215 $226 $217 * $204

Per Capita Gross $249 $255 $248 $233 National Income PNB

exchange rate (CFA to 272 CFA 283 CFA 270 CFA 281 CFA

U S $)______provisional predicted o:IAappbchd.dr7 Page 65 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project unknown) were the sole source of income, even though 16 percent of them were married. In rural Moyen-Char35 percentof all women were sole providersfor their families;43 percent had their own grain fields (for beer and for sale), and 10 percent had their own cash crops.

Given the low level of income in this region, even low level salaries and limited compensation can make a large difference in the standard of living. However,crop land or bush taken out of productionwould affect women's as well as men's income.

The fact that most figures availablerelate to cotton income must not blind observers to the fact that there are many other sources of income.The number of male-headedhouseholds earning money from cotton has declined from approximately80 percent in 1991 to approximately 50 percent in 1995. Also in 1995, 62 percent of male household heads gained income from sources other than cotton.

The uncertain future of cotton must not be ignored. It is true that farmers' income rose dramatically with increased cotton prices; average annual cotton net income/producerin the Moyen-Chariin 1970 was about US $52 and US $88 in 1992. But this gain goes only so far, as two-thirds of farmers surveyed in 1992 received less than US $103 for their year's work on cotton. Nevertheless, this is a 98 percent increase over their 1970 level (not accounting for inflation), enough for them to perceive an improvementin their standard of living. But at the same time costs for fertilizer and equipmentalso rose.

In 1994-95, the average net profit from cotton was 22,000 CFA or about US $48.003. Moreover, the income from cotton is not reliable. In 1992-1993the surface in cotton fell 50 percent from the year before, and even more the following year. In 1993 all the cotton grown brought in only 40 percent of what it did the year before, decreasing to 36 percent in 1994. While in 1994-1995 surface area reboundedto what it had been in 1992, a good part of the villages in the proposed project area have not planted any cotton for 1996 and will have no cotton income, even though they will be obliged to repay outstandingagricultural debts from previous years and to reimburseinputs acquiredfor the 1996 campaign.

Cotontchad and ONDR are also trying to crack down on unauthorized cotton growing by punishingthe groups that agree to front for these farmers in selling their cotton; so the amount of unauthorizedcotton probablywill soon drop drastically.

The predominant sources of alternativeincome for men are food crops, petty commerce at the village level, and sale of bush products. A 1995 ONDR study of the various sources of men's income unfortunatelydoes not distinguishcotton-growing and non-cotton households, in which

39Sixteenpercent of farmers who grew cotton had negative incomes, that is to say either they made no profit or had to pay to cover the losses of others in their AV.

08837-787-012 Page 66 o:L.iappbchd.dr7 Chad E&rportProject Human Environment the amount of income derived from other sources would be much more important than in the average of all households, but it indicates that 3-17 percent of a man's income comes from bush products and 42 percent from the sale of food crops. In Tchanar, where available bush has been severely reduced because of population pressure, 59 percent of non-cotton producing households' income came from bush products, versus 26 percent for cotton-growers. The EA sample indicates that 48 percent of its male respondents counted on bush products and earned an average of 17,000 CFA from their sales.

Non-CottonSources of Men'sIncome

Source of Men's Income 1995 ONDR-All Tchanar (Cirad)- Non- | Tchanar (Cirad)-Cotton l ______I Households Cotton Households Producing Households Saleof food crops 18% NA NA

(of which-% peanuts) 10% 37 % 26%

Bush products * 3-17% 59 % 26 %

Animals 8% 0 % 20 % * Cirad does not give category of bush products; substituted Cirad's 'secondary activities", many of which use bush products.

Within the proposed project area, according to the EA sample, dependence on bush products for revenue was even higher than in the ONDR sample. It should be noted that more vulnerable people -- the poor, those who have had a bad harvest - are the most dependent on bush resources for food and income.

Percent of all people in sample who use bush as source of revenue: 41% Percent of all men in sample who use bush as source of revenue: 48% Percent of all women in sample who use bush as source of revenue: 37% 40 Percent of all people in sample who use wood as source of revenue: 14% Percent of all people in sample who use Straw, grass, etc. of revenue: 13% Percent of all people in sample who use Bush foods of revenue: 35% Percent of all people in sample who exploit more than 1 category of bush products: 15%

These results emphasize how important fallow and bush are for household income as shovvn in the tables below:

40Ahhoughthe sample shows that fewer women depend on bush products for income and derive less income than men from these sales, it is the belief of the EA team that women are, in fact, more dependent on bush products for income. The under reporting is due in part to the petty but frequent nature of women's bush income,whereas men sell large lots of wood, or grass matting, for bigger sums. o:L.. 1ppbchddr7 Page 67 08B37-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project

percentageof peopleusing percentageof men using percentageof women bush for revenuewho denve bush for revenuewho derive using bush for revenue revenuefrom: revenuefrom: who deriverevenue from: Wood sourceof revenue 34% 59% 41% Straw,grass, etc. revenue 31% 85% 15% Wild foods revenue 86% 47% 53% Exploitmore than one 36% 74% 26% categorybush products

Range of bush income CFA Sourceof income men & women men women Bush 50-150,000 250-150,000 50-30,000 Wood 250-75,000 250-75,000 500-30,000 Straw,grass, etc. 100-23,000 300-23,000 100-10,000 Bush foods 50-150,000 300-150,000 50-27,000

AverageBush Income(CFA) Derived from: Men & Women Men Women All bush products 12,660 17,275 5,305 Wood 10,650 12,500 7,560 Grass,straw, etc. 4,780 4,875 4,780 Fish 36,835 42,200 10,000 Bush food (incl. Fish) 9,570 13,830 3,185

2. Value of Work Day: Day laborers are paid 200 CFA (children 150 CFA), less than 50 cents, per day, for work from 7 a.m. to 12 noon or 1 p.m. (Most employers prefer to hire a groupementbecause they agreeto work a set amountof land for a set fee, no matter how much time it takes.) A farmers labor in his own fields, in contrast, is worth about 1,000 CFA, or $3.50,41according to a 1992 ONDR study. The income/dayfrom cotton was low, from 300-450 CFA/day, depending on the quality of the cotton and higher for traditional cotton (371 CFA) because no inputs need to be applied. Peanuts eamed about 1,000 CFA per day. Cereal brought in a surprising 2,500 CFA per day. Cereal prices in 1990-1992, however, were unusually high (prompting many groups and individualsto speculate in cereals in the next few years, to their loss). In 1992 a kilo of sorghum was worth 35 cents, the same amount in 1995 is worth 12 cents. Peanutsand cotton hold aboutthe same value today.

4'Basedon 1992figures of 1,062CFANday. ONDR calculated the amounta farmereamed for onedays work in his variousfields, probably by calculating the value of theyield at the averageprice that year and dividing it bythe numberof days farmnersreported working on various crops.

08837-787-012 Page 68 o:L. 1appbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment The lowfarm wage and the hightheoretical value of a day's farm work occur because most food is producedfor subsistenceand not monetized,because there is so little money availablein the local economy, and because people are desperate for moneyljobs,but there are none. This explaiinsthe importance local people place on gettingjobs with the proposed project. Such a job promises a constant source of income (serving the same purpose as women's market income, but at higher pay) which will become availableto everyone in the employee'svillage. A worker on the proposed project providesa constant cash flow into the village which people see as improvingtheir standard of living. Everyonein the villagebenefits from the employee's good fortune.They do not end up worse off than if they had no job because, having contributed to the village social system, they can call on it later in the monthwhen they need help. In fact many are able to invest some of their eamings in building homes, educating their and their siblings'children, etc. In other words they do benefitfrom the job and do improvetheir standard of living.

The local view of the project's presence and possibleexpansion for productionis enthusiastic, baseci on the hope that it will generatejobs. In the view of the local populationjobs will be the main benefitderived from oil production. Even at the lowestproposed wage for unskilled labor on the oil project, a worker would earn in one hour more than in a whole day as a field laborer.

People at all levels, local, government, NGO, and religious,have no conceptionof how many jobs there will be or for how long the jobs will last. Their expectationsabout the number of peopleathe Operator will hire are high and probablyexaggerated.

The pirefecturaland subprefecturalauthorities are eager to have "deflates", soldiers released from the army, hired because they otherwisehave little chance of reenteringthe local economy exceptas troublemakers.Any number of young studentswho have been forced to leave school for lac:kof funds hope desperatelyto get some sort of job enablingthem to save enough to go back to school.

Villageasare realistic about their needs and what would be equitable. In every village meeting in the 27 villages so far surveyed, villagersbrought up the problemof hiring. Several villages askedfor additionalvisits so that this and other problemsbrought up in the initial meeting could be reflected upon and villagers could discuss what they considered would be an equitable resolutionto the problem for everyone in the area. They know that not everyone is likely to get a job or is capable of working for the project.

What each village would hope for is a minimumof one to two people to be hired so that they woulcl have a pipeline to a constant, steady source of cash which they could use for basic necessities no longer available in the decliningeconomy. A number of villages agreed that an impartial (i.e., random) listing of geographicalvillages among which job offers would be made in rotation, and a similar listing of individualswithin the village, selected by consensus of the

o:1.lappbchd.dr7 Page 63 08837-787-072 HaimanEnvironment ChadExport Project population as being capable of doing their job with the project and honorably representingthe village, would be an equitablesolution.

3. Household Assets: Informationon householdassets owned by women is not available. Only a few women own agriculturalequipment becausethey must pay cash for it in a society where saving is difficult, and for the most part, they are not membersof AVs. Most household assets are in the form of agriculturalequipment.

Only 10 percent of male-headedhouseholds possess what the govemment considered to be adequatefarm equipment.

HouseholdAssets Held by Men

Valueof Assets percentageof

______I~ ~ HouseholdsI~ <150,000= US$525 * (categorizedas "poor"),of 60% which most <30,000= $105

<300,000= $1,000 30% >300,000= $1,000 10% *Pre-devaluationdollars. Denved from 1990ONDR study of householdsin the Sudanian Zone.

In the Bebedjia area the situation appears to be somewhatbetter. In 1995, for example, one of two householdsowned a pair of beef and two of five had a plow. The number of households able to obtain equipment has been increasingover the last 10 years.

Number of Male Householdsin BebedjiaArea PossessingEquipment/All Male Households

[Year pair beeff plow -weeder corpsbutteur I cart 1995 1/2 2/5 0/0 1/100 1/6 1991 3/11 1/4 0/0 0/0 1/17 1989 NA 1/5 0/0 0/0 1/20 1985 NA 1/5 0/0 0/0 1120* * with40 percentsubsidy

In the Bessao area 3/13 had plows and 1/40 had carts. Eventhough the number of production units owning equipment is increasing, fewer than 3 percent per year of households were investingin agriculturalequipment (based on 1992 figures). In 1995, 92 percent of cotton fields and 30 percent of food fields were plowed in good part with rented equipment. On the other

08837-787-012 Page 70 o:1.. lappbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment hand, 73 percent of householdswere willing or obliged to hire outside field, laborers and 32 percentof a man'stotal householdbudget is spent on hired labor. Only 27 percent spent money on fertilizer. This confirms the opinion generallyheld by both farmers and ONDR that the real bottleneck is labor.

4. VillageAssets: The mainasset that an administrativevillage has is its land, field and bush. An "ngon be" does not have control over the land it has cleared as long as it is still located on land of the parent village. The "carre" chief who heads the baby village can make decisions about where fields will be cleared but must defer to the administrativechief on any decisions over land grants,etc. The administrativechief then will consultthe traditionalofficials concerned and inform the Chief de Canton.

The other major asset that a village has does not in fact belong to the village, though social responsibility and social pressure often make it available for the benefit of the village as a whole. This is the rebate ("ristourne")and value of excess weight ("excedant")that an AV (village cotton group) may receive from Cotontchadafter the village has marketed its cotton. The rebate and excess plus individual profits are handed over to the AV once the costs of inputs, agricultural credits, and individual farmers' losses that must be made up by mutual guaraintee ("caution solidaire") have been deducted by Cotontchadand ONDR. One of the incentivesto go to the AV systemwas that villageswould have access to large sums of money that could be used for village betterment,such as wells, schools,etc.

In the beginningvillages did indeedprofit and in agreementamong the membersof the AV, the village authorities, and the populace, decisions were made on how to spend the money. Unfortunately in recent years the rebates to many villages have been diminishingto the point where AV membersoften decideto divide up the paltrysums among themselves. Indeed many AVs are in debt, rather than making any money.

AverageRebate per AV

1991-2 233,000CFA = US$820 1992-3 100,000CFA = US$350 1993-4 N/A 1994-5 N/A

Today few villages have any money at their disposition that can be used for the communal good. To pay for wells such as those installedby ONHPV at Bero, Mbanga, and several other villages using AV money as down payment,villagers must now make individualcontributions. Likevise spontaneousschools are dependenttotally on parents'paying their PTA contributions. All ol this is taking place in a declining economy.Most villagesthat have had pumps installed

o:.. lappochd.dr7 Page 71 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project are about to have the piston pulled by ONHPV for lack of payment, and spontaneous schoolteacherscontinue to teach only out of a sense of duty to the children.

5. Nutrition: Nutritionalstatus is a good indicator of povertyand living standards. However, despitethe fact that it is a major problemthroughout Chad, nutrition has not been studied in any depth in the south. Most householdsin the proposed project area live at the subsistence level. According to one nutritionalstudy and food production and consumptionfigures, people are nourished properly,42 although the average production of foodstuff per inhabitant per year has been dropping to a level just above the necessary minimum.'

Seasonally there is and always has been a problem during the rainy season, the period of "soudure",or the months betweenthe beginningof the rains and the harvest. At this time many live mainly off green peanuts, early sorghum, and squash. Purchasing food in markets is difficultbecause flooding makes many inaccessible,and people are too busy to go and too busy producing the food necessaryfor next year to eam moneyto eat today.

Pockets of acute malnutritionoccur in different spots every year because of poor rainfall, poor soil, and the necessity to sell off household food supplies for money. Everyone, especially poorerfamilies, is dependenton uncultivated,wild areas for food. Without wild fruits and greens many families would not be able to subsist. Game animals were depleted long ago, but approximatelyone-half the sauces in the culinary repertoireare based on wild ingredients.Fish from localstreams are an importantsource of protein,though the catch has declined drastically with drought.

Pregnant women particularlyare vulnerableto protein malnutritionbecause of cultural taboos abouteating meat andchicken; fish, however, is allowed. Micro-nutrientdeficiencies of Vitamin

42

Household Production Produce Av. kg/ha Av ha./ farm Kg. production per Av. kg Surplus or household household Deficit need cotton 300 1 300 2,400 sorghum 700 1 700 {885 millet 400 0.5 200 { manioc 1000 0.2 200 250 peanut 300 {1 300 (225 legumes 100 { 100 { sesame 400 ? ? meat 5

43 Guibert,Ngamine, and Mahamat, nd, La DemarcheParticipative pour rAdoption d'lnnovations Techniques: les Success et Difficulties.L'Exemole du ProiectGestion de Terroirde la ZoneSoudanienne du Tchad, Mimeograph.

08837-787-012 Page 72 o:L.appbchddr7 Chad &port Project Human Environment A andl, especially,of iodine occur in the proposed project zone. As casual observation can show, and an ongoing World Health Organization(WHO) study has found, goiter is common in the projectzone. Seventypercent of men and women throughoutthe south suffer from iodine deficiency because of the inland location of the Logonesand Moyen-Chari. This is amplified by the quantity of vegetables and manioc in the local diet, foods which impedethe uptake of iodine by the thyroid. The local diet also uses "natron" to salt dishes. Natron and homemade salt from burnt leavescontain no iodine but are used becausethey are much cheaper and more readilyavailable than white salt. Natron also is preferredfor its flavor and because it tenderizes meat and leafy vegetables.

Women are especially vulnerable to thyroidism (80 percent of women versus 60 percent of men), which can lead to cretinism in children born of a mother with acute deprivation (0.6 percent of children are bom with complicationsof iodine deprivation).

4.1.4 Health

National life expectancy is 45.5 years, the birthrate is 42/1,000, and the death rate 19/1,000. Infant mortalityis 129/1,000.Figures from the 1993 censuson infant and juvenile mortalityare not available yet, but past calculationsindicate somewherebetween 18-23 children out of 100 die beforethey reachthe age of five. A 1992 population-basedrandom survey in Moyen-Chari, which is very similarto Logone Oriental,found that 19 percentof urban children and 24 percent of rural childrenunder five died.

The mostvulnerable groups in the populationare children under five and nursing and pregnant women. The situation among this most fragile part of the population reveals much about the poor quality of health coverage of the population as a whole. This vulnerable populationhas been targeted for full vaccination coverage, yet among infants under one year in Logone Orienitalonly 20 percent had measles vaccine. Less than 4 percenthad received DPT or polio vaccines. The vaccinationrate among children in 1994was only 23 percent. In Chad less than 50 percent of women of childbearing age have been vaccinated against tetanus. Neonatal tetanus in the Logonesis amongthe highest in Chad; 10-22 cases per 100,000inhabitants.

1. The Health Care System: Fifty-sevenpercent of LogoneOriental's population has access to heilth facilities, but the fact that 43 percentonly haveaccess with difficulty helps explainthe persistenceof belief in supernaturalcauses of illness. Only 32 percentof sick individualsin the comparable Moyen-Chari sought modem treatment at medical facilities; 55 percent of the remaindertreated themselves at homewith modem methods,i.e., self diagnosisand treatment with drugsbought in the market or dispensariesor pharmacies,the balancetreated themselves traditionally or not at all. Nothing precludesmixing modern medicinewith customary attempts to deal with ill health.

o:L.Lappbchd.dr7 Page 73 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project Logone Oriental benefits from better services than many other prefectures because of the longstandingmissionary presence. This area has approximatelytwice as many local health care facilities as other parts of the country. Lengthy exposure to westem medicine probably has reduced people's propensity to attribute illness to jealousies. Unfortunately, the Bessao- Baibokoum area, through which the proposed pipeline and improved road would travel, has almost no local health care facilities.All complicatedcases are evacuatedover a bad road to Moundou, so that in fact Moundou town's health facilities must serve Bessao District's populationof 103,000.Although LogoneOriental's health service has two cars, they are for the doctors' use, not patient transport. There are no ambulances;people are taken to health care facilities either in a missionary's car or by ox cart or wheelbarrow.

District Bessao Health Bebedjia | Gore Health Doba town: | Moundou town: LII District: HealthDistrict District Population 103,000 163,000 63,000 Facilities Baibokoum-1staid Bebedjia-3 Timberi-CSS Doba-hospital- Moundou- Bam-CSS CSS-hospital leprosanum-CSShospital-11 CSS OuliBangala- CSS Hollo-CSS Bessao-CSS Mbikou-CSS Koumao-CSS Moukassa-CSS I I *CSS=Social and Health Center

The Catholic health post at Mokassa is only 12 km south of Kome, and there is a Protestant dispensary at Miandoum and at Bebedjia an excellent Catholic medical center and an unequipped state dispensary and a dispensary for employees of the IRCT, Cotontchad's research facility.

Few govemment health personnel have been assignedto LogoneOriental; if it were not for the private religious dispensariesand clinics there would be very little coverage. At the same time govemmentpersonnel may be assignedto places like Bebedjia CSS, where the nurse has had no equipmentor drugs with which to care for the local populationof 13,000 since 1989. In May 1995 the nurse neededto vaccinate2,750 children under the age of two who had been exposed to measles but, though she had obtainedthe vaccine through the hospital, she could not keep the vaccine cold to administerthe injections.

The nurse spends her time, instead,working at the Bebedjia hospital. In Logone Oriental there are two doctors, generalists,for 541,000 people. In Logone Occidental,by contrast, there are 11 doctors, 1 surgeon,1 pediatrician,and 2 "others"; at least Baibokoum-Bessaocan be served if they can get to Moundou. Only 36 percent of LogoneOriental facilities had basic equipment; none had a pair of forceps or a birthingtable.

08837-787-012 Page 74 o:1. appbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment Although the dispensary at Hollo has a frigo and is, therefore, equipped, its wick had been shattered and the cold chain broken when an epidemic of measles broke out in May 1995. Consequently,the childrenof the area could not be vaccinated.Thus even seeminglyoptimistic statistics can be deceiving.The hospitalat Bebedjia usuallyhas drugs, as do the pharmacies at Hollo, Miandoumand Monkassa.They get their drugs through religious organizations.The private pharmacy at Doba usually is empty. Pharmaceuticalsare more available in Logone Oriental than many other prefecturesbecause there are several sources of supply,and many healthicenters practice cost recoveryto cover restocking:10/29 facilities get their drugs through religious connections, 5/29 directly from manufacturers,and 14/29 through the Ministry of Health.

The Government of Chad, with the aid of a number of donors and NGOs, is engaged in an ongoing effort to rationalize the distributionof health services throughout the country and to make the health system more efficient. The country has been reorganizedin Health Districts that will providebasic servicesand make referralsto more centralizedand specializedfacilities. The Catholics, who had been aiding health care in a number of ways, including selling drugs to dispensariesand making loans for villagesto set up small pharmaceuticaldepots, have cut back on their activitiesin order to fit into the new system, which unfortunatelyexists to a large extent only on paper. The African DevelopmentBank (ADB) is in charge of reforming health care and the budgets in the two Logonesand Moyen-Chari,etc., creating among other things small dispensaries,and training prefecturaland nationallevel personnel. The project, however, is a year behind schedule and is only now asking for constructionbids.

One of the principle efforts in rationalizinghealth care has been institutingcost recoveryin an attempt to pay operating costs of the facilities and restock drugs. Most religious institutions havehad some payingservices and sold drugsfor some time, and lab fees at Moundouhospital are payable, so this is nothing new. Sixty percent of public and private facilities in the south practice some sort of cost recovery.With or without cost recovery, the populace has been paying in great part for most of its health care, either formally,or informallyto personnel who charge for their services because they do not get their salaries regularly.A 1991 study found that iin Moyen-Chari householdsspent about6 percentof their income on medical expenses. The per capital expenditureon medicalcare was as follows:

Per Capital MedicalExpenditures in Moyen-Chari'4:

Spentby CFA Rural US$ CFA Urban US$ GOC* 376 1.32 376 1.32 ExtemalDonors* 1,127 3.95 1,127 3.95

44Schwabe,n.d. but post 1990, Health Sector Cost Recovery in Chad

o:i..iappbchd.dr7 Page 75 08837-787.012 Human Environment Chad Export Project

IndividualUsers" 3,548 | 12.45 | 5,192 18.22 TOTAL 5,048 17.72 6,695 23.50 *Institutionalcontributors "IndMdual contributors

Although 80 percent of the govemment's health budget is paid by external donors, it is clear that the major cost is born by individuals out of their own pockets. In the Moyen-Chari rural people are less able to pay, and they still spend more than the government and donors put together for their health care. This means that a decline in per capital income, especially cash income, could have a major negative effect on health. Alternatively, increasing income or people's access to cash will have a positive effect on health. Therefore, the project's impact on the local economy will play a role in the health of the region's population.

Given the number of health facilities and fairly reliable supply of drugs in the proposed project area, depending on the private sector and existing health facilities to provide care for workers is not as problematic as it might be in other parts of Chad.

2. Illnesses: Some of the illnesses prevalent in the region may pose a danger for personnel even during brief exposure. Measures for addressing these maladies should be developed. Others are acquired only with time and, although they may already afflict local hires, are less likely to affect newcomers to the region. During hiring employers should be forewarned about these diseases. The prevalent diseases in Logone Oriental are: common parasites, malaria, respiratory illnesses, goiter, measles, diarrhea, meningitis, tuberculosis, hepatitis, tetanus, sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), and polio. A number of these are endemic to the region; some typically flare up in the dry season: menegitis, measles and diarrhea; others in the wet season: malaria, hepatitis and tetanus.

Onchocerciasis, or river blindness, and trypanosomiasis, sleeping sickness, are endemic in the southem and western parts of the Logones, where pipeline and road construction will occur. On the other hand, Logone Oriental has some of the lowest incidences of: leprosy, skin infections, conjunctivitis, dysentery, and urinary infections. Additionally, no Guinea worm (dracunculiasis) or schistosomiasis/bilharzia, two of the illnesses most dreaded by expatriates, exist.

The most frequent complaints from local people are fever, headache, cough lasting more than 15 days, aches and pains, malaria, and wounds. Most cases admitted to hospitals (16 percent) are malaria and the incidence in Logone Oriental is the second highest in the country. Sixty- three percent of all children in Moundou (Logone Occidental) carry malaria parasites. Few people take prophylactic anti-malarials, instead treating only the active illness if they can find and afford the medicine.

08837-7874012 Page 76 o:l1..appbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment The second major cause for hospitalizationare respiratorydiseases and measles. Only 20 percent of children in LogoneOriental are vaccinatedfor measles and, in Chad in general, 12 percent of vaccinatedchildren are not resistant.The occurrenceof dystentaryis low for Chad; neverthelessdiarrhea of various etiologies is the major cause of illness and death of children under four. The lack of potable drinking water in most villagesis tied directly to the frequency of diarrhea.

Sleeping sickness is endemic around Timberi (Canton Gore) and at Tapol, Moundou, and Mbaikoro. In 1992, it was also present in 14 cantons in the two Logones. The fight against sleeping sickness begun in 1920 and ended in 1978. In the short period before 1985 it reappeared and is spreading. The government has instituted a national program against sleeping sickness.

Onchocerciasisalso is commonin the proposedproject area around Baibokoum.Its effects are devastating even before blindness and death because many with filariasis are unableto see clearly and unable to venture far from home. They live as semi-productive handicapped persons. A number of villages have been abandoned because of river blindness, but so wideslpreadis the parasitethat even in new sites in the region people are unableto escape.The hoursthat womenmust spend in streambeds waiting for drinkingwater to seep into water holes must not reduce their exposure.

In the proposed pipeline and road areas AFRICAREand local medical help have undertaken an eradication program with Ivermectin. Seventy-onepercent of villages with onchocerciasis were treated, and the coveragewas about 67 percent. Regrettably,for lack of resources the program has been unable to continue effectively the three-year treatment necessary to eradicate the parasite.A number of villages have not receivedfollow-up doses and will have to start the three year treatment over again should the program be continued at the level necessary for eradication. There is no way that onchocerciasis will be controlled before construction begins unless there are significantdelays and the Ivermectin distribution is put back on track. Therefore, it will pose a threat to workers.

o:i.iappbchd.dr7 Page 77 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Promject Onchocerciasis:Prevalence and Treatment,as Reported by Villagers along Corridor

Canton Town Prevalence Ivermectin Transhumants Yes I No/ Interrupted Presentso Exposed Yes/No Gadjibian Ngara ++ I N

Benarbe + N Y

Bessao Betabar1 + ? * Bedoli ++ Y N

_____ Madog ... * Montde Lam Diba I/Lima ++ I N

Mbaissaye Bin + N y

The numberof AIDS cases in Chad doubled between 1991 and 1992 and tripled in 1992-1993. Transmission is mostly heterosexual. The problemof AIDS in the project are must be placed in the contextthat Moundouhas the highest HIV (human immuno-deficiencyvirus) infection rate in Chad,7 percentin 1993. In 1995 the Bebedjia Hospitalof St. Joseph, in a study which it was stressed was informal and preliminary,found that 10 percent of people who presented with symptoms possibly related to AIDS were HIV positive. Little work has been done on STDs in Chad. A 1989 study of truckers showed that 5 percent had antigensto syphilis, but it is likely that STDs are much more common.

The local population is aware of AIDS but not necessarilyof how it is transmitted. In Moyen- Chari 87 percent of urban women and 44 percent of rural women knew of it but not that it was sexually tranmitted.

Hepatitisof all kinds is common and is chronic in the rainy season.Transmission is often fecal- oral, related to bad water and poor hygiene,from which it is hard to protect oneself, especially on work crews alongthe pipeline,and road, and in the bush. HepatitisA, B, C and non-A non-B all occur. Observation shows that it is a common illness not helped by the traditionaltreatment of leafy infusions antitheticalto the liver. Many livers already are weakened by malaria. Thirty- seven percentof pregnancy/birthrelated deaths in the maternityat Koumra,the next main town east of Doba, have been due to hepatitis/icterus.Surveys at N'Djamenashow that 26 percent of the population has antigens for hepatitis B, 5 percentfor C, and 39 percent for non-A non-B.

Even strong, "healthy" people have a number of latent illnesses, which helps explain the relatively common incidence of sudden illness. One of the most striking health statistics about southern Chad is that an examination of army recruits from the region during the 1970s revealed an average of 14 parasites or other illnessesin "healthy"soldiers.

08837-787-012 Page 78 o:L..appbchd.dr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment 4.1.5 Housingand Utilities

There is no rural electrification. Only Moundou,of all the towns in the region, has centrally generatedelectricity and a water and sanitationsystem. One of the widespreadbeliefs in urban areas of the south is that the proposedproject will bring a reliable supply of electricity to the area, alongwith an intemationalairport and a large expatriatepopulation, therefore a better and wider selectionof goods in town. At the village level,on the other hand, people imagine instead that the project will meanthat cheap kerosenewill be availablefor lamps.

Practically all householdsuse fuelwoodfor cooking, and very few have switched to using fuel- efficientstoves. Weeklyexpenditure for firewoodor charcoalare a major part of urban dwelling budgets.

Housesin both urbanand rural areas usuallyare built of uncookedmud bricks. Tin roofs in rural villages are rare, put up for the most part by war pensioners, relatives of civil servants, or Christians. In urban areas, on the other hand, straw becomes expensivebecause it must be boughtfrom farmers bringingit to market; many more people havetin roofs. Informationon the housing of a random sample in Moyen-Charifound the followinghousing characteristics.

Housing and RoofingMaterials in Moyen-Charil

F HousingMaterial Rural Urban MudBrick 92% 86% CementBrick 1% 14% WovenStraw 7% 0% RoofingMaterial I Rural I Urban Straw/Mud 96% 72% Tin 4% 28%

Most villages do not have access to clean drinkingwater or sanitation. Few rural households see Ithe point of latrines, pits, etc. since the village is surroundedby fields and bushes that can be usedand in the dry season deposits dry up quickly. Not many people understandhow water can be contaminatedfecally. In the random sample of villages in the proposed project area drawn for the EA the number of traditional and lined wells and pumps were counted. The following percent of villages had the listed water sources (a village could have more than one

45USAID. Moven-Chari Baseline Studv Chad child Survival Project, 1993

*:L.1apPbchd.dr7 Page 79 08837-787-012 HtumanEnvironment Chad Export Project type of water source); since the sample is representativethe likelihood is that a similar proportionof all the villages in the proposedproject area will have these water sources:

Sources of Water

Source | Canton | Canton Bero | Canton l______|__j Komer | Miandoum Pump J 20% 57% 25% Traditional Well 100% 29% 100% LinedWell 0% 57% 0%

Unfortunatelymost of the pumps in these villages have not been fully paid for and the villages are under threat of having them taken out of service if they cannot complete payments. The depth of water wells in the project area tested for water in May 1995, when water levels are likely to be low, ranged from 5.30 meters to 21.0 meters; 7/14 wells ranged between 5-10 meters in depth, 5/14 between 10-20 meters, and 2 were 21 meters.

This seems ironic in an area where river blindnessabounds, but drinkingwater in the proposed pipeline/roadcorridor is a major problem. Most villagesget water from rivers or streams. During most of the year these sources are dry and women must dig holes in the riverbed and wait for muddy water to seep in. They must often walk long distances and spend hours waiting for the water to recharge and for their tum. Most villages do not have wells or pumps because even deep wells are often dry. Women in the villages sampled along the pipeline/road corridor reported spending from 1 to 10 hours a day most of the year getting drinking water for their households, on average 5 hours per day.

Women's ExperiencesFetching Water

j______rCanton Gagjibian -

Ngara Pop.276 In the rainy season there is water in a pond near the village. Otherwise, November through August, women must go every day to a distant stream six hours and back, including waiting for the hole in the stream to recharged.

Benarbe Pop.146 Water is in a stream 1km. away. From March to May women dig a hole and wait for it to recharge. Waiting for one's tum and for the recharge takes a minimum of 4 hours,a maximumof 10,every day.

Canton Bessao

Betabar I Pop.148 Women go to a traditional well in the neighboring town of Bedoli, 1km. away. Bedoli is about to pay for the installation of a water pump. Neither village is sure how they will work out access to water but Betabar must pay something.

Bedoli Pop.423 The village has 3 shallow wells, 2-2Y2m.but slow to recharge. They vill soon get a water pump installed with remittances sent home by emigrants to Cameroon.

08837-787-012 Page 80 o: L. lappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment

Madog Pop.95 | Water is in a river 3km. away where women must dig from March or April until the

-______| heavy rains; 8 hours to go, wait for recharge, and to come back.

[= -______Mont de Lam l

Diba liima Pop.241 The populace paid 100,000 CFA to have a well dug, with no success. They get water from a stream where women must dig from March or April until the heavy rains. Recharge is so slow that women must go 5-6 times per day. 'We get no sleepbecause of water," women say.

______Canton Mbaissaye

Bingo Pop.160 Water is from a stream where women must dig holes farther and farther away from the village as the bed dries up. The nearest spot is 30-40 minutes away. They dig from March to the coming of the heavy rains, and wait for up to two hours for the recharge. If they have children to carry extra basins, they need go only once a day, otherwise 2-3 times per day.

4.1.6 Schooling

Parents are now convinced, even in rural areas, of the importance of education(andalso of adult literacy) and have organized Parent Associations (APE) to sustain schools voluntarily. Support also comes from churches and NGOs. APE contribute to the salaries of volunteer teachers who supplementthe staff of state schools and run spontaneous,locally supported schools in some villageswithout state schools.4 Since the last reported scholarizationrate is 74 percent (vs. the national level of 46 percent), over three-fourths of the population has received some education, which bodes well for local hire of workers. A relatively large percentage(30) of the students in Logone Orientalare girls. An ongoing World Bank project is supporting primary, especially girls', education. Even with this support, the number of school goers has been dropping.

While the population here is better educated than many other parts of Chad, government provision of all services, schooJs,health facilities,telecommunications, and law and order, are inadequate. Despite 50 percent of the populationbeing under age 20, there is only one Lycee, at Doba, and one secondary school (CEG), at Bebedjia,to serve the population of eastern Logone Oriental. In the EA random sample of villages near the oil fields, the following number of villages had a state or spontaneousschool.

Schools in the ProposedProject Area

Kind of School Number in Canton Canton Bero Canton Komei I Miandoum State 2 3 | 2

46 Sorne associations work better than others and voluntary teachers in many spontaneous schools continue teaching out of community spirit and dedication, not because they eam much from teaching. Teaching is a specialization like any other in this region; voluntary teachers eam their living primarily by farming and teach in the dry-season.

o:L..ip;?bchd.dr7 Page81 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project

Spontaneous 1 4 2

Students from subprefecture Baibokoum tend to attend the Lycee in Moundou, in Logone Occidentalbecause it is easier,though not easy, for them to reach. There are two CEGs in the proposed pipeline area, one at Baibokoumand one at Bessao. In the proposed pipeline/road corridorthere are only 179 state supportedprimary school classes (number of primary schools undetermined) and in the proposed project area 157.47 In addition there are spontaneous schools. From the random sample of villages along the proposed pipeline corridor, however, it would appear that childrenin most villages must walk to another town to go to school.

Access to Education along Pipeline/RoadCorridor

lTown/Canton | Distance | HighestLevel of l l____Twicntn_itace I Schooling Ngara/Gadjibian 18 and 12 km CM2 BenarbetGadjibian too far- not go BetabarIlBessao 7 km CEG BedoliiBessao 8 km CEG Madog/Bessao 4 km CM2 Diba I/Montde Lam here CM2 BingolMbaissaye 3 km CM2

Figuresavailable from the GOC on the student-teacherratio do not, of course, include voluntary teachers,but eventheir presencecannot much alter the dismal proportions.There is, moreover, a freeze on hiring more teachers, even though they continue to be graduated from teaching schools, so that the situationwill not improve until the halt ends. Moreover school teachers at all levels are often out on strike for lack of pay.

47The Ministry of Education has provided the number of students in the area in 1994.

Educational Level Oil Fields Proposed Total Pipeline/Road Lycee 1,716 none 1,716 CEG 634 722 1,356 Total 12, 688 12,034 24,702

Primary School 10,318 11,312 21,630

08837-787-012 Page 82 o:1.lappbchddr7 I

ChadExport Project Human Environment 1994 Student-Teacher Ratio (teachers/1,00D students)

Educational 1Oil Fields PipelinelRoad Total L e v _ el______I_ _ I ______I______I__ Lycee 23/1,000 none 23/1,000 CEG 22/1,000 30/1,000 27/1,000 Primary School 17/1,000 1611,000 16/1,000

Information on technical training is limited. Education statistics show recent graduates as followis:

Skill # of Graduates I Auto Mechanic 4 GeneralMechanic 6 Electirician 2 Carpenter 1 Accountant 6 Secretary 36

Most training occurs on the job in the informal sector. Soon the World Bank intends to undertake a project aimed at providing job-oriented training.

4.1.7 Communication

Communication by post is possible in main towns such as Doba and Moundou. The post office in Moundou has telephones. Few people know about modern telecommunications. Numbers of rural inhabitants in the areas where the Operator has worked have stated their belief that the Operator's communication, mapping, and other telecom facilities have been installed just for the national Chadian security forces and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to communicate the local security situation to the Chadian and U. S. govemments.

Telelvision is available only in the major cities. Films, outside of N'Djamena, are seen only in large towns' commercial video parlors that go in and out of business with surprising regularity as equipment fails and is eventually repaired, or not. Information is spread in the main by radio, public crier, and above all by word of mouth.

Whilie radio is the most efficient way to communicate information, the minimal and critical element in getting information out is simply getting information into the public forum, by radio broadcasts, by informing Chefs de Canton or village chiefs, or by village meetings. The most popular stations are Africa Numero 1 and Radio France Inter, followed by Radio Tchad and Radio Cameroon. The range of Radio Rural at Moundou is very limited, although there may be

71l la-pp-bchd.dr7 Page83 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project plans for a new transmitter. Broadcasts are not made in dialects such as Lakka so people listen in French, if they understand it, and in Ngambay. Mboum speakers listen to Radio Cameroon and to French broadcasts if they understand French. Otherwise they listen to the Ngambay broadcasts of Radio Tchad. There was some discussion among villagers in the pipeline/road corridor about whether Radio Tchad recently had begun transmitting in Mboum.

South of Baibokoum some villagers listen to CAR broadcasts in Sango. Radios are private property but listened to by anyone nearby, so that one radio can reach a number of people. Listenership information is available only for women in Moyen-Chari.48 Women, however, rarely own radios, and since they socialize separately from men they listen less often. Even though groups of people may listen together, the number of radios per village make it unlikely that the preponderance of villagers learn information by word of mouth from those who heard it on the radio.

Chances of Listening to Radio: Pipeline/Road Corridor

Road & Pipeline I Population Number of Radios Batteries Villages ! Problem? Ngara/Canton Gadjibian 276 1 small ? Benarbe/Gadjibian 146 2 yes Betabar lBessao 148 3 yes Bedoli1Bessao 423 40 + yes Madog/Bessao 95 3 yes Diba I/Mont de Lam 241 yes, ? number yes BingolMbaissaye 160 3 yes (none for 1 I ______I ______lm______onth )

The problem with radio, however, is not lack of radios, or range, or broadcast languages, but batteries. Many radios work perfectly well but have no batteries. Radio size batteries are hard to find even in weekly markets and are very expensive for local pocketbooks.

4.1.8 Private Businesses

48 Women'sRadio Listening Frequency/ Mo n-Chari Frequency RuralWomen UrbanWomen Never 460% 11% Lessthan onceper week 21% 5% Onceper week 12% 6% 2-3times per week 10% 20% Everyday 11% 58% USAID,Moven-Char Baseline Studyv Chad Child Survival Project, 1993.

08837-787-012 Page 84 o:.1.appbchedr7 Chad Export Project lHumanEnvironment Private business in the productionarea is not thriving. Doba used to have a thriving business communityof Frenchcolonials, Portuguese and Nigerian ("Biafran")importers. Local commerce in Doba, Bebedjia,Mbikou and elsewherelessened as these "foreign" businessmenand Arab merchantswho had small boutiquesfled because of ethnic conflicts. Bars continued to do a good business,and the localopen food marketactually increasedin size as higher cotton prices monetarizedthe economy and peoples' crops were destroyed in attacks, forcing them to buy supplies in the market. But the economic contraction of the last few years has slowed or reversed even the growth in open air markets,and the number of bars has shrunk as people have less and less to spend. Muslim merchantshave been moving back into the area but only into the regional capitols where there is a protectivemilitary presence, but they claim that until the Operator came to Komethere was very little moneyavailable.

Villaglemarkets offer the minimum: fresh foods and grains from the countryside,perhaps an itinerant peddler or two with razor blades, sugar and tea, earrings and underpants, rubber bungee cords, and other necessities. Inevitablythere are a number of women selling drinks of variojs kinds.Markets grow from there, so that towns like Miandoumhave one or two boutiques run by locals selling a few more items. The boutiquesare open on market days and for a few hours in the evening.

In larger towns like Bebedjiaand Mbikouthere is a daily open air market with vendors of grilled meat and cabarets selling local beer, etc. Such towns also have a number of boutiquesrun by Muslims and perhaps a bar. Big businesses selling hardware, pharmaceuticals, electronic goods,imported food, baked goods, and so forth are found only in Moundou,as are specialized shops for tailors of westem clothing, books, etc. Doba has boutiqueswith imported goods bought by the local population such as pasta, dried milk, batteries, schoolbooks, etc., the critically importantGala beer warehouseand tailors of local clothing.

1. Economic Impact of the Project on Urban Private Businesses:The local population spends small sums buying from regular market sellers. The Operator and expatriates spend large lump sums in the open air marketsfor fresh food and among a few shopkeeperswho are able to importand procure locallythe canned and bottled goods and fresh foods ordered by the Operator. Otherwisethese shopkeepers serve the local populationonly for luxury goods and specialities such as hardware.Large amounts of money go to the shopkeepers because the local market has not and is not able to respondto the Operator's needs for fear of risk, low capitalization,difficulty identifying needs, etc.

The shopkeepers are major business people; one at Moundou owns both a grocery and hardware store. He is a Chadian national but perceived as an outsider profiting from the Operator's businessbecause his family origins are North African. "Fezzani", Lebanese,Greek and Nigerian ("Biafran") merchantsalways have been consideredoutsiders throughout Chad, even though they have held Chadian citizenshipfor several generations. Local employmentis

o:1..1tapbchd.dr7 Page 85 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Proect generated by this perceptionof "foreign-ness";the shopkeepersthemselves go to Cameroon, etc. for procurementbut have several local Chadian assistantswho oversee the transportation and importation of their purchases because they get less hassle at the customs and road barriers.

Muslim shopkeepers in Doba and Bebedjia and other local inhabitantsare beginningto poise themselves to take advantageof future needs. Local people are more aware of the business potentialbecause they are in closer contact with project personneland get more general ideas and specific tips.

Ladies' business in towns where local Operator and subcontractor employeesstay has picked up considerably.Women run restaurantsfor the local employees.who must provide their own food. Ladiesof the evening have movedto Bebedjiafrom everywhere,including Moundou,and several fights have broken out between Bebedjia and Moundou women over business. The subprefectclaims to have taken strong measuresto keep women away from the base and has instituteda curfew for women at Bebedjia.

Temporary workers and permanent employees transferred to the project need lodging, and rents have skyrocketed. One room in a straw and mud hut that once cost 300-500 CFA/month now costs 2,000 CFA/month. Many students at the CEG at Bebedjia are no longer able to afford to live in town, and some civil servants have been asked to vacate their lodgings for tenants who can pay rent on time.

The kinds of businessesthat have prosperedand have failed also show the project's impact. Doba's economy in 1992 was middling,and Bebedjia's served a poorer group. Bebedjia still serves a poor clientele but one getting richer, whereas Doba's population is getting poorer. At Doba the more upscale businesseshave closed or done poorly over the last few years. Bars for civil servants have closed and the number of cabarets selling cheap local beer has been halved. The hardware and pharmacy have not paid their licenses. The number of flour mills grinding grain for women for four cents a kilo also has halved. There are half as many restaurants.

On the other hand 1995 saw the appearanceof "rooms for rent', and the number of businesses related to transport actually has increasedover 1992. Since these are the sorts of businesses the project is demanding, their appearance may be related to the project though there is no direct evidence. At Bebedjia there have never been any big businesses (wholesalers, middlemen,etc.), but the number of petty merchants has risen from 6 to 17, and there are now two flour mills and a tailor.

2. The Project'sImpact on the Economy: If one compares the amount of money paid to the local government for business licenses, the decline of business at Doba and its growth at

08837-787-012 Page 86 o:l.. lappbchddr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment Bebedjia is clear. Even more striking is the positive impact the project has had on the economy of Bebedjia. As the project takes on momentum, this impact may spread to Doba and other towns. At Doba the number of large businesses has shrunk by 33 percent between 1992 and 1994, and the number of micro businesses by 43 percent. At Bebedjia bigger businesses have increased in number by 54 percent and micro businesses by 94 percent. The amount of money paid for a license for businesses, such as wholesaling and bars, is much greater than the fee for micro-businesses, such as local beer or grilled meat vendors, so that a few large businesses have much more impact on the budget than a few small ones, but every increase is a positive one.

Business licenses' contribution to government revenue can be small compared to the rural head tax of 1,000 CFA/taxable individual. The contribution made by licenses over the last four years has ranged from 16-22 percent of government revenue. The head tax has contributed from 22- 68 percent over the same period, but the number of businesses is only 100-200, whereas over 6,000 taxpayers paid head tax. Therefore any improvement in business can have an important impact on govemment revenues.

The poll tax should bring in large sums to the government, but the amount actually collected is highly dependent on the security situation and the economic condition of the countryside. In the past four years the percent of government revenues constituted by the head tax has ranged from 22-68 percent of the regional govemment's income. The percent of head taxes owed that actually is collected is low at all times, ranging from 2-35 percent in different Cantons in 1994 and 1995. Percent of Head Taxes Owed/Collected

11994 1995 I % of overall budget 22% 53% % of poll tax collected from 2-34% 6-35% different cantons

4.2 NATURAL RESOURCES

Sedentary farmers value and utilize a number of environmental resources; the pastoralists' uses and social valuation of resources overlap but do not coincide since their lifestyle and beliefs are different. Until research is done, pastoralists' patterns of land use cannot be described in detail. The resources valued by sedentary farmers are: land (habitations, fields, and fallow), wild trees andl bushes, and water. Specific trees, water, and pieces of land are important religious sites. Dependence on wild bush products not only for food and animal fodder but for construction materials, firewood, and the makings of everyday household utensils, storage containers, etc. mean that wild areas are as critical to an understanding of land use as is cultivated land.

o:W..appbchd.dr7 Page 87 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project 4.2.1 Land Use Pattems

A village controls a certain amount of land whose boundaries are indefinite but nevertheless widely accepted. Oversight over different parts of this land is inherited by several different religious offices. These office holders have jurisdiction over the land under their control and mediate on behalf of the village inhabitants with the spirits connected to this part. These office holders may be men or women, and the land and office may pass through either the paternal or maternal line.

The village settlement itself is in charge of the "nje guel be"49 (Ngambay = person at the origin of the village) or "kwa be" (Sara = owner of the village), "nge be" (Mbay), who is a descendant of the founder of the village. He is usually the person who mediates with the tree or other spirit of the place. The "nje do nang" (Ngambay = person in charge of the earth), also known as "nje bem" (fallow and fields person) or "nje ra kol be" (Mbay = person who makes the luck of the village) is in charge of land under cultivation, apportioning out fallow land, making sure the spirits keep the land fertile. The "nje kor" (Ngambay = person in charge of the bush) is in charge of the luck of the people who depend on that bush and on the use of trees and other bush products.

These terms relate to three basic concepts of resources: 1) "be" or village, but in fact "home", so that to an outsider one could refer to all the land, wild bush as well as fallow, as "be"; 2) "kor" or land outside the inhabited village center, in Mbay specifically cultivated/fallow, and in Sara and Ngambay uncultivated bush, but all languages oppose; and 3) the concept of inhabited/uninhabited, i.e.,"be" and "bem" to "kor/walwaVmu,"bush, grasses, wild plants, and "bem" and "be" to words related to "kol/kor" which deal with luck, chance, ancestors, inheritance, wild, and madness. Although all Sara are dealing with the same concepts, Ngambay have offices dealing with village ("be"), cultivation ("bem"), and wilderness ("kor"), whereas Sara have an office only for "be" and not for control of the bush (except for the "ngombang" at BedayaO), and the Mbay only for "be" and for the fertility of the fields ("kol").

Streams are divided into sections that are controlled by inheritance by the "nje mann" or water person for each section. In areas where dried up streams have been tumed over to recession agriculture the owners of the streams ("nje mann") have converted themselves into landowners who give people annual rights of access to these valuable fields which they delimit.

Landowning is differentiated geographically, and various office holders control larger and smaller amounts of land. In the traditional system, however, there is no hierarchy of offices with

49 Nje or nge means "he/she who" or "person". Njelnge and kwa all mean proprietor, possessor.

s°The ngombang is a particular and interesting case which sheds light on land rights but is not relevant to rights over land in the Doba area.

08837-787-012 Page88 o:L.1appbchd.dr7 Chad Exrport Project Human Envronment power over land; each and every office holder is equal to and independentof the others. Thus the "nije do nang", descendantof first occupantof area, who put land into use, would have to call on the "nje kor", in charge of all bush, all wild, all non-villageland, to carry out ceremonies associated with the bush. He would have to ask an "nje bem", owner of fallow or cultivated land, inheritor of specific fields, for permissionto use an empty field. In the world fashionedby the colonial system, however,the Chef de Canton holds ultimatecontrol over all the land in his canton.

1. Rights over Habitationsin Cities and Towns: In cities and towns the town government (Mairie) grants access to land in exchangefor a 30 percent tax on the value of the land. This is, however, only the first step in gaining legal control of the land, but many people never go farther. Therefore, they have no right to compensationfor governmentappropriation of their land or buildings. Some go no farther because they are unawareof the law, others because they cannotafford the requirements,and some becausethere is simply no way to proceed. For many years "landowners" at Bebedjia and Doba were unable to register their land legally because there was no governmentsurveyor to carry out the required process.A good part of the land in cities and towns is occupiedby squatters.

In villages any land which has not been settled yet is free for the taking, and the village chief is informedout of courtesy. Land alreadyused as a house site must be granted by the previous user, who also informs the chief. The grant process seems easy; the previous user simply demarcates ("shows", odji) the land in the presence of the grantee. Howeverthe grantor by "showing" a newcomer a piece of land also shoulders social responsibilityfor the newcomer, becorneshis sponsor,and can be blamedfor his behavior.Hence "showing"is a significantact. The cgrantee'sobligation is socially responsiblebehavior.

2. Rights over CultivatedLand: Among all Sara groups similar rules apply:

Uncultivated Land: All bush either belongs to a village or is unclaimed.If the land is in true forestwhich no one remembers havingbeen cultivatedand outside any land claimed by nearby villages, simply clearingthe land makes the pioneer an "nje guel be" or villagefounder. If land is owned by another village and a large area is desired for resettlement and permanent occupation by another village or large number of people,they must petition either the bush or fallow person in the in situ village for some of the land under his/hercontrol. The office holder evaluates the overall conditionof his land and the situation and characterof the supplicants. He concludes what is for the commongood, especiallyof his village, and decides how much land to give and where.

As pressure has grown on land, the amount of land thus granted has grown less, so that outside villages or families settling in a new but owned area are receivingless land than in the past and often less than other, long-timeresidents of the in situ village.

O:i..aeppbctd.dr7 Page 8.9 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project Access to land claimed by a village but uncultivatedis open only to men and women who are relatedpatemally to inhabitantsof the village.They can clear and farm or clear and build on any land not yet put into use and need only inform the proper authority out of courtesy. If a man grows up in his mother's village, he cannot take fields of his own there and pass them onto his children but must return to his father's village. if a widow or divorced woman wishes to farm without being indebted morallyto her husband'sfamily or others, she must ask her "brothers" in the village to share some of the inheritancewith her. If she is an outsider, she must return to her own village for land.

Nevertheless the rules about inheritance of land are known clearly to all members of the society, whereas the conversion process from non-kin or non-agnates to patemal kin is a hidden sociological process by which members of society bring their ideology of patrilineal solidarity, the bedrock of their society, into line with the reality of social relations. In the case of resettlementof individualsor of groups one can expect the receivinggroup to apply the rules of land inheritanceto the immigrants,not to convertthem into paternal kin.

The English term 'bush" confounds two separate categories in Sara ethnobiology. In local terminology fields ("ndor") are left to fallow; if those fallow fields are put back into production fairly rapidly, within 1-12 years, the fallow is referred to as ugirum" (the word referring to a growling stomach tuming over and over as it digests), because the soil is reworked and reworked.Fallow left to nature is still fallow, and still "owned" as long as anyone can remember who cultivatedthere (about one generation,except among the Ngambaywho emphasizefallow inheritance), but eventually it grows up enough to be bush ("kag"), little different in what it produces or in people's mindsfrom true bush, except for the issue of ownership.

All fallow produces "bush" products, but what it produces changes the longer it is left alone. Open fallow produces leaves and bushes for sauce, and fruit-bearing bushes. Wooded fallow andtrue bush produceleaves for containers,bark for cord, poles and wood for construction and woodworking, firewood. Large fruit-bearingtrees such as shea (Butyrosperum)are protected when bush is tumed into fields and belongs to the person who cleared the land. Such trees in unfallow bush belongto anyone.

The Ngambay have a stricter version of the same rules that all Sara apply to previously cultivated land. Among the Ngambay any true bush ("kag") cleared by a man or woman becomes "ndouba" and belongs to him/her and his/her descendants. "Ndouba" in Ngambay thus means "inherited land" and "inheritedfields" as well as "former village site". The children of anyone who has cleared and created"ndouba" divide that land among themselves. Each of their portions is in turn divided by the children of each or returns to the common familial pot if there are no heirs.

08837-787-012 Page 90 0: .. app,chd.dr7 Chad Export Project Hunan Environment Thus, if a family grows larger over generations,individuals have less and less inheritedland to farm. They can, however, go out and clear without hesitation more bush ("kag"), as long as there is any. Among the Ngambay"ndouba" can be either "girum", "churned" land, i.e. fields in rotationor fields in recent fallow soon to be put back into cultivationor "kag", bush with large secondarygrowth after a long time in fallow, but both still belongto the person or his/her heirs.

Bush cleared for fields also is inheritedamong Mbay (who call it "bem"), Kabba, Lakka ("bem", "biem") and other Sara ("goti lo", "bembe","bur"), but the inheritanceis not followedso closely and farmerscount on it for their future fields to a lesser extent, dependingon the cultural group and its geographicsituation.

Among all the Sara, land for cultivationcan be acquired by anyone, man or woman, by one of three processes:

(a) Patrilinealdescendants of acknowledgedpatrilineal residents can claim any unfarmed land. They controldirectly accessto land farmed by their father.

(b) They also can ask another villager for a piece of land which is under cultivationor in fallow whose previous farmer is known. The owner can grant use for a set period of time, or with the understandingthat he eventuallywill reclaim it, can renounceclaim to the land when he "shows" the piece of land, which then becomes the property of the recipient and his heirs.

(c) An outsider must ask the "nje bem" of a village or field if anyone knows whose field/fallow it is, and the land lent him can never become his inheritance,only lifetime usage.

Thus childrenof an outsiderare obligedto return to their paternalvillage for any land other than land lent provisionally. (There are, however,no restrictionson what can or cannot be planted on land borrowedprQvisionally or "shown". There are no "permanent"crops in this area with which a farmer can stake claim to land.) The process of conversionfrom outsider to paternal kin operates over a period of years and one to two generations. If the outsider acts much like a kinsman, marries into the village, etc., his children become kin and eventually patemal kin, eligible for village land. Men and women only inherit land in patemal village.

In Sara cultureno one personhas exclusive right to a piece of land.The "nje bem" still will have supiervisoryrights over a field inheritedby a son from his father, and the Chef de Canton more generalrights for the good of his population. The father's brothersand sisters and cousins, his nephewsand nieces also have residualrights in the land.

o: L.lapobchd.dr7 Page 91 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project Moreover, since a number of people may have used a piece of land because they have borrowedit, because they have finished out the harvest cycle for their family after the death of the farmer, or because the field still can be kept in rotation after their kinsman has died, they all have some sort of claim, which they may choose to exercise if they see it is in their own interests. Thus claims to land often become tools in interpersonal disputes and political arguments. With the proposed project the value of land is likely to change, and holders of different rights in the same land may seek recognition at the expense of their holders. But ultimate land rights rest with the community as a whole and community rights should prevail over any individualclaims.

2. Rights over Forest Land: Forest not owned by villages is under control of the canton chief, but this is a modern, not traditionalattribution. Forest owned by a village is under control of the "nje kor" among the Ngambay, or of the paternal inhabitantsof the village as a group, in other Sara societies. The "nje koe', or the village by consensus, can decide what forest to put under cultivation. The forests provide food, fuel, construction material, and all sorts of householdand farm equipment.These resources can be used by anyone in the village. Among the Mbay, Kabba, Lakka, Sar, and Nar, useful trees in fields or fallow belong to the person who cleared the land originallyand took care not to damage them. Hence a field can belongto one person and a tree in it to another.Among the Ngambay,trees in fields remain open to anyone.

3. Rightsto Water: A well belongsto the person who dug it, although anyone may take water from it. No one can deny water to another. Some sections of freeflowing streams belong to individuals who control fishing and construction rights there. The owner may give permission to others to fish there, and once or twice a year declares the stream open for public fishing. Others should give him a fish or two in recognition of his rights. Dried out land now used for recession agriculture is still controlledby the "nje man", who gives permissionyear by year to use the fields he delimits.

4. Ownership: In the cantons in the proposed project area about 85 percent of land is "owned" according to calculations based on the average landholdingsclaimed by individuals in the EA sample and the total surface area of the zone. Much of this area is inhabited by Ngambay, who appear to have stricter and longer accounting over land inheritance. 'Ownership" does not necessarilymean uactivelyfarmed"; about 75 percent of men farm less than 2 ha, about 75 percent of women less than 1% ha, and both have about the same amount of land in fallow (based on 1995 survey of approximately100 households).

08837-787-072 Page 92 o:1..appbchddr7 ChadExrport Project HumanEnvironment

Land Holdings and Land Use in Oil Fields Area (based on 1995 survey of approximately 100 households)

. Cultivated Fields Fallow Fields Bush * Hectares # Places ._ Hectares Hectares Fields AverageHolding/HH* (ha) 4 5 1.5 3 RangeHolding! HH (ha) 2-27 1-11 0-3 1-8 CantonMiandoum Av. InheritedHolding/HH 7 2-3 RangeInherted / HH (ha) 0-26 0-7 CantonKome Av. InheritedHolding/ HH 8.3 3 RangeInherited (ha) 0-39 1-8 CantonBero Av. InheritedHolding/ HH 10 2 RangeInherited (ha) 0-40 1-7

* Peopleseem to be reportingtheir holdingsin long-termfallow, becoming bush, not the actual bush areathey use. **HH= Household

"Ownership" means that the major traditional official concerned with control over land claimed for the project will be the "nje bem", or person in charge of fallow land, rather than the official in charge of wild bush. All, however, must be consulted. The fact that most land is fallow and "owned" also complicates the question of compensation. Individuals 'owning" land will lose not only fields but future fields. At the same time, fallowed land is open to exploitation as bush by anyone, not just the landowner, though he is the only one who controls cultivation rights. Cultivation rights can be owned individually. Bush exploitation rights, except for trees cannot. It also complicates the issue of resettlement since there are not many large tracts of "unowned" land.

Althc,ugh most of the land in the proposed project area cantons is owned, this does not mean that fallow time is short, since owned land can be left fallow and become bush. The average length of fallow ranges from 1-12 years in the area. The length of fallow is related to the amount of virgin bush available overall for individuals to create new fields and to the amount of land in inherited landholdings. Once pressure on both intensifies, then fallow time will be shortened.

o04L.lapobchd.dr7 Page 93 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project 5. Religioussites: Most sacred sites are undistinguishablefrom the surrounding countryside unless there are recent graves. The project, therefore, will have to ask each individualvillage to mark out any sacred sites in advance of project construction.Most sites can be moved if it is for the good of the community.Sacred trees probablycan be skirted by slight realignments. The EA team identified several sacred spots along the proposed pipeline which cannot be moved;in CantonGadjibian outside the village of Ngara there is a sacred hill, "mbal", where the "nje do nang" asks for rain. At Benarbethere is a rocky stream, "mann er", controlled by the "nje do nang", but people say it is not important becausethey are all Catholics.

4.2.2 Institutions Dealing with Resources

1. Status of the law: Nationallaw is that all land belongsto the state unless the state confers ownership.By Sara custom there are no clear and uncontestablerights over land. It is also the national law that customary law prevails unless it is in direct conflict with national law. As a result, customary land law is standard in most rural areas and is what people are habituatedto having applied. Few people are aware of the national laws over mineral rights or over compensation and may be surprised if traditional law is not applied in relation to proposed project land. Not only are few local people knowledgeableof the law, but few are organized enough to try to defend the local populace or to negotiateon their behalf. Thus their situation as a politicallyand ethnically"vulnerable group" will leave them particularlyvulnerable to control over land and natural resources.

2. Proceduresand customsfor land claims: Traditionallyrights to land are gained by being "shown"land already belongingto another party or by puttingvirgin land into use. But rights are not exclusive. Instead there are layers of land rights. General control of the region is vested in the cantonchief. The village chief, clans, and individualsalso have rights over smaller portions of the same land. For reasons of self interest, political, or personal vengeance people often choose to exert their claims against others.

Conflicting land claims are arbitrated by the village chief who attempts to balance chronology and labor invested in the land to convince the parties and public opinion to accept his verdict. His decision can be appealedto the canton chief, who does the same but with greater weight of authority.

3. Decisions over natural resources: Certain natural resources belong to individuals, as representativesof their kin groups, including resources such as: fishing streams, some useful trees,and sacred sites. Owners can make decisionsabout these resources themselves. Land requires the agreement of multiple levels of leadership, from the central government to individuals who use or have used it. Withholding agreement, as we have seen, is part of the gamesmanshipof authority/leadership.Control is exercised by gaining majority support, which

08837-787-072 Page 94 o:.LAappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment is sanctionenough for actions, even though there will be nuisancesuits and sniping by political factions.

The traditional decision making system does not, however, give a voice to women who are major users of wild resources for food and fuel, althoughto some extent women make their wishes known indirectly, and more and more frequently,directly. Neverthelessany attemptsto involve women in the decisionmakingprocess must go beyondthe traditionalsystem.

o:..appbchd.dr7 Page 95 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 5.0 THE CONSEQUENCESOF OIL DEVELOPMENT

The previous study and analysis of the socioeconomicenvironment of the project has been predicated on the assumptionthat for appropriate compensationand mitigation measures to be developedthe underlyingprocesses affectingthe socioeconomicsituation in the region must be understood.

Similarly,some compensations/mitigationsmay create more problemsthan they resolve, as the local population sees when they raise the possibilitythat resettlementamenities may attract bandits and raiders. Moreover, if the mitigation and compensation measures implemented leave people facing many of the same problems as before, the same amount of money might be better invested in avoiding or amelioratingthe situation, instead of recreating it. Last, for mitigation and compensation to be implemented effectively, the basic social structures, alliances, and tensions must be understoodclearly in order to avoid creating more problems through the compensation!mitigation process itself.

5.1 PRESENT SOCIOECONOMICSITUATION

At present the region faces two major problems:

* The present agricultural system is unsustainable * There are few sources of revenueand few means of saving or investing.

5.1.1 SocioeconomicPressures

The existing system of slash-and-burnand fallowing is not sustainable beyond the next 30 years, at maximum.The amount of unclaimed bush is diminishing. In fact, already it is down to less than 15 percent of the region's land area, and the growing population must live off a fixed quantity of inheritedland. In this situation land fertility will drop as the amount of time land can be left fallow decreases and it is impossible,with farmers' present limited means, for them to improve the soil.

The existing farming system requires a mix of fallow, bush and fields for diversification of subsistence and of income, for spreading and reducing risk, for timing production throughout the year, and for improvingthe chance of producing somethingthat will be demanded in the market. Moreover,everyone needs bush area in order to eat, and vulnerable people (the poor, sick, aged, and small householdswith little agriculturallabor available) use the bush more than any other for food and productsto sell for income.They will suffer as bush is turned into fields and thereafter as they decrease in fertility.

08837-787-O02 Page .96 o:t tappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment The decline of cotton, the non-paymentof civil servants and govemment professionals by a financiallyconstrained government, plus politicalinstability, have reduced the region's economy to its barest essentials. The only retail trade today is women's sale of daily essentials and alcohol;the only basic source of income is sale of cotton and foodstuffs.The cotton subsector is in trouble, and there is little or no prospectof a replacementcash crop. Fewer and fewer farmers are able to grow cotton and one-halfof male householdheads now depend on selling food and bush products for income. They must increase the number of hectares under production,to the extent they have labor, equipment,etc., in order to make the same amount of money from food as from cotton, or else they must cut into householdconsumption stores.

This is a region where nutritionallevels, though adequate,are declining. The obligationto sell the familys food supply to get cash is one reason the level of head tax payment is so low. This in tuni has repercussionson the govemment's abilityto pay its workers and to provide services. Women are nowthe economicmainstay of the householdbecause they earn half of the family's incorne in steady but small amountsthat meet daily or weekly expenses. The transition from men as economic household heads to women has been rapid, especially in urban areas. Though the transition is not always smooth, on the whole men are grateful that women have been able to fill the gap. They also see benefits in women receivingeducation and business training and credits.

Govemmentservices, outside of the cities and towns, are practicallynonexistent. In the project area health, schooling, and other services that are available are mostly paid for by the consumer who, as we have seen, has little money.The only govemmentservices that work in the countrysideare health (with considerablesupport from external donors, NGOs, and paying patients)and agriculturalextension. Agriculturalextension, however, is overextended,with only one agent per 4,500 farmers. It, therefore, cannot be expectedto bring about great changes in agricultureor farming techniques.

If the cash economy continues to decline (and preliminary indications are that the 1994 devaluationof the CFA has not much benefitedChad, which has little to export and must import most goods), then local govemment services will erode even more. Most services and developmentactivities in the region are deliveredby international,national, and religious NGOs who manageto reach, in some way or another,almost all villages.

Despite the fact that most modern goods and services are available only in the two principal cities of the region, Moundou and Sarh, and despite rapid urbanizationover the last 15 years (20 percent of the populationnow lives in cities and towns) due to political disruptions in the countryside and the need for food availableonly in urban markets,there are indicationsthat a reverse, urban-to-rural exodus is occurring. Unemployed or unpaid civil servants and professionals are retuming to the land to earn their living, and those in the informal urban economy, that is declining as a result, are followingtheir example. The economic situation in o:L.ap,&'bchd.dr7 Page 97 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chiad Export Project the rural areas may become even more difficult. Many of those who received the necessary inputs for cotton growing in early 1995 have not planted because of the political situation.

A wild card in the political, job, and security situation is the demobilization of soldiers. The government intends to reduce by three-fourths the army, which takes up 40 percent of the national budget. Many of the soldiers to be demobilizedare from the south. So far these soldiers have seen few advantagesin returning home; they expect a poor reception since their low pay has not allowedthem, during their military service, to help those they left at home. Not having maintainedan ongoing exchange relationshipwith their villages they expect to receive a cold shoulderupon their return. As a result, many respectablesoldiers have taken to banditry or hired themselves out as "protection"in areas where they were posted in the north. It is unclear what will happen if they return south, especially if they see legitimate employment opportunitieswith the project.

The possibilitiesfor another cash crop to replace cotton are constrained by lack of markets, transport, seeds, and inputs. A new cash crop will encounter problems of soil fertility and agriculturalequipment since these things are availableonly to cotton growers.

Access to agricultural equipment is changing the balance among productionfactors, which is leading to social differentiation. This is not a caste or class society; people are inherently egalitarian in outlook and tolerate wealth and power only as long as they themselves are able to profit by "consuming" the lucky person's goods also. But those with equipment are able to cultivate more and grow cotton, so their wealth increases disproportionately.

There are problems not only of cash for necessitiesbut of credit and savings. Men and women need credit to buy equipment for farming, food processing,and transport. Indigenous savings and loans had developed successfully in the proposed pipelinearea and westem parts of the regionunder the guidanceof NGOs, but were looted and destroyed in the early 1990s.The only formal credit available today, except for a few small business loans from NGOs, is tightly restricted govemment agricultural credit to cotton farmers. There are no formal financial institutions in the region and no opportunitiesfor savings except for a few recuperating NGO- guided savings and loans and women's "tontines,"or rotating savings associations,which are limited mostly to urban areas.

5.1.2 Historical Evolution of the Situation

There has been little alteration in the political situation of the area over the entire period of known historical events. Changes have occurred: the economy moved from pure subsistence at the turn of the century to one in the 1970-1980swhere money, rather than food, could be converted into social support and political power. Relationswith nearby neighboring villages changed from hostility and fear of attack, moderated by marriage and kinship links before the

08837-787-012 Page 98 o:L.ia*pbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project HumanEnvironment French and Germansfirst colonizedthe region, to one in which the canton, a group of kin and culturallyrelated people, was forciblyunited under an exploitativechief imposed by the colonial power on independentvillages. The canton has since evolvedto what has become today the largest cooperativeand mutuallyconcerned local group in the society, under the leadership of a popularlyelected "traditional"official.

Agriculturehas changedfrom a subsistenceslash-and-burn situation where bush was abundant andvillages often hivedoff to seek fertile land or refugefrom slavers or sorcerers,to slash-and- bum in an increasinglylimited and infertile area. Labor is still the major constraintto agriculture, but agricultural equipment allows a farmer to increase his acreage and grow cash crops, so bothrnoney and agriculturalcredit now also are constraintson increasing householdproduction and income. Politicaldisruption, flight from attackers who kill any resistors and loot the villages, robbers and bandits who prey on travelers, and a desire to keep a low profile in order to avoid attracting attentionfrom raiders, however,are just as commontoday as during the last days of the slave trade before 1905. The colonialistsfrequently forcibly resettledpopulations, obliged them to change their agriculturalactivities, and recruited local people as laborers; on the other hand they offered the region a degree of physicalsecurity theretofore unknown. All in all, the past will in many ways resemble the future under the project development:- possible resettlement,fear of ostentatiousdevelopment, labor crews enteringone area and leavingtheir homes in another, a need to alter the farming system, and a dependenceon popularlychosen "traditional" leaders to represent to the outside decisions reached by consensus of the comrnunity. These will be as importantfor the local populationin the project area as ever. An improvement over the past will be the fact that many of the changes brought about by the projectwill be mitigated or compensatedinstead of forced upon an unwillingpopulation.

5.2 POSITIVEIMPACTS OF THE PROPOSEDPROJECT AND MITIGATION

In the view of the local population, proposed oil field developmentcan be a way to mitigate many of the problemsthey face at present.The EA analysis of the socioeconomicsituation in the regionsupports this view. Manyof the actions undertakento implementthe project or in the course of the project would ameliorate some of the population's problems. In these circumstancesmitigation actions might consist, to a great extent, of actions which would ensure that the local populationwould benefitto the maximumfrom any improvementsbrought about by the project and able to take advantageof all the opportunitiesoffered.

The local populationconsiders thatjobs on the projectwould be a major benefit, offering a new source of steady income availablenot only to the employeesbut indirectlyto all their relatives and friends. They do not as clearly see that they could also benefit from the injection of approximatelyUS$10 million for locallysupplied goods and services.

o:L.iapXpbchd.dr7 Page SY 08837-787Y012 Human Environment Chad Export Project Althoughthey know they would benefitto some extent from selling snacks, foods, and services to workers who come for the project, the locals are risk adverse, have no capital, exceedingly limited access to credit or savings, little previous experence that would allow them to identify the business opportunities the project would offer, and lack training in creating micro- businesses. On their own the local people would be unableto seize the opportunities offered or be able to offer desirable goods and services to the Operator and its subcontractors.

To take advantage of these opportunities,actions such as micro-credits, productioncontracts and associations, training in vegetablegardening, quality control, and simple accounting, and creation of savings societies should be taken, for the benefitsto be derivedwould mitigate the impact of the project. Given that lack of cash income, lack of moneymakingopportunities, and means for saving and investing are some of the major hindrances on the local economy, the population is quite right in seeing jobs and benefits from the project as the major opportunity for the region.

Injection of money into the economy via jobs and purchasing goods and services would give more people the means to pay their head taxes, thus benefitingthe government. They could do so without having to sell off their food, thus reducing pressure on household food stores." Money spent in shops, restaurants and bars, and on goods and services available in towns would enable business owners to pay their "patentes"due to local govemment,which appears already to be leading to the creation of new businesses.

The monetary impact of the Operators tentatively projected spending on manpower and procurementfrom 1997-2000would have the following impact on the 239,965 people currently in the project area:

l______Monetary Impact of Project (in dollars) on Local Population Wages & Agricuitural Project Unskilled IncomeAverage IncomeAverage Procurement Household 'Employee Employee Individualin All Project Householdin ProjectArea Total Household. Household Area @ Income Income Income Without (Husband (Husband :Additional Total Additional Total Project * + Wife) # + Wife) Income Income Income Income from with from with Project ______Project Project Project 1997 255 1 154 2 979 5 50 29 284 1998 255 3 087 29 74 165 420 1999 255 7 440 35 80 198 453

2000 255 1 471 _ 8 53 42 297

51A sidebenefit would be that farmers would have to putless land in cerealsto sell,thus somewhat reducing the pressure onland and would be less pressured to increasetheir acreage with animal traction, thus slowing economic dffferentiation between havesand have-nots lacking agricultural equipment.

08837-787-012 Page 100 O.iLbppbChd.d7 Chad Export Project Human Environment

Monetary Impact of Project (in dollars) on Local Population

Wages & Agrcultural Project Unskilled Income Average Income Average Procurement Household Employee Employee Individual in All Project Household in Project Area Total Household Household Area @ Income Income Income Without (Husband (Husband Additional Total Additional Total Project * + Wife) # + Wife) Income Income Income Income from with from with Project ______Project Project Project

1997-2000 1 020 13152 11916 77 257 434 1454 cumulative I I I _I_I 1994 cotton income ONDR + 1993 women's income Moyen-Chari Child Survival Project # Average yearly household income of a project employee = average annual income per employee + average annual yearly income of wife. Wife's income denved from 1993, Moven-Chari Child Survival Proiect Average annual income per employee = (all projected salaries for this project year) divided by (projected number of local employees for this project year) Potential household income of an unskilied project employee = potential revenue of an unskilled project employee + average annual yearly income of wife @ Average income per person in the project area = revenue per person due to project + average agricultural income per person Revenue per person due to project = (all salaries + all compensation + procurement) divided by (number of inhabitants of project zone) Agricultural revenue per person in the project zone = (household agricultural income) divided by (average household size).

People also consider that the roads improvementsto be made by the Operator to facilitate movements of construction materials would be another major benefit of the project. With reason, they are looking forward to the job opportunitiesthat would bring in new income to a cash-strapped region and to the new roads that would ease travel and reduce transportation costs.Contact between even nearby regions is hamperedand even preventedby lack of roads, flooding and gullies, and poor maintenance.

Upgraidingthe principal road from Kome to the Cameroon border would, they feel, ease transport and reduce the cost of importingand exportinggoods, open up inaccessibleforeign marketsfor cash crops such as peanuts and sesame, and end the isolationof the southwestern region. Over these roads medical patientswould be movedmore rapidly from remote villages and areas without doctors to the medical centers at Moundou,Bebedjia and Doba. Foodstuffs and bushproduce could be takento local and regional markets more readily and cheaply. Bush taxis would become more frequent and cheaper, pedestrianscould move more rapidly, and precious ox carts undergo less wear and tear, fewer broken axles and spills.

Herdersapplaud the efficiencywith which they would be able to move their animals rapidly from one pasture to the next over the proposed new or improved roads or seismic lines without having the beasts scatter throughoutthe bush, in and among the trees. They dream of how effortlessly and rapidly they would be able to go to market to trade their dairy products and animals for cereals, tea, and other necessities.Given that transport costs and inaccessibility

o: Ltappbchd.dr7 Page 101 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project curb the economic development of Chad in a major way, farmers and herders are correct in their analysisof the benefits to be derived from proposed improvedroads.

The employment opportunities offered by the project along the proposed pipeline and road corridor would be different from those in the project area. Along the corridor in Chad, action would occur onlyonce, while the road and pipelineare under construction,and over a relatively short time. Crewswould stay in one area to complete a section before moving out permanently and onto the next section. The local sedentary population must immediately seize the opportunity to benefit from jobs and sales and serviceswith the project or miss out entirely on benefits from the project, other than compensationfor damagedcrops, etc.

Opportunities for employment in the project area would be available over a longer period of time, mainly at the beginning of the project period during the three year period when construction is underway.After that time, project employmentopportunities in the oilfield area for Chadians would be relatively small (fewer than 350 positions) and mainly for skilled and semi-skilled workers. Also, with overall staffing for operations of fewer than 550 people, including 320 expatriates at most, the need for local goods and serviceswould be reduced.

The peoplein the project area also have only a limited window of opportunityto benefit from the project. They too need to be guided and aided in taking advantage of the possibilities. The economy is somewhat monetized but there are no financial institutions; no savings and loan associations;only a few, very strict loans availablefrom NGOs; and insecurity from the military, bandits and resistance groups ("codos"'). People have no way to generate capital to create businessesor to save or invest most of what they earn. One or more projects implementedby NGOswould allowthem to benefitto the fullest extent possiblefrom all opportunitiesthe project offers.

5.3 NEGATIVEIMPACTS

5.3.1 Land Take and Resettlement

1) Laying of pipes, power lines, and constructiontemporarily will disrupt the area with digging, traffic,etc. Eventuallythe area would return to its natural state, insofar as it is possible after the soil has been disturbed or compacted. This may, however,be prevented, as along the pipeline which must be kept clear of trees, etc., though grasses may grow. Elsewhere in the region people have shown no reluctanceto farm right up to the edge of busy areas; farmers plantright next to airport runways and run their crops up to the edge of major roads.

521tis possible,however, that improvingthe roadfrom Cameroonthrough Bam to Gadjibianand Kome without also improvingthe restof the mainroad from Bamto Moundouwould have the negativeimpact of leadingcommercial and intemational trafficaway from Moundou,where it now headsafter passing Bam. Instead,traffic would go directlyto Komeand Doba on a better road,thus reducing Moundou's place as the majorciy andbusiness center of the south. It wouldalso increase pressure on Doba, whosecommercial infrastructure has crumbledover the pastfew years.

08837-787-012 Page 102 o:L. Ippbchddr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment Animals also graze next to machinery. As long as precautionsare taken, therefore, to restore the soil and vegetationto a fairly productivestate, instead of leavinglaterite or clay on the surfacemixed with the scanty topsoil typicalof the region, this kind of land loss could be!minimized.

2) Other landswhere wellpads,buildings, and infrastructurefacilities would be constructedand ro;adsand airstrips laid out, could be lost permanentlyto agriculture, grazing, or forest production. Present estimates are that about 1,200 ha would be taken for the proposed Dobawell field development. While this amountof land take is fairly small, the actual areas usedwould be concentratedaround the proposedproduction facilities and oil fields, so that a much larger percentageof any one area would be removed.

6.3.2 SedentaryFarmer-Herder Relationships

Present relationships between pastoralists and farmers are strained. Construction activities could push herders into different areas in search of pasturageand water exacerbatingalready bad relationships. This is particularly possible in the Baibokoum-Mbaisayearea where the Mboum grow manioc (attractive to cattle) more intensivelythan the Sara to their north, and where transhumants crisscross the area intensivelyduring their annualdescents and return to the north.

The process for resolving conflicts between herders and farmers has glaring deficiencies. Problems often lead directlyto violent confrontations;only if the perpetratoris not found is the issuereferred to the formal justice system. If it goes to the brigade,farmers feel they would be discriminated against, and all parties may be chastised physically.If the dispute goes to the Chief de Canton, the pastoralists fear discriminationand the farmers fear they would never receive compensationsince the chief has no controlover the transhumants.

These problemsmay be exacerbatedif both parties blamethe projectfor creatingthe problem. In the north, the edge is taken off confrontationby the existenceof formal livestock corridors; withini the corridor the herder is excused, outside the corridor,the farmer is excused. Long- existing plans to trace corridors in the south have never been realized;even if they were, the construction activities might drive transhumants outside of these corridors. One possibility might be to bring the local Chiefs de Canton and the sultans/lamidos and their local representatives together jointly to elaboratefairly transparentjudicial procedures acceptable to all lparties.

While in the past resident pastoralists have had somewhat better relationshipswith the local farmers than transhumants, who are often gone before their depredations are discovered, duringintensive project activities the reversemay be the case. Residentpastoralists have lived for some time in the project area and exploit the pastureand water resourcesfairly intensively. o:1.iapp,-:hd.dr7 Page 103 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project Disrupting their grazing areas and water holes may force them out of their home area into surrounding fields and localities. Both they and the farmers would suffer from this displacement.On the other hand these pastoralistsalready have displayed interest in providing meat to the project if the question of qualitycontrol could be resolved.

5.3.3 Exploitation of Natural Resources

Proposedimproved main roads, proposednew access roads to the pipeline and wells, and the proposedpipeline itself may open up areas to which access previouslyhad been difficult. In the project area, roads and access ways would be placed in a region where the land and natural resourcesalready are exploitedheavily. Removingland from use also would increase pressure on the remaining areas. It is unlikely, however, that natural resources would be exploited by people other than those already resident in the region and incomingworkers. Wooded areas producing fuelwood, wild fruits and sauce ingredients are located along the main roads in places much nearerurban conglomerations than the project area, pipeline, and improved roads. The urban areas are built on the major rivers and are better able to supply themselves with fish than the project area would be. There is little bush meat to be killed.

The situationon the southern part of the pipelineis somewhatdifferent. This area is still heavily wooded even around existing villages. However, it is so isolated by bad roads that very few sources of moneyare available,and some villages derive most of their income from remittances from Cameroon and from the sale of charcoal in the towns of the area. The project would provide other sources of money but only for a short time. The proposed pipeline and access cutswould more than doublethe easily accessiblearea, and people may take advantage of this to remove high quality wood. The improved road would ease its transport to the markets of Baibokoum, Bebedjia and Doba (and Moundouif that branch of the road is upgraded).On the other hand it is unlikelythat these newly opened areas would lure farmers from elsewhere into the area, because onchocerciasis(sleeping sickness) is rampant.

Many village leaders declare that if roads are upgraded or rebuilt they would remove themselves to new sites along the road in order to take advantage of the economic opportunitiesthe proposed upgraded road would access.

5.3.4 Sacred Sites

Sacred sites would pose a problem because they are not identifiableeasily by outsiders. On the other hand people state that they would be more than willing to identify such sites to contractors in advance of work crews and to move sacred objects to new sites whenever possible. In the past villages moved frequently and away from holy sites, so moving again is not a problem, except in such cases that resettlement would take people so far away that access becomes impracticable.

08837-787-012 Page 104 oI.. appbchedr7 Chad Export Project HumanEnvironment 5.3.5 Disruption of Labor Patterns,the Division of Labor, and the Influx of Outside Workers

In the project area most construction activities would occur during the dry season, from Novemberto June.November and Decemberare busy times when harvestingand transporting new crops occur. Most of these activities are carried out by women, whereas construction activities,digging, building, woodworking, etc., are consideredmen's jobs. Men spend this time repaiiringor renewingthe family home, granaries,etc., so that removinglarge numbers of men from their usual activities at this time could have negative repercussions. These activities, however,can be arrangedso that older children andteenagers gather bush products for home constructionor make the brickswhile older men do the weavingand work on fences and roofs, as is often the case already. During the rest of the dry season both men and women are underemployedand eager to find moneymakingactivities. Thus the project could hire local male workerswith no ill effects during most of the dry season and with effects that could be adjusted early in the season.

It may be possibleto retain these workers during the rainyseason without reducing agricultural production. Already local project employeeswork year round, hiring others with part of their earnings to prepare and weed their fields if family labor is insufficient.There are plenty of takers, groupementsof youths, and women and individualseager to eam supplementalmoney by field labor. At present only womenwith small childrendepend on their husbandsfor help in farming; other women already are producingfor themselves. Women with children would be able to compensate by hiring laborers with their husband's money, buying grain to invite workersto beerfests in the fields,and turning when necessaryto their "brothers"for help, which is nol:considered an impositionbut a sign of love and respect. Removingmen from agricultural work would not shift the burden onto women unduly andwould have little impact on the division of labor.

Offering new business opportunities,however, might demand more time than people have to devote or tempt them to sell food intended for the family in the market instead. Producing vegetablesand fruits,preparing cooked food and snacks, and building rental housing in villages are all activitiesthat occur for the most part during the dry season,either because irrigationand brick making are done then or because the constructioncrews are likely to be working at this time.

The dry season is the season of underemployment.The rural populationalready is in need of moneybut sells onlya little of the food it needs for itself; it is hard to judge if this is just common sense or a lack of market opportunities.Other sources of money would become available through the project reducing pressure to sell family provisions, though the temptation may remain. If NGO programs are instituted for local people to produce food for the increased numberof people, and camp purchasesare made onlywith recognizedsuppliers, the chances

o:Lw.appbchd.dr7 Page 10b 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project the project would strip the local population of needed food resources will be reduced. Moreover, money would be injected into the economy and people learn new skills and productiontechniques that can serve as sources of income from other markets in the future.

The Sara from southemChad havea longstandingreputation as extremelyhard workers, better educated than many others in Chad, and eager for jobs. Therefore, it would not be necessary to bring in unskilled labor from other regions except for reasons of equitable sharing of benefits or becauseof politicalpressure. Unskillednortherners, fearful of discrimination,may be reticent to seek employmenton the project. But an influxof laborers into the region, especially from the south, would be likely. Workers would flock in because at present they have no idea of the scale of the work to be undertakenand greatly overestimatethe numbers that would be hired. Unpaid governmentworkers and students in need of scholarship money hope that their skills would ensure them a job. Educatingthe public in advance about the extent of the project and implementngand publicizinga hiring system that regulatesaccess to jobs may help discourage all but the most optimisticfrom immigratingin search of employment.

Boom and bust are possibilitiesas project activitiespeak and rapidlyfall off to the low level of operations, depending on local and regional development efforts the national government undertakes with its royalty eamings. Several actions could be taken to mitigate or reduce the possibility of bust, but boom-bust also should be seen in the context of latterdayevents.

In the recent past the region has felt any number of booms and busts. Rising cotton incomes were wiped out by fighting from 1979-1985.Since that time one or another locality has been subjectedto raidsand looting. The cotton subsector blossomedin the late 1980s and has been retracting for the last few years. Governmentworkers go for months at a time without pay and then receiveeither all or only a small part of what they are owed. People are habituated,though not adjusted, to boom and bust.

5.3.6 Inflationary Pressuresand Social Disruption

The Operator's presence already has been charged with creating inflation at Bebedjia. If project-inducedinflation occurs, it is more likely to impact urban dwellersand workers who buy their food than the largely self-sufficientcountryside. The fear is that farmers would sell off food they themselves need, especially if improvedroads and frequenttraffic make it easier for them to move their produce to market. Instituting NGO procurementand production projects would reduce these pressures.

A related problem would be the conversion of grain to alcohol, for which there is always a market. Not only does this reduce grain stores and drive up cereal prices, but it creates job hazardsand social disrupton (more fights break out at Bebedjiaon the day project workers get paid). Providing women other opportunities for money other than brewing, posting clearly

08837-767-072 Page 106 c:L.1appch wdr7 Chad Export Project Hwnan Environment understoodrules aboutthe sale and consumptionof alcohol, and setting standards of behavior for Operator and contractoremployees would help reduce problemsrelated to alcohol.

People and money may attract undesirablesand camp followers. Already Bebedjia has lured a number of prostitutes away from Moundou.Providing Operator, contractor employees,and the local population with opportunitiesto save and invest would reduce both the temptationto outsiders and the likelihoodthat locals would be fleeced. Clear rules and regulations about employeebehavior in and out of camp also would reduce the chances workers would become victirrms.

Prostitution is less morally reprehensible in this society than those that some of the workers may be comingfrom, though it is stronglydisapproved. Though the NGO World Vision has been running an AIDS education program in the Moundouarea there is very little local knowledge about how to control STDs and HIV, and condomsand other birth control methodsare on the whole unobtainable.The governmenthas an AIDS monitoring,but not prevention, program in place in Moundou.

There is also a great risk of another kind of social disruption, a more insidious and less obseirvabledissension that would create disharmonyand strife, with concomitantquarrels and accusations of sorcery or witchcraft, amongthe Sara in the region. The underlyingprinciple of Sara social structure is segmentaryopposition.

Segmentaryopposition leaves the society open to strife, conflict, and division,while at the same time offering the potential for unity, sharing, and cooperation. Fission and fusion are both inherent in segmentary opposition.Compensation and mitigationwill create the possibilityfor opposition and quarreling over benefits, or the potentialto share benefits for the mutual good of all.

5.4 THE ALTERNATIVESOF RESETTLEMENT,MITIGATION AND COMPENSATION

Several different mitigation and compensation strategies are possible in the context of this project. Some have many obvious disadvantagesand can be eliminated rapidly. Others have both pros and cons and must be evaluatedin light of their social acceptability,the chances they would,reduce degradation,maintain or improveenvironmental quality, and amelioratepeoples' lives. The net social benefits also must be weighed against the costs and feasibility of implementingthe differentstratagems under local conditions.

5.4.1 Traditional Mitigationand CompensationStrategies

Thereare economicproblems with calculatingthe amountof compensationthat shouid be paid for an individual's or household's loss of assets - how to value appropriatelybush land, how o:i..;appbchd.dr7 Page 107 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project to calculate the value of fields that go in and out of faliow for different lengths of time, etc. - problems which sociological input can help resolve but which are beyond the scope of the sociological sections of the EA. There are, however, directly sociological problems that arise from the considerationof cash compensation.

In Sara culture there are no individualrights that are not also communalrights; the nje bem or other "land chiefs" or "earth priests", and canton chiefs only hold land in trust for all members of their clan or community and their descendants. There are no exclusively held rights to property or real estate, only a series of overlappingand superimposedrights of different sorts which revert to different layers of social organizationand different social units. "No man dies without a 'brother' to bury him" is a Sara axiom; and it is true that a person can always find membership in an ever more inclusivesocial group. In converse,there will always be social units who can rightly lay claim to propertybeing used by an individual.In these circumstances, how much to pay the hundreds or more people who can lay claim to property and how to apportionthe payment become major problems, as does obtaininga quittance (not just legally, but throughout the future, since people may decide at any point that they too had rights to property already turned over).

Directcompensation: Individuals/ households are paid the replacementvalue of what they have lost; how they spend this is up to them;

Direct Annuity: Individuals/households are given an annuity to compensate them for loss of resources over time;

Direct Mitigation: Individuals/ households are given aid and assistance to reestablish themselves at a level that approximatestheir previous standard of living;

Indirect Compensation: The replacementvalue of lost resources is paid to some communal bodythat providescompensatory activities for the whole community;the resources lost may not be replaced by exactly similar items;

IndirectMitigation: Mitigatingactivities are providedthat may not act directly on project impacts but that will provide altematives or improvementson resourceslost and impacts undergone.

There are major disadvantages to both direct compensation and direct annuities in a local context where insecurity is a major problem, wealth attracts trouble, and there are no financial institutions for savings or investment available to the local population. Handing over small amounts in an annuity will be no different from disbursing large lump sums, since any amount will attracteither predators or friends, neighbors and relativescollecting debts or with overriding needs. Only 6 percent of the people in the EA sample who have received cash compensation for crops actually "invested"the money in bulk purchase of replacementfoods or other items.

08837-787-012 Page 108 o:A..lppbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment This does not necessarilymean that the moneywas not used to feed those who had lost crops, since!the recipient'sdistribution of moneyto others in the village creates or reinforces rights for him/her to eat with others or borrow money/foodat a time when s/he is in need. It does, however, indicate how hard it will be to preserve large sums for any necessary purchases or investments for resettlement or compensating by investing in intensive agriculture. Even immediately investing money to preserve it is difficult; there are no real land markets to buy replaicement real estate except for urban plots. Building materials, etc. are not immediately available for purchase and the money must be kept until they can be found. Immediately spending money is less risky because expendinglarge sums on desirable goods will attract unwaintedattention. Conducting banking operations for paymentof compensationalso presents a problem. The NGO VITA, for example, is unwilling to travel or collect loans outside the immediate Moundouarea. Expatriategroups have difficultyin conveyingcash to personnel in the area.

Since many levels of ownership exist for different kinds of property,it will be difficult to identify what individual or group of individualsshould be compensated,and how much each should receive. If the person directly exploitingthe resource is the only one who is compensatedor receives an annuity he will be importuned by all the others who also have rights in the condemned resource, so that it is unlikelyhe will be left with enoughto truly compensate him for his loss.

Resettlement faces similar problems. Almost all land in the area is already "owned" by individuals and has residual rights that can be claimed by others in his group. In theory the national government has legal claim to all land, but the legally recognized coexistence of national and customaryrights,, and customarylaw being the law with which most people in the project area are acquainted, many people will be unhappywith or unwilling to accept any attempt to exercise nationalsovereignty over "their" land.

5.4.2 A SociallyApproporiate Compensation and MitigationStrategy

Direct mitigation is appealing, especially in the context of resettlement. If individuals or householdsare given aid and assistanceto reestablishthemselves at a level that approximates their previous standard of living, many of the underlyingproblems society faces must be recognized and dealt with. It would be difficult,for example,to ensure resettlementin an area where the household will have access to as much land as it has lost, and so problems of agriculturalproductivity or altemativesources of incomemust be addressed.Aid and assistance also avoid the presence of large sums of money. The downside is that aid and assistance reduce the individual's or household's ability to make decisions according to its own preferences. They also demand more institutionalsupport than simple compensation does. Providing individualsand householdswith opportunitiesto reestablishor better themselveswill also create jealousy among those who feel they too had rights to the lost resources, and

o:l Iappbchd.dr7 Page 109 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project improvements made to compensate for or mitigate negative impacts may attract unwanted attention.

Indirectcompensabon to some communal bodywill get around many of the problems previously noted. It may not, however,ensure that affected individualsand householdsreceive adequate careand are able to reestablishthemselves. Indirect compensationwill also create jealousy and rivalrywith other communitiesin the area or at higher or lover administrativelevels, were people will wonderwhy this one communitywas singled out for favor. Competitionand factionalismwill result.

Indirect mitigationmight provide chances for affected individualsto reestablishthemselves, as well as opportunitiesfor others in the community.Otherwise it is subjectto the same criticisms as indirect compensation. Comparing the suitability of different alternatives in the local conditions, and ratingthem by preference of the local population,the most preferable solution would be direct mitigationfollowed by indirect mitigation,then indirect compensation,and lastly direct compensations and annuities. But even the most preferable of these stratagems has major weaknesses that it shares with all the others. All ensure that segmentary opposition will cometo the surfaceand be expressedin the most damaging and sociallydestructive Ways. The stratagems reinforce the greatest social weakness of Sara society and promote jealousy, dissentionand sorcery accusations.

Some sort of process must be found that recognizes the existence in the project area of overlapping and different levels of claims to the same resources, that some individuals or households will be more directly affected than others but that communities throughout the region will feel some sort of impact, and that the oil resources are a communal good, not the property of individuals or particular entities. It must also be recognized, as the EA baseline analysis has shown, that compensationor mitigationthat simply returns people to the status quo ante, leaves them vulnerableto the same problems they faced before, perhaps more so because they have fewer resources at their disposal, not fulfilling the World Bank's policy "to ensure thatthe populationdisplaced by a project receives benefitsfrom it...[that are] conceived and executed as development programs, with resettlers provided sufficient investment resources and opportunitiesto share in project benefits.

The overlay of kinship with geographicallocation and with administrativeboundaries creates yet other problems for proposed compensation and mitigation. People within a village tend have a dense web of kin relations with most others in the village. But people in other villages may be just as close; this is particularlythe case when one village splits off into another "ngon be," since the men who most often split are close brothers and political rivals or fearful of sorcery or sorcery accusationsby near relativeswith whom open quarrels are impossible.

o8837-787-o12 Page 110 o:1.iappbchddr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment Because people marry nearby,this web extendsbetween villages, and all the inhabitantsof a canton are in some way or another likely to be distant "kin." All those who attend the same initiationor belongto the same ethnic group are related to one another more closely than others who mnaybe near physicalneighbors. Each of these kinsmen has a right to share in the goods of his relatives-the resourcesclaimed by the project and the compensationpaid for them-no matterwhere he lives or whether he himself is impacteddirectly by the project. Some who are closeirkin would feel they have more claim than more distant relatives.

It is the physical disposition of sites that would determine who is impacted, who gets compensated,and who needs mitigatingmeasures for adverse impacts. Two men from different tribes may each lose proximatefields and receive compensation.In this case all the members of each individual'stribe has some sort of claim to the propertyand the compensation.

Administrativeunits also have some claim to the resourceswithin their jurisdiction or would be impacted in some way. The oil fields are located within the Prefectureof Logone Oriental, not Logone Occidental, so the former has perhaps greater claim to the oil even though the towns of Doba,in LogoneOriental, and Moundou,in LogoneOccidental, would both feel considerable business and populationeffects. Within LogoneOriental there are no plans to exploit oil in the subprefectures of Gore or Doba, just Bebedjia subprefecture. But more transhumant pastoralists than usual may choose to transit through Gore to avoid construction.More traffic will circulate through Doba, and more strains will be put on its services because Doba has the only high school in the area and the only public hospital,post office, etc.

There!would be a myriadof competingand legitimateclaims from ethnic groups, individualsand their relatives,administrators, and traditionalchiefs, all who are in the right. There also would be a multitude of impacts felt which must be dealt with and funded by peopleat many different levels of bureaucracyand in different parts of the region.

5.4.3 Individualand CommunalCompensation and Mitigation

Where opposition of equal segments of society is the basis for relations of sharing and for shoulderingresponsibility, for claimingor denyingrights, the concept of segmentaryopposition provides a framework for defining groups needing mitigation actions and for apportioning compensation and benefits. It is proposed that compensation be divided into two kinds: individualand community,and that proposedmitigation activities be directed at different levels of community organizationin proportionto the impact they would feel. This also is applicable to proposed resettlementactivities.

1) Individual compensationand mitigationwould allow the individualor householdto replace thie crops, houses, etc., it would have lost. Moneywould be providedto allow the family to buy and transport foodstuffs to replace the crops and bush produce they have lost. If

o.iL..&ppbchd.dr7 Page 111 08837-787-012 Human Environment ChadExport Project resettlement is necessary, the householdwould be given sufficient advance waming that it would be able to prepare new fields and build new houses and provided with money or assistance to do so. It would be given help in moving. If families were moving into a new area, a well wouldbe dug so that they would have not only drinking water but water to make bricks. Mitigation actionswould involve NGOs, the only effective delivery mechanism in the region, in replacing lost productivity through agricultural intensification, substitute cash crops, or secondary sources of income such as irrigation agriculture, micro-businesses providing goods or services to the project, etc.

2) Community compensation and mitigation: Land, schools, wells, etc., all would be considered in the first instance village resources, and compensation/mitigationwould be made to the village,which would administer it. Residualclaims held by other equal kin, local and administrative groups would be recognized by providing some level of compensation to the communitiesat each of these levels. Thus compensation/mitigationwould be received and administered by communitiesat many different levels (as depicted in the segmentary opposition diagram). At the lowest levels villages would decide how to use their compensationby discussion and consensusamong their citizens. The canton would decide in a conferenceof the canton chief with village chiefs, the subprefecturewith the subprefect and his canton chiefs, the prefect with his subprefects.Thus compensationwould be used for the public good at all levels, and all claims would be recognized.

Directing compensation only to those entities that are adjudged by an outside body to have been uinjured" in some way would only worsen, not mitigate the situation by generating segmentary opposition and pressure on leadersby directlycompeting groups. Not recognizing the existence of an underlying segmentary structure and of legitimate community as well as individual claims likely would lead to political factionalism, quarreling and much jealousy. Moreover it would be impossibleto compensate individualsdirectly for land, forests, streams, etc. since these resourcesare only held in trust for the communityby an individual.Nor can one negotiate directly with these trustees or community representatives and get legitimate permission to use these resources; they must refer back to the community in general to permission by consensus. There would be consensus only if the whole communitysees that it is to their advantage,that they all, not just a few individuals,would benefit.

5.4.4 The Compensation and MitigationProcess

Communal compensation or mitigation funds and activitieswould be made available at each level of segmentation. Directly impacted villages will be offered village-level compensation. Cantons whose villages are directly or indirectly impacted will be offered compensation to lessen the impact at the village level, as will the subprefecture and prefecture. Recognizing each level of segmentation with compensation/mitigationacknowledges that the constituent

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STRUCTURE OF ESSO Exploration and SEGMENTARY OPPOSITION Production Chad Inc. DAMES & MOORE A PPEJmT n Chad Export Project Human Environment units at each level will be implicated in some way by the Project. Preferably, compensation/mitigationwill be made in kind, rather than in specie.

Decisions on how to utilize compensationwould be made by agreementamong the officials at the concemed level of segmentation:subprefecture funds compensationwould be disposedof by the subprefect in conjunction with all the Canton cheifs in his subprefecture; canton compensationby the Canton cheifs and his village chiefs, etc.

As to proposedcompensation, mitigation and resettlement, in the context of the insecurityof the region, it would be wise to start by putting in a well, later add another item, then another, etc., in a process of gradual growth. In additionto promotingphysical security,this change in phasingto a gradualapproach has a number of importantadvantages. First it creates between the project and the populationthe kind of ongoing relationshipso importantto the traditional social structure, creating a win-win situation. Second, it allows the communityto develop utilization capacity; there is little point in building a school if the governmentcannot provide a teacher and the parents have not yet reestablishedthemselves enough to be able to pay a private teacher. Third, it brings about community development as the community makes decisions about what actions to take next. Fourth, it allows the situation to evolve and adjust to coimmunities'changing needs.

Gradualismreduces the need for training and monitoringsince the local peoplewould grow into the job, and small sums would be made available over time instead of one large sum all at once. It would, however, be wise to get an NGO, as an independent,disinterested body, to administer the stream of income as a trust fund, assuring its receipt and disbursementand providingtechnical advice to the recipientson how to use it, how to go about building a school, or choosing and running a flour mill, etc. Many NGOs in Chad already have such capacity so that training and monitoringrequirements would again be minimal.

5.4.5 Resettlement

It has been impossible up to the time the EA was written to develop a finished resettlement plan. The World Bank would prefer that for an EA "an estimate should be provided of total populationto be displaced and overall resettlementcosts, as well as an evaluationof proposed resettlementsites (OC 4.30)". In the case of the Chad Export Project it is possible only to give per person/ household resettlement cost estimates, only an approximate idea of the total population to be resettled, to discuss in general possible resettlement sites, and how reselttlementshould be carried out. More specifics are impossible because the resettlement issue will continue to evolve up to the moment that project activities begin for a number of reasons.

o:..J appjSchd.dr7 Page 113 08837-787-012 HEnan Environment Chad Export Project First, the actual dimensions of the oil fields have not yet been determined. However, a 3-D seismic campaign is underwaythat will define with more exactitudethe location of oil deposits. It appeared at the time of the EA that the main reason for resettlementwould be loss of agricultural land; no administrativeor break-away(ngon be) villages existed at that time in the areas so far determinedto be oil-bearing.Therefore entire villageswill not be displaced by oil construction or production, unless the 3-D seismic demonstrates that existing villages are indeed located on top of oil. It is also possiblethat betweenthe EA and actual project activities unofficial villages (ngon be) might settle in oil field areas presentlyunoccupied, and they would have to be moved.

Second, the main reason for resettlement(unless the 3-D indicates that villages occupy oil- bearing land) will be loss of agricultural land to oil wells, roads, and other construction. "Agricultural" land is used in the sense that has meaningfor the local people and their farming system:fields, fallow recognizableto Westerners, and inheritedland (long-termfallow that looks like "bush" to Westerners)that was once under cultivationand is the future provisionfor existing families and their children. Extrapolatingfrom the different kinds of land holdings of the 10 percent EA sample, 96 percent of land in the cantons of Bero, Miandoumand Kome is owned by individuals; this calculation is supported by the EA team's observations of boundaries of fields belongingto different villages,which show that the only true bush remaining in this area is bush inundated (or inundateduntil recently)during the agriculturalseason.

As a result, individualsor householdswho lose land to oil productionwill not be able to replace their land holdingsby clearingnew bush in the area; dependingon how much land an individual or household loses they may no longer be a viable agricultural household, or be reduced to a lower standard of living because they cannot produce as much as before. Individuals or households in this predicamentmay need to be resettled,and the generalorder of the number of people to be relocated can be indicated,but the exact individualsand their numbers depend on the precise location of wells, roads, and other constructionthat deprives specific individuals of their land holdings.Since the Operators engineeringand constructionplans are not yet fixed, and the 3-D seismic has not yet determined how much oil their is or where, until the final engineering plans and seismic data are availableit is not possibleto know how much land will be taken out of use and how many individualswill be affected.

The World Bankguidelines on resetlementindicate that "[wherethe specific resettlement needs of each sub-project are not known in advance, the borrower would need to agree to resettlement policies, planning principles, institutionalarrangements, and design criteria that meet Bank policy and requirementsas a conditionof the loan (OC 4.30)." It is possible to do this, even without knowing how many must be resettled or whether resettlement will be necessary.At this point it is possible to outline:

O8837-787-0t2 Page 114 o:L.1sppbchd.dr7 Chad ,Export Project Human Environment * The criteria for determining families that need compensation/mitigationactions or resettlement

* How to calculatethe cost per householdof resettlement

* Alternative courses of action for resettlementor mitigation/compensation,including those acceptableto the local populationfor mitigating/ resettlingany peoplewho will be affected

* To evaluate the various courses of action in the light of the EA sociologicalfindings and VVorldBank policy.

1. VVillResettlement be necessary?Who will need Resettlement?

The IEAinvestigation of the local farming systemand the cash economyindicate that the policy shouldbe that resettlementor mitigation/compensationwill be necessaryfor any adults that fall below a viable level of landholding,that is to say 3 ha in cultivation and access to an equal amount of fallow land. Should the amount of bush land in the area (whether long term fallow that has become bush or unowned bush) be dramaticallyreduced, even this will not suffice since compensatorybush produce usuallyused by peoplewith limited land holdings will not be available.Likewise, if soil infertilitywill cause food productionlevels to fall below FAO standards while at the same time cash income is insufficient to purchase supplemental food, mitigation/compensation/resettlementfor householdswill be necessary.

2. How to calculate costs of Resettlementand plan for it?

The 'WorldBank would like that u[d]isplaced persons should be (i) compensatedfor their losses at full replacement cost prior to the actual move; (ii) assisted with the move and supported during the transition period in the resettlementsite; and (iii) assisted in their efforts to improve their former living standards, income earning capacity, and production levels, or at least to restore them...[H]ouseholds that have only partially lost their assets but are no longer economicallyviable should be entitled to full resettlement...Toensure the economic and social viability of the relocated communities, adequate resources should be allocated to provide shelter, infrastructure (e.g. feeder roads), and social services (e.g. schools, health care centers).t (OD 4.30) To achievethis, the project'spolicy should be to calculateresettlement or individualmitigation/ compensationcosts by the principles outlined by the people themselves.

3. How do peopleenvision resettling?

Duringthe EA the local populationand cantonchiefs gavetheir views on resettlementpolicies, planning principles, and they suggested possible designs and acceptable courses of action. Four possibilitieswere proposed,if displacementis necessary: o:L.iappbChd.dr7 Page II b 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project 1. Individual households could chose to live near kin or friends in other places. Their hosts would provide them with fields and sponsor them in their new homes

2. Householdsfrom a single village could ask anothervillage in the same canton to cede some land on which they could build and farm

3. Displaced households from several villages could be placed under the authority of a representativeof the Chef de Canton in a new villagewhose land (either bush or long-term fallow) is attributedby the Chef de Canton

4. Displaced householdscould jointly as a village in a neighboringCanton to cede them land.

Each of these options has historical precedents. Individualsmove frequently, usually to join maternal or paternal kin in other villages. These relatives look after their own and ensure they havefields, homesites,etc. Householdsleaving their original village to form a baby village either settle on land already owned by some of the householder,find unownedbush (of which there is still some in southern Canton Bero and Canton Kome), or ask another village for permission to cultivate some of its long term fallow and eventuallyto cede this land once they have proven themselves to be good neighbors.A number of villages in the project area have been formed in this fashion.

This course of action has, however, inconveniences:some villages prove to be less than welcomeneighbors and are not granted permanentrights, and with the increasing pressure on land villages tend to cede smaller and smaller parcels to the new arrivals, leaving them at a disadvantage'. The Chefs de Canton themselves proposedsetting up composite villageswith a representative as guardian of law and order until the new village's in habitants know one another well enough to chose a village chief from among themselves. They are willing to arbitrate a cession of land from other villages under their jurisdiction. Such composite villages were oftenset up in colonialtimes by a cantonchief who sent young people out to cultivatenew fields for him. The final solution, setting up villages in another canton appeals because there is still unowned and unfarmed land availablein southem Canton Kome and in Cantons Timberi and Gore. However,there are medical,political and administrativedrawbacks.

SouthemKome and CantonsTimberi and Gore all harbor river blindness;it would be necessary to ensure that the ongoing anti-river-blindnesscampaign includes any areas resettled. Canton chiefs are usually very reluctant to surrender control over part of their population to another canton chief; this has often been and is now a bone of contentionand source of disagreement amongCantons and betweenthe immigrantand local populations.Moving into Cantons Timberi

53BothCIRAD's study and the EA's examination of recently displaced villages in the project area indicate that immigrants are granted smaller areas than those held by the same number of autochthones.

08837-787-012 Page 116 o:i ..lappbchddr7 Chad Erport Project Human Environment and Gore would entail not only a change in canton allegiance,but the removalfrom one Sub- Prefecture to another. Despite the problems which tend to arise, this sort of move occurs frequently;it is simply a questionwhether, knowing the likely fall-out, this is a preferableoption.

5.5 NEEDS FOR MITIGATIONAND COMPENSATION

The EA socioeconomicanalysis has determinedthat certain problems may not be avoided by advance planning. Advance action also would be necessary if the project is to benefit from possible food production and businesses and services that the local population, with the assistanceof NGOs or other entities,would be able to provide.

5.5.1 Jobs

Jobs generated by the project would give individualslarge amounts of money to purchase agriculturalequipment and inputs even if they do not have access to agriculturalcredit, provide money that can capitalize villagers' micro-businesses5,improve health , and spread wealth beyond the employeesthemselves to others in the village, not simply through gifts and loans but becauseworkers would hire others to plow,weed, harvest, etc., and provide other services necessarywhile they are absentfrom home.

Thesebenefits would be felt only to the extent that local peopleare employedby the project and by subcontractors. For jobs to provide a mitigatingeffect they would be accompaniedby other mitigating actions. A hiring system would be instituted, administered by an unbiased NGO, guaranteeing transparent and equitable hiring in all the towns and villages affected by the project, assuring that the local people would be employedfor many of the unskilled or semi- skilled jobs that are available. The hiring system also should recognizethe need to hire a certain number of army veterans,students, and non-locals.

5.5.2 Roads

The local population has said that some project activitiesare in and of themselves mitigating actions or actions that would improvethe region's standard of living. Improvedroads not only would improve the economy of the region but would allowfarmers to compensatefor lost land by selling new cash crops, would reduce inflationarypressures generatedby the project since

54The capital necessary to set up micro-businessesis often very small. An agriculturalmarketing survey found that more than half the women starting their own food marketing or prooessing businesseshad invested less than US S11, and 75 percent less than $22, derived either from their rotating savings associationsor relatives. To start businesses requiring larger sums women had to turn to NGOs for help. 'Larger sums' in the Chadian context still means relatively small amounts of capital. Micro-credits from CARE and OXFAM to business women in N'Djamena, the capitol city, ran around US $30 or $120. Repayment rates were above 90 percent.

5 Villagers explained that they borrow moneyfrom Operator employeesto buy nivaquine for malaria, aspirin and antibiotics, or to pay for dispensary visits and prescriptions. In Moyen-Chari an increase of I percent in a family's income was matched by a more than 1 percent increase in spending on health. o:1..appbchd.dr7 Page 117 08837-7870172 Human Environment Chad Export Project goods can more easily move into local markets, and would allow easier access to medical facilities, urban facilities,and amenities,etc.

5.5.3 NGO Projects

The project would also inject huge sums, by local standards, into the regional economy (over US$18 million from the oilfield projects alone in three years). Without mitigating actions, much of this money would be lost to the local economy and the local people. NGO projects could encourage the developmentof food productionand supply ensuring the kinds and quality of food desiredby the project and by work crews. The projectwould provide micro-credits,advice, and training in production,shipping, quality control, and business skills. Similar activitieswould be developed for providingworker housing,construction materials for contractors, services for the project,contractors, and work crews, etc. Savings and loans and other investmentvehicles should be encouragedthrough NGO projects.

6.5.4 Agriculture

By removing land from production, whether production of farm crops or bush products, the projectwould increase pressure on land for everyonein the region, most immediatelyfor those around the wells and project facilities.Indeed the present farming system is unsustainable,but the project will hasten the day in the projectzone when the traditionalsystem no longer would be able to support the local population. Extensive damage to the environment from over utilizationof resourceswould result.

Project mitigation efforts must differ in several ways from ongoing attempts to rationalize and improve the present agriculturalsystem. Project mitigationmust be quick acting and effective, especially for those whose lands would be taken for construction and drilling.

While improving soil fertility with manure and compost may be a long term goal, ONDR's and CIRAD's efforts have shown this not to be feasible in the short run. Farmers cannot afford chemical fertilizers, especiallyfor food crops that are not commercialized.Several possibilities are open to the project: in the short run subsidizingor providing fertilizer or cottonseed cake mighthelp. Supportingthe continueddevelopment of striga-resistantcereals would be effective because cultivatingcereals takes less work than manuring or compostingtechniques and fits more naturally into the local view of soil fertility and productivity.

In the medium term the construction of improved roads would allow farmers to export replacement cash crops that would earn them replacementincome. But to do so they would also need equipment plows and dehullers, for example, if they were to grow peanuts commercially. But to deal with both the immediate and more distant future, as well as to producegoods for consumptionby the projectstaff and work crews, an NGO agricultural project

08837-787.012 Page 1 18 o:VAL ppbchd.dr7 ChadExport Project HumanEnvironment or series of projectswould allow the local populationto adjust their agricultural practicesto the new demands and reduced land availabilityin a sustainableway.

5.5.5 Pastoralists

Poteintial problems for transhumant pastoralists and conflicts between pastoralists and sedentary farmers also would be mitigated.To minimizethe disruptionto nomadic cattle and livestock movementspublic announcementsof projected constructionsites and dates should be made via radio, veterinarians, and through the traditional leaders (sultans and their representatives)of herdingpopulations. In this way pastoralistscan modifytheir routes.

In the past herdershave frequently received adequate information about circumstancesin areas ahead of them and have changedtheir routes, adjustingto the availabilityof grass and water, explosivepolitical events, etc.; there is no reason why they could not do so vis-a-vis the project. Chefs de Canton and Sultans and representativesof the government also might be brought togetherto work out an acceptableway of dealing with pastoral-sedentaryconflicts.

5.5.6 Water

Most villages do not have reliable or clean supplies of potable water. This is particularlythe case in the Baibokoum-Mbaisayearea along the proposed pipeline and road to Cameroon. Manyof the villagesin the project areathat do have pumps have not been able to pay for them and will soon lose use of them. To acquire a pump a village itself must finance it; most villages do not have the assets from cotton to do so and must raise funds by popular participation. Money for maintenanceand repairs also must be raised in the same way. Few villages have been ableto do so for, as desirable and as useful and importantas water is, usually it becomes a political football. Cooperationand agreementand financing become the grounds on which political factions expresstheir disagreementsand jockey for power.Thus the communityon its own rarely is able to provide a well for its citizens or to keep it up. Yet potable water is probably the most important health investmentthat could be made in this region. Waterborne illnesses are the most commoncause of death.

Well drilling is also something the project is eminently qualified to do; i has the skills, the equipment, and the knowhow in place already. The project might reach an agreementwith goveinmentand parastatalwater institutionson cooperatingon drilling and equippingwells with pumps, and on maintenancein the villages and towns of the projectzone.

o:l. appbchd.dr7 Page 119 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment Chad Export Project

Annex A: Pastoralists

This annex attempts to develop an estimate of the numbers of transhumantsthat could pass through the project area.

Three types of pastoralists may be affected by the project:

1) In the subprefects of Bebedjia and Doba-Rural, Arabs and "Fellata Baguirmi", or Peuls originally from Chari-Baguirmiwho moved south during the drought of 1973-1993 and became resident pastoralists,live permanentlyin the area, moving over short distances as the riversflood and recede. Most of the Arabs stay on the east bank of the Pende River, on the Doba side, and the Peuls on the western, or petroleum operations' side. Their population appears to be fairly stable; some groups have been in the area 20-40 years. In general they make an effort to remain on good terms with farmers and do not actively destroytheir fields, althoughtheir animals may stray. Most herder-farmerconflicts and cattle thefts involve transhumantpastoralists.

2) Nomads who traverse through or who move seasonally into the subprefects of Doba and Bebedjia. Fellata (Peuls) from Chari-Baguirmi,especially the Bousso area, and Bororo and Kanembou from the Kanem move south through Mayo-Kebbi (subprefecture Bongor), arriving in Lai in January and moving down the Pende, Nya, and other streams where they find grazing and water into months of January and February.Some stay here, and others continue on south into the CAR. All move back north around June.

3) Some nomads decide to continue along the Logone River from Lai, passing Donkassa to the west of Moundou,to the canton of Pandzanguein the subprefectureof Baibokoumand on south into the CAR. It is likely that their route would take them over the proposed new/improved road and the pipeline route. It is difficultto estimate their numbers because they were counted in neither the 1962 nor 1993 census. From extrapolation of livestock vaccination figures, these transhumant herders could number in the tens of thousands.

The 1993 census put the number of resident herders at approximately9,500.

. i Pop. I #households S-P Bebedjia 1,768 354 S-P DobaRural 2,135 366 S-P Baibokoum 3,373 611 S-P Gore 2,175 390

08837-787-012 Page 120 o:1.\appbchd.dr7 Chad .xiportProject HumanEnvironment This does not, however, tell us the number of cattle owned by these sedentary herders. The only figures found so far have come from Gore, where the veterinarian recorded that he vaccinated 830 cattle belongingto 10 families of resident herders, which gives 83 cattle per household. According to the veterinarian,families of resident herders and transhumantstend to own between 50-100 cattle per family. With 1,721 householdsrecorded in the census x 83/cattleper household,there is a 142,843cattle average,with possiblerange between86,050- 172,100 beef (no informationat all aboutsheep).

Neither the Ministry of Livestockat N'Djamena nor their veterinarians in the different regions haveany idea howmany transhumantanimals or herderspass through this zone (or how many there are in the entire country), nor were transhumantherders counted in the census. The only potential method of getting a general idea of the number of transhumant cattle which pass through the proposedproduction and pipelineareas is to work from vaccinationfigures.

Vaccination figures from the postes veterinairein this zone will show the minimum number of animalswhich havepassed through, but not all. This is because most herders get their animals vaccinated in Chari-Baguirmior at Lai, both outside this zone. From Lai some herders split off to Cameroon before they enter this zone, so vaccinationfigures from Lai would cover animals which do not enter here and would not cover animalswhich come here but were vaccinated in Chari-Baguirmi. Moreover some cattle enter this zone in the subprefectureof Gore by way of Koumra, so that they may have been vaccinatedwherever they came from (a trip to Koumra is necessary to gather this information)or at Koumrabefore they get to Gore.

It is theoretically possible by adding vaccinationfigures from postes in this area and further along the transhumant paths to arrive at a figure which shows the minimum number of animals using the area. Vaccinationfigures from Lai would reflect approximatelythe number coming into the zone and from Chari-Baguirmithe maximumnumber who might possibly use the area. This is theoretical because unfortunately the veterinarians in Baibokoum, Moundou and Bebedjia have not kept figures. However,in 1994,35,000 cattle were vaccinatedat Doba and 7,600 at Gore, therefore, it appearsthat at least 42,600 animals pass through the area. The Ministry at N'Djamena does not have these figures.

Faclts, Assumptionsand Conclusionsabout the Numberof Cattle in the Project Area:

Fact: Transhumant pastoralists' descent routes appear to cross the proposed pipeline and improved roads between Baibokoumand Mbaissaye;between Mont de Lam, Bessao and Bam; around Bedia;around Kagopal;and Kome.

Fact: Transhumant pastoralists' return routes appear to cross the proposed pipeline and improved roads between Baibokoumand Mbaissay;and Mont de Lam, Bessao, and Bam. o:lI..larpbchd.dr7 Page 121 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Proect Fact: One return route of transhumant pastoralistsleads through Canton Bero, in the project area from May through July.

Fact: The project area is traversed by the Nya and Loule rivers which are used by transhumantpastoralists on their descent in Novemberthrough January and by resident pastoralists in the dry season,from Septemberto July.

Fact: There are no censusfigures on the number of transhumant pastoralistsand no livestock figures on the number of cattle they own.

Fact: The 1993census countedthe number of resident (semi-sedentary)pastoralists, but the number of cattle they own is not known.

Fact: The number of cattle owned by sedentary farmers in the south is counted by the agricultural extensionorganization, ONDR, and is therefore known.

Fact: Mostcattle ownersvaccinate their animals against communicablebovine illnesses at the end of the rainy season and beginningof the dry season when cattle start moving in search of green pastures.

Reasonableassumption 1:

The number of vaccinationsis an approximationof the number of animals.

The Secteurs Veterinaire count the lots of vaccine used, thus the animals they vaccinated themselvesand vaccines they sold to GCS (Groupementsde Defense Sanitaire, village vet groups) are counted. Most sedentaryfarmers vaccinatetheir precious cattle. Transhumant pastoralists may not get all their animals vaccinatedbecause of the cost and fear of taxes; on the other hand, a bad outbreak of bovine pest in 1993 has made them aware of the importance of vaccinations. Therefore, most probably get the majority of their cattle vaccinated.

Reasonableassumption 2:

Vaccination figures from any poste veterinaire represent most of the sedentary farmers' animals in that area, e.g., the proposedoil field or pipeline area, and the minimal number of transhumants' animals that have entered the project area on their trip south.

08837-787-012 Page 122 o:l.. lppbchddr7 Chadixport Project HumanEnvironment Reasonableassumption 3:

Vaccination figures from all the postes veterinaires in the project area added together representthe minimal number of animalsin the project area.

Reasonableassumption 4:

Most transhumantcattle vaccinationsare done near their point of origin in Chari-Baguirmi or at Lai, during the early part of the trip, before they enter the project area. Therefore, manyanimals who passthrough the projectarea are not counted in projectarea vaccination figures.

Plausibleassumption 1:

A good part of the transhumantanimals vaccinated in Chari-Baguirmiand Lai pass through the project area, thereforethe total of vaccinationfigures from Chari-Baguirmi,Lai, Doba, IVMoundou,and the project area will representthe approximatemaximum number of cattle passing through the project area.

Someanimals vaccinated in Chari-Baguirmiand Lai go to Cameroondirectly through Tapol and do not pass the project area; others go through Doba and Koumraand may enter the CAR at Bingui or Komba without passing through the project area. However, according to a map derived from Ministry of Livestockaccounts of cattle routes, most routes eventuallyfeed into the Baibokoum/Mbaisssayearea and on into Cameroonand CAR.

Conclusion 1:

The minimal number of cattle in the project area from October through February is represented by local vaccination figures; the maximal number by the total of local transhumantplus Chari-Baguirmiplus Lai vaccinations.

Questionableassumption 1:

Pastoralistswho pass alongthe LogoneRiver from Novemberthrough Februarywill return via the Logonebetween May and July. Those who pass down the Nya, Pende or Mandoul will return via the Pende between May and July.

The veterinary service seems uninterestedin the return routes, although they report that pastoraliststend to avoid farmed areas at this time and stick to a limited number of routes. This assumptioncould move from questionableto plausibleafter inquirieswith pastoralists who pass through the zone.

o:L.Iappbchd.dr7 Page 123 08837-787-0J2 HumanEnvironment ChadEVport Project Questionableassumption 2:

Pastoralistswho get their cattle vaccinated in Moundoutend to go up and down the Logone, and in Doba up and down the Pende/Nya.

Conclusion2:

The maximal number of cattle passing through the project area between May and July is representedby the total of local transhumantplus Chari-Baguirmiplus Lai vaccinations.

Conclusion3:

Local vaccinationsin Baibokoumand Moundouequal the minimal number of cattle passing over proposedpipeline/road in Mbaissaye-Baibokoumand Bessao, Bekao, and Bam areas.

Conclusion4:

Local vaccinations in Gore and Doba equal the minimal number of cattle passing through the project area in Canton Bero.

f AREA | Sedentary | Semi-sedentary| Transhumant | TOTAL I _ Farmers' Cattle Catte catte

Oil Fields 7,300 38,010 8,218 * 53,528

Pipeline/Road 4,800 66,063 7,601-15,819 + 78,464-86,682 TOTAL 12,100 104,073 15,819 131,992-140,210

56Distribution of the numberof semi-sedentaryhouseholds having clustered numbers of cattlewas calculatedon basisof GoreVet Postrecords; distribution of knownsemi-sedentary households extrapolated to totalnumber of semi-sedentaryhouseholds in SubprefectureGore, multiplied by numberof cattlelhouseholdin distribution and equals total number of semi-sedentarycattle in Gore.Same extrapolation done for Baibokoum and Bebedjia.

08837-787-012 Page124 o:L.Iappbchd.dr7 ChadExport Project Hluman Environment The following routes have been describedby various state veterinarypost heads as the routes followed by transhumantand nomadicpastoralists who pass through their sectors.

Descentfrom North

Chari-Baguirmi Chari-Baguirrni Char-Baguirmi Chari-Baguirmi Chari-Baguirmi Lai Lai Lai Lai Lai Doba Bero Doba Doba Bere Bebo Donia Bebo Begada Moundou Dibili Boro DobitilDibili Bodo Mbaikoro Peleu CAR Bekan Yamodo Gore Bekan Boy Bessao CAR Bessao Boy Bessao Mabo Panzangue Mabo Cameroon Cameroonor CAR Cameroon Chali-Baguirmi Chari-Baguirmi Char-Baguirmi Chari-Baguirmi Bongor Lai Bebedjia Bebedjia Bebedjia Lai Doba Nya River Donia Donia Moundou Dobiti Donia Kaba Rohngar Yamodo Donkassa Gore Bekan CAR CAR Panzangue Bingui CAR CAR

Boncor Bongor Bongor Lai Lai Lai Lai Lai Goundi Goundi Doba Moundou Bere Danamanga Koumra Pende River Donkassa Cameroon Kara MandoulRiver Nya LogoneRiver Doba Moissala CAR Cameroon Betin Deingala Goubeti Yanbodo Behido Komba CAR

Lai Lai Lai Kelo BedjotBeboto Beboni Doba Moundou Beinamar Behido Bero Bebo LogoneRiver Larmanaye Behoro PendeRiver/Nya Dobiti/Dibili Baibokoum Baibokoum Yanbodo Gore Gore CARor Bidangar Bingui Cameroon CAR Bedjo/Beboto BeboPen Bodo Bakes Kournba CAF

o:L.tappbchd.dr7 Page 125 08837-7875012 Human Enwronment Chad Export Project Ascent from South

Baibokoum Baibokoum Baibokoum CAR Gore Panzanque Panzangue Pende River Bidangar LogoneRiver awayfrom Ndaba Bam Donkassa Logone River Bero Moundou Donkassa Ndi rightbank of Logone .___ _ _Lai

Observations:

It is a widespreadbelief, or observation,throughout Chad that there is a direct link between the presenceof the militaryand the absence of wild animals. Animals flee from places where there is significant military presence and firearms. Once the military pull out the animals begin to return. The belief is so widespread,and Chadians have had so much opportunity to observe the phenomenon,it appearsto have some credence.

Chadians believe that the decline in wildlife is a combinationof overkilling by those Who have arms readilyavailable and horse sense on the part of animalsto clear out of areas where there is a lot of human, military, activity and where they are being hunted. Conversely, wherever securityhas been establishedthe animals return. Hence Zakoumaand Manda and the Moyen- Chari are being replenished.

On the Lake the concentration of Chadian military forces on the Nigeria-Lake Chad border which pulled troops out of the greater Lake area is creditedwith allowing antelopesto return to the Liwa area.Military activity in the Baibokoumarea has calmed down over the last three years as troops moved northward into Gore and Gadjibian. Now, inhabitantssay, elephants and big monkeys have returned to the Baibokoum-OuliBangala region, but Gore and Gadjibian are empty. The Bero-Kome-toGore area has had heavy military activity and still has some. The codo rebels are ever present in the bush though not actively visible most of the time. Local people attribute the lack of wild animals in the project zone, to the military presence and say once things become more secure, the animalswill retum. The presence of the Operator then, with their frequent vehicular traffic, gendarmes,etc., all of which locals believe increases their security, will help bring back animals to the region,even if not right around the oil fields.

The Veterinarian at Bebejia, near the project area, says that the Nya River in the project zone is overgrazedbecause it is a passage for pastoralists. ResidentFoulata Sankara says that the area is not overgrazedwhen big herds of transhumantscome through because as soon as the quality, not quantity, of grass declines the herders move onto the next area. Observation is probably needed, along with a clear definitionof "overgrazing".In any case overgrazing is not

08837-787-012 Page 126 o:L.. iappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment a problem for resident pastoralists because their herds are small and they can move into smaller pastures.

o:I..appchd.dr7 Page 127 08837.787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project

Annex B:

TABLE 1 VILLAGESIN ROAD CORRIDOR (Villages5 km of the proposed road) (North to South)

SOUS-PREFECTUREBEBEDJIA Canton Kome Group::Ethnic Ngarba- VillageNamelAltemates Population Kome Ndolebe 388 Naikam/Nekam 160 Kaba 73 Mouarom/Mairom/Bemou 36 Koutou 12 Moyossam 110 BoloboI 370 BoloboII 87 BoloboKagiti 281 Mayongo/Maihongo 241 Mbongbeti/Bongbeti 81 Kouh/Kou 164 Bebe 114 Koutoutou 167 Monkassa 337 Kayaral 193 Bemane 412 Madanko 248 Beto I 116 SOUS-PREFECTUREGORE Canton Bekan Ethnic Group: Kabba VillageNamesJAltemates Population BegaminaI & II 262 Mekab 77

08837-787-012 Page 128 o.1..Lappbhddr7 Chad Axport Project Human Environment

TABLE 1 VILLAGESIN ROAD CORRIDOR (Continued) Canton Gadjibian EthinicGroup: Lakka Village Name/Alternates Population Mban 404 Bengoh/Begoni & il 431 Sibangala 287 Benarbe/Benar 146 Kouh/Koue 206 Bembominga/Beamongo/Bebominga215 Gadjibian not in census Bendoubra not in census Ketekore/Ketoukote not in census Koungamadji not in census SOUS-PREFECTUREBAIBOKOUM Canton Bessao IEthnic Group: Lakka Village NameslAltemates Population Dokou Quartier 108 BarnDokou 794 Bam/Bodo/BimBodo 188 Bengadoua 311 Benaigir/Banaidjir 381 Bengarl 1271 Bidakole not in census Sao 226 Betadil 217 Bendouba 154 Bembaida 148 Lal not in census BetabarI & II 444 BedoliII 362 BekaoI 350 Gamadji 506 DodangI 485 BembaindiII 505 Bengakor 93 Bessao 3886 Bekor II 224 Bengoyon 392

o:Ll.appbchd.dr7 Page 129 08837-787-012 HumanEnvironment ChadExport Project

TABLE I VILLAGES IN ROAD CORRIDOR (Continued)

SOUS-PREFECTURE BAiBOKOUM Canton Bessao Ethnic Group: Lakka ___ DomanlDomane 147 BembarI 151 Kelekara/Kelkara 9 Bebo 222 Bembaindi 666 Ouli Bangala 154 MadogI 95 Lao MbayKasse 57 F4Canton Montde Lam IEthnicGroup: Mboum VillageNames/Altemates Population MbindoyUBindoye 86 Diba IlLima 269 Diba 11 149 Vom 44 Holi/Wolli 118 Konyene 79 Canton Mbaissaye EthnicGroup: Mboum VillageNames/Altemates Population Baibokoum 5125 Koubourou 71 Vohone 761 Pokoro 131 Biporo 78 Haoudjinque 63 Mbaissaye/Mbassaye 1123 Mbo/Mboh 107 Gorro 240 Belabogo/Belpoko 212 Bingo 160 Toulara 34 Mbikone 196 Koumao 339 Goyetao 46

08837-787-012 Page 130 o:l. .appbrJ,dr7 Chad Export Project Human Environment TABLE I VILLAGES IN ROAD CORRIDOR (Continued)

CantonMbaissaye

Ethnic Group: Mboum - Village NameslAlternates Population Mboura 310 BitoyeI & II 688 Bogombakala/Bombakala 62 Ngoiy/Ngodi 129 Karang 205 Loussaye 200 Mini 620 Mbekere 174 Sourou 259

o:t.lappbchd.dr7 Page 131 08837-787-072 Human Environment Chad Export Project

TABLE 2 VILLAGES IN PIPELINECORRIDOR (Villages 5 km of pipeline) (North to South)

SOUS-PREFECTURE BEBEDJIA Canton Kome Ethnic Group: Ngambaye Village Names/Alternates Population Kome Ndolebe 388 Bolobo I 370 Bolobo II 87 Mbongbeti/Bongbeti 81 Bebe 114 KayaraaVKayaral 193 Beto II 116 SOUS-PREFECTURE GORE Canton Timberi Ethnic Group: to be determined Village Names/Alternates Population Kagopal 276 Kole 153 Ouao i 173 Bedia 603 Pah not in census Kondja(=Bendana II?) 70 Bekaoutala 230 Canton Oudoumia Ethnic Group: Lakka _ Village Names/Alternates | Population Bemouli J63 SOUS-PREFECTURE BAIBOKOUM Canton Gadjibian Ethnic Group: Lakka Village Names/Alternates Population Begon I 259 Begon 172 Ngara/Dongara I 187 Mempon 136 Mantibi 95

08837-787-012 Page 132 o:1..iiappbchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Human EnWronment TABLE 2 VILLAGES IN PIPELINE CORRIDOR (Villages within 5 km of pipeline) Canton Bessao Ethnic Group: Lakka VillageNameslAlternates Population Bekaoi 350 DodangI 485 Ngamadji/Gamadj 503 Kelkara 9 Madog/MadocI 95 Mabi 199

Canton Mbaissaye __ _. Ethnic Group: Mboum VillageNames/Alternates Population Mbo/Mboh 107 Gbene 111 Latal 4 Gorro 50 Belabogo/Belpoko 212 Bingo 160 Toulara 34 Mbikone 196 Koumao 339 Goyetao 46 Mboura 310 BitoyeI 466 Sakara 73

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Adoum,M., 1993, Resultatsde I'EngueteDemographigue sur les Villages 'Gestion de Terroir", Bebedjia.

BDPA, 1967, Etude de la Vallee du Mandoul,Fort-Lamy.

Beauvilain, a., 1994, "Evolution de la Population Tchadienne",Revue Scientifiguedu Tchad, vol. III, no 2.

Brown, E. P., 1991, "Sex and Starvation: Famine and Three Chadian Societies", in Downs, Kerner and Reyna,eds. The PoliticalEconomy of African Famine, Gordon and Breach.

Brown, E.P. ,1983, Nourrir les Gens. Nourrir les Haines, CNRS, Paris.

Brown, Kruse, and Smith, 1994, Study of Women in Agricultural Marketina: Chad, DAI, Bethesda.

Cernea, M., 1988, Involuntary Resettlement in Development Projects: Policy Guidelines in World Bank-FinancedProiects, Washington, D.C.

CILONG,1994, Repertoiredes Activites des Membreset Observateursdu Cilon , N'Djamena.

CIRAD, 1993, Reseau Villages "Gestionde Terroir", Bebedjia.

Crouzet, J.G., 1993, Proiet Vita/PEP:lnterestRate Study,VITA, Arlington.

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Guibert, Herve, 1994, "Suivi de la Force de Travail 1988-1989en Zone Cotonnieredu Tchad", Revue Scientifiguedu Tchad, vol. III, no 2, pp 111-124.

Guibert, Ngamine,and Mahamat,n.d., La DemarcheParticipative 2our l'Adoptiond'lnnovations Techniques: les Succes et Difficultes. L'Exemoledu Projet Gestion de Terroir de la Zone Soudaniennedu Tchad, Bebedjia.

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08837-787-072 Page 136 o:1..Iappbchdrdr7 Chad brport Project Human Enironment ABBREVIATIONS/ACRONYMS

ADB African Development Bank

AFDI French Association of International Development

AFVP Association Francaise des Volontaires duProgres

APE Parent Associations

ASSAILD Support Association for Local Development Initiatives

AV Association Villageoise (agricultural group or cooperative)

CAR Central African Republic

CEC Rural Savings and Loan (Caisse d'Eparne et Credit)

CEG Secondary School(s)

CIRAD/IRCT Intemational Agriculture and Development Research Station/Cotontchad Research Institute

EA Environmental Assessment

ECI Esso Company Intemational

EEP Esso Exploration and Production Inc., Chad

GCS Groupements de Defense Sanitaire (Village Veterinary Groups)

GOC Government of Chad

IRCT Cotontchad'sResearch Facility

NGC) Non-Govemmental Organization

OED Operations Evaluation Department (World Bank)

ONDR National Office for Rural Development o:L.1apAbchddr7 Page 13/ 08837-787-012 Human Environment Chad Export Project OXFAM OxfordFamine Relief

VITA/PEP Volunteersin TechnicalAssistance/ Small EnterpriseProject

WHO World Health Organization

Pre-devaluationprices calculatedat 285 CFAI US$1.00;post-devaluation at 460 CFA/ US$1.00

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,,E°StB | Chad Inc. MA'I' 3 |I 0n <= and Producti orati0 r S & MiOOR __E!xpl | g ~~~~DAM {~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ES _ / APPENDIX C PUBLIC HEALTH CHAD TABLE OF CONTENTS

1.0 INTRODUCTION ...... Page 1

2.0 FPROJECTSETTING ...... Page 1 2.1 SOURCES OF INFORMATION ...... Page 2 2.2 DISEASE DATA AND THE WORLD BANK'S BRIDGING ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH GAPS ...... Page 3 2.3 DISEASE CONTROL PRIORITIES IN DEVELOPINGCOUNTRIES . Page 4 2.4 STRATEGIES FOR PUBLIC HEALTH INTERVENTION ...... Page 4

3.0 DEMOGRAPHIC DATA ...... Page 6 3.1 POPULATION ...... Page 7 3.2 CORE DEMOGRAPHIC DATA ...... Page 7 3.3 DEMOGRAPHICS AND HEALTH OF ADULTS ...... Page 8

4.0 DISEASE-SPECIFIC DATA ...... Page 11 4.1 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA DISEASE DATA ...... Page 12 4.2 SUB-SAHARAN INFECTIOUS DISEASES ...... Page 13 4.3 CHAD INFECTIOUS DISEASE DATA ...... Page 13 4.4 PERSON-TO-PERSONINFECTIOUS DISEASES ...... Page 15 4.4.1 Acute Respiratory Infections (ARI) ...... Page 15 4.4.2 Meningitis ...... Page 16 4.4.3 Tuberculosis (TB) ...... Page 16 4.5 FOOD, WATER, AND SOIL BORNE INFECTIOUS DISEASES ... Page 17 4.5.1 Schistosomiasis (Bilharziasis) ...... Page 17 4.5.2 Cholera ...... Page 18 4.5.3 Food-borne Illnesses ...... Page 18 4.6 INSECT VECTOR INFECTIOUS DISEASES ...... Page 18 4.6.1 Malaria ...... Page 18 4.6.2 Onchocerciasis ...... Page 20 4.6.3 Leishmaniasis-cutaneousand Visceral (Kala-azar) ...... Page 21 4.6.4 Trypanosomiasis ...... Page 22 4.6.5 Yellow Fever ...... Page 22 4.7 ANIMAL BORNE INFECTIOUS DISEASES (INCLUDING NEW AND EMERGING DISEASES) ...... Page 23 4.8 EMERGING DISEASESAND ANTIBIOTIC RESISTANCE IN INFECTIOUS DISEASES ...... Page 23

5.0 SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES (INCLUDING AIDS AND HEPATITIS B/C) ...... Page 23 5.1 HIV/AIDS IN SUB-SAHARANAFRICA ...... Page 24 5.2 TRANSMISSION MODELS OF HIV AND STDS ...... Page 25 5.3 HIV/AIDS IN CHAD ...... Page 26 5.4 AIDS/HIV ...... Page 27 5.5 GOVERNMENT STRATEGY ...... Page 28 5.6 VIRAL HEPATITIS B, C, & D ...... Page 29

6.0 CONCLUSIONS AND SUMMARY ...... Page 29

REFERENCES ...... Page 31

ACRONYMS ...... Page 45 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health

PUBLIC HEALTH-CHAD

1.0 INTRODUCTION

Discussionsof the existingpublic health status, nutritional status, illness status, disease rate, and the currenthealth care delivery system are containedin this appendix. The organizing principleof this public health assessmentis that a geographicdistribution of diseasesis present in Chad. Identificationof the disease distributionis critical becausemany of the most significantdiseases have either discretefoci or are more regionallydistributed as a functionof climateand terrain. Diseasedistribution is generallycovariate with the nature, type and distributionof reservoirs,e.g., human,insect, animal, and transmissionpatterns, e.g. person-to-person,animal-to-person, insect-to-person. The varietyand magnitudeof the resenroirsand transmissionpattems are substantial;nevertheless, discrete geographically baseddisease pattemsare presentand are discussedin this appendix.

The overall existing public health status of Chad can be analyzedby examiningoverall health morbidityand mortalitystatistics within the country. These statisticsare a general .reflectionof the aggregatehealth situation in the countryand can be comparedwith Sub- SaharanAfrica (SSA),and with other low incomeregions. Key demographicand disease rates are also comparedto EstablishedMarket Economies (EME) so that Chadianvalues can be placedin perspective.A major projectsuch as the Chad DevelopmentProject has the potentialto both positivelyand negativelyimpact the aggregatehealth care status in Chacl. This sectiondiscusses the healthdata currently available and relevantto the project. The linkagesbetween health, the environment,and the projectare explored in Section7.0 of the EA. Mitigationstrategies are presentedin Section8.0 of the EA.

2.0 PROJECT SETTING

The Chadportion of the projectis geographicallysituated in an areathat is associatedwith major diseasevectors. Section6.2.3 of the EA providesa brief descriptionof the project geographical setting. From a disease distributionperspective, the physical geographic settingof eachof the three mainnatural regions in Chadare a major predictorof the nature and type of disease reservoirsand transmissionpatterns:

Saharan(Zone d6sertique)-northem half characterizedby extremedryness with minimal rainfall(less than 200 millimetersper year [mm/yr])and scatteredoases.

o:l- lappncchd.dr7 Page 1 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project PubricHealth EnvironmentalAssessment - Chad Porton Prefecture-Borkou-Ennedi-Tibesti (BET).

* Steppe (Zone sah6lienne)-middleregion characterized by scrub vegetation, direct proximity to Lake Chadand major rivers with nearby streamsand creeks. Rainfallis between200-900 mm/yr. The dry season lasts approximatelyeight months (October- May).

Prefectures-Kanem, Batha,Biltine, Lac, ChariBaguirmi, Guera, Ouaddai,and Salamat.

* Savanna (Zone soudanienne)-southernregion characterizedby progressivelydenser vegetation as the Central African Republic (CAR) border is approached. Rainfall is significant (see Table 6.4-2 of the EA) and usually over 1,000 mm/yr. The southern climateis dominatedby a biphasicwet-dry seasonalpattern dependent upon monsoon winds. The wet seasontypically occurs between June-October. November-January and March-Juneare variableand are associatedwith shifting pressuresystems that produce "harmattans,"which are strong, dry winds. The mean daily maximumand minimum temperaturesare 41°C (106°F)in Marchand 14°C (58°F) in December,respectively.

Prefectures-Mayo Kebbi, Tandjil6, Moyen Chari, Logone Oriental, and Logone Occidental.

The physical geographyand climatologyare critical factors that affect the pattern and distributionof numerousinfectious diseases. Since the projectarea in Chad is located in the extreme Southern Prefectureof Logone Oriental (Figure 1), it would initially seem reasonableto concentrateon the disease distributionin LogoneOriental. However,the potentiallabor force for the projectwill probablybe derivedfrom a wider area within Chad. Therefore, the geographicdistribution of diseases is examined across each of the 14 prefectures,since workers may be drawnto the projectfrom prefecturesother than Logone Oriental. As will be presented,the geographicdistribution of diseases is quite striking betweenthe threemain regions.The implicationsfor this observationfor the projectwill be discussedin subsequentsections.

2.1 SOURCESOF INFORMATION

Disease rate data were obtainedfrom a variety of publishedsources:

* World Health Organization(WHO) * World Bank

08837-787-012 Page2 o:L..lappnrchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health * Chadian Govemment'sAnnuaire De StatistiquesSanitaires Du Tchad (ASS), 1988-1995 * Published scientific literature, including an extensive 1970 Monograph by Buck et al., Health & Disease in Chad: A Study in Five Villages.

In general, the publishedrates for various diseaseand demographicvariables are in relative agreement. A more detailed description of the nature and type of data (e.g., disease incidence, disease prevalence clinical reports) are discussed in subsequent sections. In addition, the temporality, comparability, and implications of the disease rate data for the project are analyzed in Section 4.0. The presented data should be viewed as a "snapshot in time" since disease rates in both Chad and SSA fluctuate as a function of:

* Directed intervention programs (e.g., WHO onchocerciasis, schistosomiasis programs) * Political and financial stability * Climactic changes * Internal funding of community-based health care delivery * Impact of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) and its secondary disease effects (e.g., tuberculosis, and other opportunistic infections).

A USAID-fundedcountrywide Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) is in progress and will be complete in the June-July 1997 time period. This surveywill provide detailed data based upon a standardized and well-tested survey instrument.

2.2 DISEASE DATA AND THE WORLD BANK'S BRIDGING ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH GAPS

The World Bank has issued recent (June 1996) guidelines for the performance of public health evaluations associated with infrastructure projects in SSA. These guidelines are clearly focused on prevention and remediation through engineering design measures. Nevertheless, the traditional disease-specific approach has merit, and it is worthwhile analyzing the prevalence and incidence rates of diseases in the project area so that the appropriate preventive and remedial measures can be initiated and designed. Existing disease data provide an indicationof the locationand magnitudeof disease distribution. The analysis of these data will direct remediation strategies and provide an overall baseline so that potential short- and long-term project impacts can be appropriately assessed. As mentioned above, disease data have been obtained from a variety of standard sources; however, each of the major studies provides somewhat different insight into the disease situation in Chad in generaland the project area in particular. The intent of this analysis is not to provide a disease map for governmental health policy but rather to facilitate the

o:L..i,Ppncch.d,r7 Page 3 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion analysisof potential impacts to the project and to assist in the development of appropriate project-specific prevention and/or mitigation strategies.

2.3 DISEASE CONTROL PRIORITIESIN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

In the World Bank's Disease Control Priorities in Developing Countries (Jamison 1993), the problem that has occurred in many developing countries known as "health transition" is discussed. Health transition, according to Jamison, is the "change from a pretransition environment dominated by high fertility, high mortality, infectious disease and malnutrition to a low-mortality, low-fertility environment with a disease profile that increasingly emphasizesnoncommunicable conditions of adults and the elderly." Under this paradigm, health transition is associated with two phases, a demographic and an epidemiologic transition. These two phases and their relationship to each other are illustrated in Figure 2.

The transition state of a country is crucial because, according to Jamison, conclusions concerning the relative attractiveness of various intervention strategies can vary quite substantially depending upon where a country is on the health transition continuum. For example, SSA countries are fundamentally still in a pretransition environment characterized by high fertility, mortality, and infectious disease rates, particularly the communicable childhooddiseases (CCD). The likelihoodof positive health transition is significantly reduced as long as there are substantial levels of CCD and high fertility rates. Section 3.0 will present the overall Chad demographicand disease-specificrates on both a countrywide and a prefecture-specific basis. In addition, these rates will be compared to overall SSA and EME levels so that an adequate comparison can be made. As these data will clearly demonstrate, Chad, along with the majority of SSA, is in a pretransition state. This observationhas important ramifications for assessing the potential impacts and benefits of the project.

2.4 STRATEGIES FOR PUBLIC HEALTH INTERVENTION

As part of the overall public health evaluation in the EA, a determination of potential impacts due to the project will be assessed. In general, these impacts will be related to a series of "interventions"that the project will produce. Interventions, in this sense, are used to denote actions or consequencesthat the project could produce at either the individual or population level that affects the risk, duration, or severity of a health condition. Interventions are the proximal causes of changes in risks, duration, or severity. Interventions are broadly divided into two groups: Public Health Interventions and Clinical Interventions.

08837-787-012 Page 4 o:1... appncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton Public Heafth Public Health Interventions-sought or directed toward entire populations or population subgroups. These interventions are divided into five categories:

* Change of personal behavior * Control of environmental hazards * Imrnunization * Mass chemoprophylaxis * Screening and referral.

Changes in personal behavior are critical because behavioral modification potentially influences many intervention strategies, i.e. effective immunization, mass chemotherapy or screening and referral activities cannot be effectively instigated unless treatment seeking behaviors are adequately understood. Therefore, Knowledge, Attitudes & Practices (KAP) survey data are critical and are frequently a major component of intervention strategies.

Clinical Interventions-activities provided at facilities, usually to individuals at various levels: i Community e Work-based * School-based * District hospital i Referral hospital.

The overall objectives of interventions can be structured into five categories that form the framework for preventive medicine:

* Primary prevention-reduce the risk of a condition occurring by lowering the level of risk factors to forestall or prevent the condition

* Secondary preventions-reduce the duration of a condition or physiological risk factor in order to prevent development of a more adverse condition

* Cure-remove its causes and restore function to an appropriate premorbid condition

* Rehabilitation-restore (fully or partially) functions resulting from a previous or chronic condition

* Palliation-reduce pain and suffering from a condition for which no means of cure or relhabilitation is currently available.

o L..lappm.:chd. r7 Page 5 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion

In contrast to interventions, "instruments of policy" encourage, discourage, or undertake interventions. Instrumentsof policy are usually activities that are undertaken or significantly directed by governments. Five major instruments of policy are:

* Use of information, education, and communication to improve knowledge of individuals or groups about the consequences of their choices (This instrument can also be performed by employees and NGOs.)

* Use of taxes and subsidies on various commodities, services, and pollutants to effect appropriate behavioral response

* Use of regulation and legislation on certain commodities and practices and rules governing finance and provision of health services

UUse of direct expenditures to provide or finance selected interventions (e.g., primary prevention via immunization)

* Undertaking research and development so that the range of interventions is expanded and made more available.

Existing demographic and health and disease-specific data will be used to set an overall health context for the project. The potential beneficial and/or significant impacts of the project will be assessed within this context so that the appropriate opportunities for interventionand/or instrumentsof policy are carefully delineated to distinguish between the appropriate functions of a commercial consortium and a sovereign government.

3.0 DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

The SSA effort to overcome illness and disease of the last 25 years has had mixed results (World Bank Better Health in Africa, 1995). SSA as a generic description excludes Eritrea and Namibia (due to lack of data), La Reunion, and South Africa (due to differences from other SSA countries). Overall, infant mortality is 55 percent higher, and average life expectancy is 11 years less in SSA than in the rest of the world's low-income, developing countries. Maternal mortality, at 700 women per 100,000 live births, is almost double that of other low- and middle-income developing countries and, according to World Bank estimates, more than forty times greater than in the EMEs (World Bank, 1995). Clearly, SSA has not yet made the demographic transition described in Section 2.3. In order to

08837-787-012 Page 6 o:1...isppncchddr7 Chad Export Project AppendiX C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health understand the magnitude of the problem, it is useful to develop a set of key indicators. Table 1 presents a brief definitionof some of the most importantdemographic terms. These definitions are standard in the literature and are abstracted from Better Health in Africa (World Bank, 1995). These terms are also used in data presented in the Chadian Annual Health Statistics (ASS, 1988-1995) documents cited in this analysis. A series of demographicdata sections will be presented next. These sections focus on Chad and the project area in Chad; in addition, a series of selected comparative rates for SSA and EME are also presented so that the Chadian statistics can be placed in perspective.

3.1 POPULATION

As reported in the ASS (1995), the population of Chad is 6,597,582. Since 1950, the population has increasedalmost 250 percent, representinga doubling time of approximately 28 years. By comparison, the US doubling time is 98 years. By the year 2000, the population is expected to be approximately7.3 million. The density of this population across the country is 5.14 inhabitantsper km2. This density level is one of the lowest in the world; however, nearly one-half the total populationlives in Chad's five southern prefectures, which comprise less than 10 percentof the country's total land area. Table 2 presentsthe Chadian population by prefecture. The population density of each prefecture is also shown in this table. The project prefecture, Logone Oriental, is in the second highest quartile for density at 16.53. Overall,the southemmostprefectures tend to have the highest population density. Within each prefecture,population is also shown for key districts (sous-prefectures) in Table 3. Rural and city populationbreakdowns are illustratedin Table 4. Almost 87 percent of the Logone Oriental prefecturepopulation is classified as rural, while there is a small, 2 percent nomadic population. Age interval populationand numbersof women of reproductive age are presented in Table 5. Figures 3 through 6 present graphical displays of the tabular data. Almost 15 percent of the Logone Oriental population is less than five years of age and 22 percent of the women are at reproductiveage. The age-sex pyramid for the overall country is shown in Figure 7 and clearly illustrates that Chad has a high percentage of under age 20 population. Table 6 presents the age interval percentages by sex and city versus rural location. This overall pattem is consistentwith a pretransitionaldemographic profile that has high fertility rates and rapid populationgrowth. A similar demographic profile is also present in Logone Oriental and the other southem prefectures.

3.2 CORE DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

Theireare significant differencesin key health indicators between SSA and other countries. Table 7 shows a comparison between Chad, SSA, and high-, middle-, and low-income countries for life expectancy,infant mortality,and matemal mortality. As this table illustrates,

o:I... irppncchd.dr7 Page 7 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Heafth Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Chad has a significantlyworse performancerelative to SSA for infant mortality and maternal mortality; however, overall life expectancy is approaching the SSA level.

Table 8 is a comparison of multiple core demographic statistics. In general, Chad lags behind SSA in many categories; however, there has been significant improvement since 1950 (Table 9). Similar data but sorted by age interval, place of residence, and sex are presented in Table 10. There are subtle, probably insignificant, differences in the various rates as a function of source (i.e., World Bank estimate, UN population estimates, Chadian Annual Health Statistics). Mortality, 0-5 years, for each of the 14 prefectures is shown in Table 11 and Figure 8. Logone Oriental has somewhat higher mortality rates than the overall countrywide figure. Not surprisingly, the 0-11 months, 11-23 months, and 0-23 months vaccination rates (Tables 12, 13, 14 and Figures 9, 10, 11) also demonstrate substantialvariability across all prefectures. Again, Logone Oriental, with the exception of measles,tends to have lower overall vaccination rates than the countrywide average. The low vaccination rates are probably a contributing factor to Logone Oriental's high 0-11 months and 1-4 years mortality rates.

The crucial role of women in Chadian society has been discussed in Section 7.2 of the EA. Health variables specific to women are extremely important and have consistently been a major focus of demographic and health surveys sponsored by USAID and the World Bank. The 1997 DHS includes 7,000 women ages 15-59. Table 15 presents several of the key demographicvariables unique to women. Comparisonsare shown between Chad, SSA, less developed countries, and more developed countries. In general, Chadian values are lower than SSA and well below the statistics for developed countries as a group. Until there is significant improvement in major demographic variables for women, it is unlikely that sustained health improvements can be achieved.

3.3 DEMOGRAPHICSAND HEALTH OF ADULTS

While the demographics of children in the developing world have been well described, the burden of adult ill-health has receivedfar less scrutiny. Adults can be defined as those aged 15 through 59 years (Feachem, 1992). Based upon this terminology, children are those younger than 15 years and the elderly as those aged sixty years and older. The adult group typically represents those members of a society who are economically productive, biologically reproductive,and responsiblefor the support of children and elderly dependents.

While infant mortality rates are quite high in SSA, and Chad in particular, almost 90 percent of children generally survive to reach the adult demographic category. Within the adult age

08837-787-012 Page 8 o:.L.. lappncrchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health group in SSA, approximately38 percent of 15 year olds do not survive to age sixty (Feachem,1992). Similar statisticscan be calculatedfor Chad based upon crude death ratesand life expectancystatistics. Relativeto the attentionpaid to the CCD, adult health has not been a major focus of either internationalagencies or governments. The adult sector is a substantialsource of morbidity (illness) and mortality (death) and generally consumes over 50 percent of health sector resources even in developing countries (Feachem,1992).

Demographictrends in Chadand SSAare havingthe effect of increasingthe absoluteand relative importanceof adults and their healthproblems. For the proposedproject, adult healthissues are importantsince the laborforce to build,operate, and maintainthe pipeline and otherproject facilities will drawupon the local adult population. Table 16 presentsthe population by broad age groups for adults. Approximately46.5 percent of the Chadian populationis in the adultcategory, representing a figure slightly lowerthan the typical SSA average.

Froma diseasedistribution perspective, it has been recognizedthat the majorityof deaths for children(age 0-14) are due to the CCD superimposedupon a backgroundof low birth weight,malnutrition, and poorsanitation and environmentalconditions. This observationhas led t) directedefforts to 1) emphasizeprimary prevention interventions (e.g., immunizations), 2) reduce exposure to environmentaland behavioralrisk factors, and 3) cost-effective approachesto casemanagement (Feachem, 1992). In addition,as describedin Section 3.2, therehave been substantialefforts directed towards the magnitudeand natureof maternal illness (morbidity)and death.

Recentdata in developingcountries indicate that the spectrumof adult mortalitymay be different than the 0-14 age group. Most adult mortalityis typically due to three broad categories:

* Communicableand reproductivediseases, particularly tuberculosis (TB) and AIDS * Noncommunicabledisorders (e.g., cancer,digestive, respiratory, circulatory) * Injuries(e.g., transport,intentional).

Thesedata implythat child and adultmortality vary independentlysuch that single indicators of mortality(e.g., infant mortality rates) may not be sufficientto monitorimpacts to both adult and child mortality. In addition,according to Murray,et al. (Feachem,1992), the pattem of mortalityby causeis not a simplefunction of the overalllevel of mortalityor life expectancy and may not be a fully appropriateestimator or predictor.

oI... \appncchd.dr7 Page 9 08837-787-072 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Porion Adult mortalityis typicallyestimated by measurementsbased on vital registrationsystems, censuses,or surveys. As of 1992, no SSA countryhad a vital registrationsystem. Since vital registrationsystems, censuses, and surveysare infrequentand expensive,gaps in the empirical data base on mortalityare filled in by internationalagencies (e.g., World Bank, UNDP)by usingmodel-based estimates. As previouslynoted, there is a USAID-sponsored DHS in progress(December 1996-April 1997) for Chadcovering 7,000 women (ages 15-49) and 2,000 men (ages15-59). Thissurvey, which is scheduledto be releasedin the summer of 1997,will providesubstantial adult data and shouldsignificantly close the existingdata gaps for Chad. Currentadult data for Chad are difficultto interpretsince the aggregated adult informationis includedin a categorythat includeschildren ages 5-14.

Table 17 presentsadult mortalityrisk for various regions and Chad. The nomenclature 45Q15is a specificway to quantifyadult mortality in a form analogousto the child mortality measure (5Q0). The first number in this notationrefers to the numberof years in the probability interval, and the second numberrefers to the age at which the intervalstarts. Hence,5Q0 is the probabilityof death (expressedas a percentage)from birth to age five. Similarly,45Q15 is the probabilityof deathbetween age 15 and age 60 (i.e., the percentage of 15 year olds who will die before age 60). As previouslynoted, the Chadian45Q15 and 5Q0 estimatestend to be somewhatworse than the SSAstatistics. The explanationfor this deviationis undoubtedlymultifactorial (e.g., income,existing disease burden, availability of health care facilities,etc.) and complex.

The impactof AIDSon these 1988data couldbe enormous. Basedon work by Bulato and Bos (1990b),the overall45Q15 in partsof West, Centraland EastAfrica could rise to 55 to 75 percentin the next 10 to 15 yearsbased on currentseropositive prevalence rates of 3.3 to 3.4 percent. The issue of AIDS will be discussedin subsequentsections; however, currentseropositive prevalence rates in Chadare completelyconsistent with Bulato and Bos' calculations.

Overall,the availabledata for Chad and SSA indicate:

* Rise of noncommunicablediseases, particularlythose related to accident, injuries (intentionaland unintentional),and lifestyle(tobacco and alcohol)

* Significant sex differences (men greater than women) even during the vulnerable reproductiveyears

* Dramatic projectedimpact of AIDS on adult mortalityrates

08837-787-072 Page 10 o:l... iappncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton Pubic Healfth

* Dilferencesbetween adult and child mortalitydeterminants.

For the Chad DevelopmentProject, child mortalityrates providea windowon the relative geographicalendemicity of certaincommunicable diseases (e.g., malaria,onchocerciasis, schistosomiasis);however, the adult burdenof diseasemay have significantdifferences, particularly becauseof the role of sexually-transmitteddiseases (STDs) (i.e., AIDS and subsequentvulnerability to other infections),injuries and other noncommunicablelifestyle- related problems (alcohol, tobacco, etc.). As previouslydiscussed, there are different approachesto these problems(i.e., public healthand clinical interventions,instruments of policy). Eachof these strategieshas a role in approachingthe problemof adult health both for the proposedproject and for the country,in general. In order to better focus these potentialstrategies and their opportunitiesfor healthimprovement, a detailedanalysis of the Chadianspecific disease burden will be presentedin the next section.

4.0 DISEASE-SPECIFICDATA

There are three main sources of disease-specificdata for Chad: 1) an extensive1970 epidemiologicalsurvey performedby Buck,et al., 2) governmentAnnuaire De Statistiques Sanitaires Du Tchad (1988-1995),and 3) publishedreports in the scientificand medical literature. The latter categoryincludes WHO studies(e.g., onchocerciasis,guinea worm, schistosomiasis,malaria, AIDS, World Bank-fundedefforts and USAID-sponsoredsurveys and reports). All of these sourceswere researchedso that an in-depthdisease-specific profilefor the projectarea (Logone Oriental) and the countryas a whole couldbe developed. The current survey provides powerfulinsight into the geographiclocation and disease spectrumin Chad.

As previouslydiscussed, there are limitationsto the type of availablemedical data:

* Data are not alwaysconsistently obtained by the samesurvey instruments; however, the government'sAnnual Health Survey data were obtained using standardizedUSAID- derived collectionforms.

OData are collectedas either incidenceor prevalencerate. Both of these types of rates iinvolveor imply some time relationship.The prevalencerate describesa group at a certainpoint in time (i.e.,it is a "snapshot"of our existingcondition). The incidencerate ciescribesthe developmentof a disease in a group over a period of time, which is includedin the denominator:

oL.. lappncchd.dr7 Page 11 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project PubricHealth EnvironmentalAssessment - ChadPortion

Prevalencerate = Number of persons with a disease Total number within a group

Incidence rate Number ot persons developinga disease Total number at risk

* Clinical diagnoses without laboratory information are extensively used and reported in statistical summaries. This presents a problem of case confirmation and is universally experienced with SSA data. Misdiagnoses and miscategorization undoubtedly occur throughout the data set. The govemmentAnnual Health Survey data are both relatively consistent across time and similar in rank order of disease problem to the data produced by Buck. The Chadian system is passive, i.e., patients must be present for medical attention at locations that collect and process data. This type of system, which is extremely common in SSA, will underreport the "true" burden of disease in the community or village. In addition, since there is a lack of diagnostic laboratory infrastructure within the health system, diagnoses are clearly clinical rather than laboratory confirmed. Nevertheless, there is sufficient "hard" data available such that the clinical diagnostic data still can be generally confirmed and utilized for strategy planning purposes for the project.

* Childhood data may not be entirely predictive of the adult disease situation. This problem was discussedpreviously; however, the childhooddata, particularlyfor infectious diseases, do provide a window on the geographic location and magnitude of many diseases. This level of detail is more than sufficient for project planning and evaluation.

4.1 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA DISEASE DATA

Until recently,there was optimism that the ability to achieve control over infectious diseases was at hand (WHO, 1996a). Small-pox was eradicated; polio, guinea-worm, leprosy, leishmaniasisand neonatal tetanus were targeted for eradication or elimination. However, due to the emergenceof new diseases (e.g., AIDS), pathogens resistant to antibiotics, and insects resistant to insecticides, the substantial progress recorded to date may decline or reverse. In addition to the burden of infectious diseases, SSA has significantly elevated incidence and prevalencemortality rates due to traffic accidents, injuries, violence, and war. Table 18 presents a comparison of mortality in SSA, EMEs, and worldwide levels for selected infectious diseases and other noncommunicable causes of death. These data are obtained from the 1996 WHO Global Health Statistics (WHO, 1996b). Both incidence and

08837-787-012 Page 12 oi appncchddn Chad EXjDortProject Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health prevalence rates are presented. Data represent1990 statisticsand are compiledfrom a varietyof WHOand WorldBank sources. SSA rates are consistentlyhigher in all categories versuseither worldwide or EMErates. A comparisonof SSA to other lower-incomeregions would also demonstratea pattemof elevatedcommunicable and noncommunicablemortality and morbidityrates.

4.2 SUB-SAHARAN INFECTIOUS DISEASES

Infectious diseasescan be classifiedaccording to their mode of transmissionfrom their source (human,animal, or environmental)to a new host. Transmissioncan happenvia directperson-to-person contact, through insects and other vectors,by way of contaminated food or water, or in other complexways (WHO, 1996a). Table 19 presents selected diseases and conditionsby four main modesof transmission. A fifth category, "Other emerging issues" is also shown to encompassthe problemsof antibioticresistance and healthcare facilityinfections. Each of these four modesof transmissionwill be presented with Chad-specificdata. In addition,the generalproblem of antibioticresistance will also be briefly discussed. The role of poisonousanimals (snakes and invertebrates)and plants (dermatitisand systemiceffects) is potentiallysignificant and will be presentedas part of a healthmatrix gap analysis.This analysisis beingundertaken to assist in projecthealth and safety planning.

4.3 CHAD INFECTIOUSDISEASE DATA

Chad-specificdata are basedupon three major sources:

* Government's1988-1995 Annual HealthStatistics * 1970 Buck,et al., Health & Disease in Chad: A Study in Five Villages Literaturecase reports,primarily from the WHO WeeklyEpidemiological Record (WER, or ReleveEpidemiologique Hebdomadaire).

In 1970, Buck,et al., performeda detailedstudy of five Chadianvillages. Figure 12 is a map of Chadshowing the locationsof the studyvillages. Extensiveclinical, laboratory, and epidemiologicalsurveys were performed. Participationrates were extremelyhigh (greater than 90 percent),and detailedprevalence rates were calculatedon the studyvillages. One of the villages, Ouli Bangala,is locatedin the projectprefecture, Logone Oriental, and is within5 km of the projectedroute of the pipeline(Figure 13). The village is situated on the main projectaccess roadand has a demographicprofile (Figure14) remarkablysimilar to the overallcountrywide age-sex pyramid (Figure 7). The other study villagesare located in moredistant prefectures (see Figure 12); however,it is possiblethat the project may draw

o:l.. lappnCchd.dr7 Page 13 oe037-787-012 AppendzxC Chad Export Project PublicHealth EnvironmentalAssessment - Chad Portion from labor resourcesthat originatein prefecturesother than LogoneOriental. Therefore,it is still appropriateto examinethe totality of the Buck,et al. data set. Table 20 is the rank order of diseases for all surveyed villages as reported by Buck, et al., based on 1966 surveys. Malaria was the number one reported disease. This is not surprising since endemicityrates for malariawere extremelyhigh and fell into the hyperendemiccategory. Table 21 shows the traditionalterminology for levelsof malariaendemicity. In additionto malaria, both onchocerciasis and schistosomiasis(mansoni) were also considered hyperendemicby Buck,et al. (Table22). Usingmean hemoglobin values as a surrogatefor the presenceof chronicmalaria, Buck, et al. rank orderedthe study prefectures(Table 23). Additional disease data from Buck's study is shown in Table 24. By way of comparison, malaria and goiter incidencerate data from the 1995 ChadianHealth Statisticsare also shown. The geographicaldisease distribution in the Buck et al. data is consistentwith the knownvector habitats and distributionin Chad. The southemsavanna-type prefectures tend to have the highest prevalence rates of vector-borne diseases versus the Saharan prefecture,BET. Table 25 presentsthe "10 most commonlyreported problems" based on governmentdata. Seven years of data are presented and are consistent across time. These data are clinical diagnosesand do not representconfirmed laboratory cases of a specific disease. Table 26 and Figure 15 represent "New cases per 1,000"and are also clinical diagnoses.

It is difficultto directlycompare the 1995data set with Buck,et al. data because1) data are two different rates: prevalencerates (Buck, et al.) versus incidence (ASS, 1995) and 2) clinicaldiagnoses (ASS, 1995)versus laboratory confirmed cases (Buck, 1970). There are, however, 1995 incidence rate data for specific diseasescollected for each of Chad's 14 prefectures.These data are presentedfor each diseaseand for all prefecturesin detailed tables availablein Dames& Moore (1997). In addition,a series of geographicaldisease distributionmaps produced by usingthe ArcViewT GeographicalInformation System (GIS) are also available in Dames& Moore (1997). A summaryincidence rate table for the five southern prefecturesof Logone Oriental, Logone Occidental,Tanjile, Mayo Kebbi, and MoyenChari is presentedin Table 27. LogoneOriental has high rankingsfor these medical diagnoses-meningitis, leprosy, tuberculosis, onchocerciasis, complex malaria, trypanosomiasis,neonatal tetanus, and intestinalschistosomiasis.

Given the geographyand climate of the southem savanna,these disease rates are not surprising. In addition,the high rates in the two Logones(Oriental and Occidental)are consistentwith the disease spectrumidentified in Buck et al.'s seminal 1966-1970survey work.

08837-787-012 Page 14 o:L..Aappncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton PuiblicH/ealth The proposed project area is clearly located in a region of Chad that has a substantial number of vector-borne diseases, many of which exist at endemicity levels that probably exceed 10 percent. A detailed analysis of the spectrum of some of the most important infectiiousdiseases and emergingissues in the immediate and proximal project area will be presented in the next five subsections. As Table 19 illustrates the number of infectious diseases present in Chad is formidable. A disease specific matrix for the project is being prepared by Dames & Moore to facilitate strategic planning.

4.4 P'ERSON-TO-PERSONINFECTIOUS DISEASES

Person-to-persontransmission of infectious diseases covers an enormous range. Table 19 lists over twelve major disease types. This list would be even longer if the myriad number of STDs (e.g., syphilis, gonorrhea, chlamydia ,and herpes) were separately enumerated. Due to the critical importance of the STDs (including AIDS), this disease group will be discussed in a separate section.

In terms of the proposed project, the most important person-to-persondiseases, excluding AIDS/STDs, are acute respiratory infections (ARI), meningitis, and tuberculosis. Each of these will be discussed.

4.4.1 Acute Respiratory Infections (ARI)

ARI are one of the leading causes of morbidity and mortality throughout Chad and SSA. (Jamison,1993). ARI is a an amalgam term that includes many conditions and a variety of clinical manifestations caused by a myriad of etiological agents. ARI are subdivided into acute upper and middle infections(AURI) and acute lower respiratoryinfections (ALRI) which refers to conditions affecting the respiratory tract below the epiglottis. AURI include the common cold, otitis media, pharyngitis, tonsilitis, croup, tracheobronchitis, and acute epiglottitis. These are usually mild and self-limiting and infrequently lead to death. On the other hand, ALRI are more serious and include pneumonia and bronchiolitis. These two diseases are common complicationsin childrenof measlesand pertussis (whooping cough). In SSA, pneumonia in young children is mainly due to bacterial causes such as strep pneumoniae and Hemophilus influenzae. Both of these bacteria are treatable with antibiotics, however, issues of antibiotic-resistant strains due to overuse of drugs is becoming a significant issue (see Section 4.8). The 1995 Chad data report ALRI cases rather than AURI. Incidence rates are generally high with over 1,000 reported cases per 100,000 in the project prefecture (Tables 28 and 29). While the magnitude of ALRI in the adult population is unknown, the spread of either upper (AURI) or lower (ALRI) respiratory infections is an important consideration for the design and operation of labor camps

o:l.iappacchd.o'7Z Page 15 08837.787-072 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health EnvironmentalAssessment - ChadPortion associated with proposed project construction activities. As shown in Figures 16 and 17 there is a marked seasonality to the respiratory disease cases.

4.4.2 Meningitis

Cerebrospinalmeningitis is a significant diseasefor the southem prefectures, particularly the Logones (Table 30), since Chad is in the designated "meningitis belt" of SSA (WHO WER, 14 April 1995). Epidemics within the African meningitis belt have regularly occurred every 8 to 12 years; however, the intervals between large outbreaks have become shorter and more irregularsince the early 1980s. There are multiple factors that affect the occurrence and spread of meningococcal disease: 1) decreasing antibody levels in the population, 2) overcrowding, 3) climatic changes (i.e., dry season or prolonged drought), and 4) ALRI (lower respiratory).

The most common organism in the epidemics of cerebrospinal meningitis in Africa are Neisseriameningitides serogroup A; however Group C has also been reported. As of March 11, 1996, information had been received on 505 cases with 19 deaths in three different prefectures(including Logone Oriental)(WHO, 1996c). Meningitis is potentially preventable through vaccination of both children and adults and the use of antibiotics to protect close contacts of those already infected. As illustrated in Figure 18 there is a marked seasonality to the reported meningitis cases.

4.4.3 Tuberculosis (TB)

Over the last 10 to 15 years, TB rates per 100,000 have increased by over 50 percent in SSA (WHO WER March 1996). The spread of TB has been accentuated by the increase in travel, migration, and the growing AIDS epidemic. TB is primarily a disease of adults aged 15 to 44 and has formed a lethal partnership with AIDS. TB is the leading cause of death in AIDS-positive individuals (one-third of all deaths) in the developing world. In addition, drug-resistant TB is rapidly increasing. TB rates in Chad are presented in Table 31. The 1988-1995 countrywidedata are shown in Figure 19. The Logones have significant rates of TB, particularly since these data are only capturing those cases that come to medical attention. If properly managedand treated, TB is curable in 95 percent of cases not affected by serious drug resistance.

08837-787-012 Page 16 o:L appocrhd.dr7 ChadExport Project Appendix C Environnmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health 4.5 FOOD, WATER, AND SOIL BORNE INFECTIOUSDISEASES

Contaminated food, water, and soil are capable of transmitting bacteria, viruses, and parasites. Some of the most important medical conditions and diseases associated with these media are diarrhea, cholera, typhoid, intestinal worms, hepatitis (A and E), and tetanus. Poor sanitationis a majorcontributing cause of these medical problems. The true incidenceand prevalenceof these diseases (particularly diarrhea and hepatitis) are difficult to accurately assess in a developing country (WHO, 1996a). The water and food-borne diseases are the most widespread health problems in the developing world and are an important source of low or poor economic productivity (WHO, 1996a). Tables 32 through 36 presentthe 1995 incidence rates in each prefecture for several of these diseases. The two most important categories of diseases to the project are water-borne diseases (e.g., typhoid, dysentery,cholera, schistosomiasis)and food-borne illnesses (e.g., salmonellosis, hepatitis A). On a positive note, dracunculiosis (guinea worm disease) is close to being eradicated on a worldwide basis (WHO, 1996a). There have been 1,231 reported confirmed cases in 106 villages in nine prefectures in an extensive March 1994 WHO survey (WHO WER, 29 April 1994). Table 36 presents 1995 statistics. These low numbers have been confirmed by the January-September1995 survey, which only found 80 cases (WHO WER, 12 January 1996).

4.5.1 Schistosomiasis (Bilharziasis)

Historically,schistosomiasis is endemic in southern Chad which is the home of a variety of importantsnail hosts. Buck, et al., demonstrated the presence of both the disease and the snail hosts in the southern prefectures. Since Buck's 1970 work, extensive mapping of schistosomiasisdisease and vectors has been performed over the last 20 years. Detailed maps of the results of these studies for the project are available from GIS format in Dames & Moore (1997). As opposed to urinary schistosomiasis, intestinal schistosomiasis is notoriously difficult to diagnose and is focally distributed. The reported rates of intestinal schistosomiasisare quite low because they are based on passive detection in clinics rather than by active screening. Based on data from other neighboring countries, particularly Cameroon, it is plausible to assume that actual rates may be orders of magnitude higher. There are recognized foci of Schistosoma haematobium throughout Chad, in prefectures bordering Cameroonand the CAR, specificallyalong the Logone and Chari River basins and tributaries. Foci of S. mansoni primarilyoccur along the Logone and Chari River basins and tributaries. In addition, a focus has been reported in Abeche, Ouaddai Prefecture. Finally, a few cases of schistosomiasis caused by S. intercalatum have been reported in Mayo- Kebbi Prefecture,but transmissionhas not been confirmed (personal communication, 1996- 1997). In general, snail populations are reported to peak in February and March. o:L.. appcchd.dV7 Page 17 O8837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Clad Porion 4.5.2 Cholera

Choleraoutbreaks have become an increasingproblem in Chad, althoughthese outbreaks have,so far, been confinedto the ChariBaguirmi Prefecture (N'Djamena) (WHO WER, July 1996). 1,317cases with 94 deathswere reportedin the June 1996 outbreak. An outbreak in 1994 in N'Djamena resulted in 3,000 cases. Outbreaksin 1991 affected 12 of 14 prefectureswith more than 12,000reported cases.

4.5.3 Food-borneIllnesses

The foodbomeillnesses are potentiallya major problemfor the projectbecause of the daily requirementsto provide caterng services for large labor camps during the construction phase. The hygienic quality of the raw foodstuffsin the projectarea has been adequate duringthe projectexploration phase, based on the staffinglevels to date in the oil field area.

4.6 INSECTVECTOR INFECTIOUS DISEASES

The insectvector diseases are some of the most difficultepidemiological, pharmacological, and immunologicalchallenges in the projectregion (World Bank, 1991). While there have been tremendouscontrol improvementswith some of the diseases(e.g., onchocerciasis, leishmaniasis,and trypanosomiasis),malaria has continuedto be a stubbornlyvexing cause of morbidity and mortality. The vectorial capacity of A. gambiae and An. funestus is undiminished,and the resistanceof these vectors to insecticidesand of the parasitesto drugs has increased(World Bank,1991). This sectionwill discussthe major insect vector diseases in detail. GIS maps based on publishedor in-progressstudies of disease and vector locationsare availablefrom Dames& Moore (1997). As a group, these diseases have been and continueto be the subjectof majorWHO and World Bank funded efforts; hence,the only constantis change. Whereverpossible, Chad specificdata are presented; however,several of the major vector mappingstudies cover both Chad and Cameroon.

4.6.1 Malaria

Malariatransmission is higher in SSA than any other locationin the world becauseof the intensityof the Africanmosquito vectors of malaria,A. gambiae and An. funestus (Bradley, 1991). In order to understandmalaria transmission, the conceptknown as the basic care reproductionrate (BCRR)must be understood. BCRR is the mean numberof new cases of malaria to which one case will directlygive rise after passingonce throughthe vector mosquitosunder conditions of zero immunityin the humanpopulation (Bradley, 1991). For

08837-787-072 Page 18 o:I...1appncchd.dr7 t

Chad Export Project Appendix C Environnental Assessment - Chad Portion Pub6lcHealth example,a BCRRof 5 meansthat one casewill give rise to five casesin the nextgeneration and 25 in the succeedinggeneration of cases(Bradley, 1991). Conversely,if the BCRRfalls below 1, the diseasewill graduallydiminish and cease. In an endemicarea, the supplyof uninfectedindividuals who are susceptibleis limitedand "herdimmunity" becomes important. In this situation,there are two importantscenarios that can occur: 1) the criteria for directly observingthe BCRRwill not be met and mustbe calculatedbased on mosquitobiology (i.e., densilyof mosquitos,their man-bitinghabit, and their longevity),and 2) a suddeninflux of non-immuneor non-protectedindividuals is introducedinto an area and an explosive epidemicoccurs.

For effectivemalaria transmission, two conditionsmust occur: 1) the mosquitospecies needs to be long-livedand 2) havea high man-bitinghabit. Unfortunately,both An. gambiae and An. fuinestus meet thesecriteria and are associatedwith BCRRsin excessof 1,000. Thus, there is a tremendousreservoir of capacityfor malariatransmission far in excess of that requiredto maintainlevels of endemicity(see Table 21 for endemicitydefinitions).

These biologicalfacts haveseveral significant consequences:

Transmissionis extremelyhard to controlsince BCRRs must be reducedby a thousand- fold

EEveryone in areas of high endemicityis usuallyaffected at an early age

* Despiteyearly variations in the determinantsof transmission,BCRRs do not fall to 1, and mialariaremains highly endemicand stable.

Table 37 presentsthe basic categoriesof malaria. The projectarea falls into Category2 (Savanna,intense and seasonal). The malariaincidence rates for all Chadianprefectures are shownin Tables38 and 39. The seasonalityof malariarates are also clearlyshown in Figures 20 through 22. While there is a year-roundrisk, the rainy season is the peak incidenceperiod.

The currentoil field operationsin LogoneOriental (Doba) have also experiencedimpacts from malaria. Detailedreports of the malariasituation in the oil field developmentarea have been preparedby MedicalService Corporation International (MSCI, 1995, 1996). In 1993, a substantialnumber of laboratoryconfirmed cases of malariaoccurred within the oil field area in LogoneOriental. These cases primarilyoccurred during the July-Novembertime period. Over 60 cases occurredin expatriatesduring this time period, representingan incidencerate of over 20 percent. The incidencerate in Africanswas substantiallyless.

o:l.. pr.oncchd.dr7 Page 19 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Entironmental Assessment - Chad Portfon Afterthis epidemic,a rigorousMalaria Control Program (MCP) was institutedincluding: bed nets, impregnated clothing, knockdown sprays, repellent creams, mosquito habitat surveillance,and drug prophylaxis.In 1994, absolutecase load fell by almostfive-fold. An in-depth study and programreview was performedfor the 1995 season in Chad (MSCI, 1996). The key resultsof this study were:

* 12 of 25 cases (48 percent)of Febrile illnessin expatriateswere laboratoryconfirmed malaria. 55 of 70 (79 percent)of Febrile illnessin nationalswere malaria. There was one case of cerebralmalaria.

* 82 percentof caseswere P. Falciparum.The non-falciparumcases were found primarily during the early part of the season. After 30 June 1995 all cases were due to P. Falciparum.

* Malariaincidence case ratesfor 1995were calculated based on a denominatorof 1,000 man-daysof exposurein Chad.

* Case rates in expatriates averaged 1.1 per 1,000 man-days May-August,9.8 in September and 0.0 in Octoberand November. Nationalrates were approximately30 percenthigher (1.4-1.5)May-August and 1.1 in September-November.

- No evidenceof drug (chloroquine)resistance was rated.

Sincethe institutionof an aggressiveand comprehensiveMCP, laboratoryconfirmed cases of malaria have dramatically fallen (MSCI, 1996). The efficiency of MCPs is uncontrovertible;however, the major challenge to the project will be to institute these programson a significantlygreater scale coveringboth nationalsand expatriateswho will have either no or different levels of natural immunity to malaria. Malaria undoubtedly representsthe greatest single diseasethreat to the project.

4.6.2 Onchocerciasis

The controlof onchocerciasis(river blindness)has dramaticallychanged due to the WHO OnchocerciasisControl Program (OCP), which has eliminatedthe diseaseas a public health problemfrom 11 countries in West Africa through a combinationof extensiveinsecticide sprayingof vector breedingsites and the widespreaddistribution of a safe, effective drug, Ivermectin. Table 40 shows that the OCP drug distributionrates in five of the southem prefecturesis 90 percent or greater. GIS maps of vector and habitats are available in

08837-787-012 Page 20 o:l.. isppcChd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton Pubric Health Dames & Moore (1997). The Rapid EpidemiologicalMapping of Onchocerciasis (REMO) is a major component of the OCP and covers both the project area and other contiguous locations. Data from the REMO are available in Dames & Moore (1997). The impact of the OCP appears to be significant. To date, data from the ESSO oil field camps has not demonstrated a problem in either expatriates or nationals. Due to the high levels of endernicity, continued monitoring and surveillance may be required.

4.6.3 Leishmaniasis-cutaneous and Visceral (Kala-azar)

Leishrnaniasisexists in two forms-cutaneous and visceral. Both forms are due to parasite spread by the bites of different species of the sandfly. Visceral leishmaniasis (kala-azar) is the most serious form of the disease and is associated with dogs. Nine out of ten cases occur in Bangladesh, Brazil, India, and Sudan (WHO, 1996a).

Cutaneous leishmaniasis is associated with rodents. Nine out of ten cases occur in Afghanistan, Brazil, Iran, Peru, Saudi Arabia, and Syria. Leishmaniasis is transmitted via the bite of on infective sand fly (Phlebotomus). These sand flies are active between dusk and dawn and have a very limited flight range. The peak transmission season is between June-September, although transmission in April and May is reported. Recognized foci of Leist7mania major have been reported in the N'Djamena area, along the Chari River in Southi-CentralChad and in the OuaddaiPrefecture. The distribution of L. major is based on zoonotic reservoirs, primarily rodents. L. tropica has dogs as a primary reservoir. L. donovani foci have been reported in N'Djamena and Lake Chad areas and foci probably exterid eastward across South-CentralChad. Suspected reservoirs for L. donovani include caniries (jackals and dogs), rodentsand other camivores. Over the last 12 years, according to WHO, there has been a sharp increase in the recorded number of cases of both forms of the disease for reasons including:

C,o-infection of visceral leishmaniasis (VL) and AIDS where the VL is an opportunistic consequence of immuno-suppression

* Development programs such as road building, dam construction, mining, and forest activities

* Rapid and haphazard spread of major urban centers which increase transmission risks

* Rapid and massive movements of refugees or immigrant workers

w:t lappncchd.dr7 Page 21 08837-787-072 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton Diminution in mosquito control programswhich were also effective against leishmaniasis vectors.

Leishmaniasis can be controlled through prompt diagnosis, treatment, and sandfly vector control:

* Insecticide spraying * Personal protective equipment, repellants, and bednets * Destruction of sandfly breeding sites * Surveys of potentially infected dogs with either treatment or destruction * Deep ploughing of rodent burrows, and the destruction of certain plants that they consume.

4.6.4 Trypanosomiasis

African trypanosomiasisis found only in certain areas of Africa. Cases have been reported in Chad particularlyin the Logones (Table 41). Buck et al. also reported endemicity in this area. The WHO has a program for the prevention and control of African trypanosomiasis. GIS mapping and epidemiologicaldata collection and analysis are important features of the project. The overall WHO programme is said to be coordinated with the national Chadian effort (WHO, 1995).

There are foci in Logone Oriental (Gore Sub-prefecture) and Logone Occidental (Moundou Sub-prefecture). The Tsetse Fly (transmission vector) is present in Southern Chad and transmission sites commonly occur at river crossings; therefore, during pipeline construction activities, trypanosomiasis could become a more significant issue because of contact between project personnel and disease vectors.

4.6.5 Yellow Fever

Yellow fever is enzootic in tropical and subtropical areas of Africa. There are two modes of transmission for the virus-the sylvatie, or jungle, cycle and the urban cycle. Transmission begins when vector mosquitos (Ae. africanus) feed upon non-human primates infected with the yellow fever virus. The infectedmosquitos then feed upon humans passing through the jungle environment. The greatest risk for an epidemic occurs when infected humans return to the urban environment and are fed upon by domestic vector mosquitos. In 1996, 1,079 cases had been confirmed in Chad between January and October. Case fatality rate is 10 percent (WHO WER, 18 October 1996). Control strategiesinclude vaccination and mosquito control activitiestargeted to Ae. africanus. The other arboviral fevers (Dengue, Rift Valley

08837-787-012 Page 22 o:L..1&ppncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton PublicHealth Fever,Crimean-Congo) have been infrequentlyreported in Chad;however, there are reports of positiveantibody prevalences to these diseases.

4.7 ANIMAL BORNEINFECTIOUS DISEASES (INCLUDING NEW AND EMERGING DISEASES)

Infectiousdiseases that are transmittedfrom animalsto humansare called zoonoses. Of these, rabies and brucellosisare the mostwell known. Ebola-Marburghemorrhagic fever probablyhas an animalhost; however,this has not yet been definitelyestablished. There have been no knownoutbreaks of Ebola in Chad. Reportedly,there is an extremelylow antibody prevalenceagainst Marburg virus among residents of N'Djamema(personal communications1997). LassaFever is transmittedby direct or indirect contactwith dust or food contaminatedwith urinefrom infectedrodents. Person-to-persontransmission can also occur..Lassa Fever is probablyenzootic in southwestemChad. Dunnga mid-1980s survey, low antibodyprevalence was detectedin humansera from residentsin N'Djamena.Sporadic outbreakshave been reportedin West Africa.

4.8 EMERGINGDISEASES AND ANTIBIOTICRESISTANCE IN INFECTIOUS DISEASES

Antimicrobialresistance by disease-ausingorganisms is an issueof increasingpublic health concern. A growing numberof infectionshave becomeincreasingly untreatable or more difficult to control (e.g., TB, malaria (see Figure 23, Cases of malaria with chloroquine failure), cholera,dysentery, and pneumonia). Accordingto WHO, a major cause of this problemis the uncontrolledand inappropriateuse of antibioticdrugs (WHO, 1996a). WHO currentlyhas an activeprogram, WHONET, of global surveillanceof bacterialresistance to antimicrobialagents. The practiceof massdrug administration will be carefullyreviewed and consiideredon a disease-by-diseasebasis.

5.0 SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES (INCLUDING AIDS AND HEPATITISBIC)

The HumanImmunodeficiency Virus (HIV)/AIDSepidemic is not a monolithicphenomenon acrossthe globe.The epidemicis composedof manyseparate and individualepidemics that are spreadunevenly across regions such as SSA. Thus,characteristics such as geography, the type and nature of the population affected,the frequenciesof risk behaviorsand practices and the temporalintroduction and amplificationof the virus all have a profound affect on the magnitude and spread of the epidemic (Cohen and Trussell, 1996). Furthermore,there are biologicfactors that can haveprofound impacts on the spreadof the epidemic by increasingor decreasingthe susceptibilityto the virus, altering positivelyor

o:L..Wppncchd.dr7 Page 23 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion negativelythe infectiousnessof those with HIV, and changingthe progressionof infection to death and disease (Cohenand Trussell, 1996).These biologicalfactors include: the presence of classical STDs, e.g., genital ulcers, syphilis, etc., male circumcision,the simultaneousinfection with otherimmunologically interactive diseases, e.g., malaria and the other tropical diseases, and the viral characteristicsof HIV-1, HIV-2, and their multiple genetic strains (Cohenand Trussell, 1996 and Fauci, 1996).

In order to better follow and understandboth the data that will be presented and the subsequentdiscussion, there are severaltechnical terms that mustbe clearly understood. HIV or humanimmunodeficiency virus refers to infection.For example,an individualcan be exposedto the HIV virus and subsequentlybecome infected. However, this infectiondoes not necessarilyproduce clinical signs and symptomsand is detectableonly by laboratory testing. Therefore, HIV prevalenceand incidence rates refer to the number of persons currentlyinfected or likely to becomeinfected in a given time period.AIDS or the acquired immunedeficiency syndrome, refers to active symptomaticdisease. Since there can be an extremely long period of time betweeninfection and developmentof active disease, the numberof HIV positiveindividuals is significantlydifferent from the numberof verified AIDS cases.

5.1 HIV/AIDS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

As a region, in a relativelyshort period of time (since 1981) there has been a massive epidemicof virtuallyunprecedented proportions that has affected SSA. It is estimatedthat there are over 11 million HIV-infectedAfrican adults and 3 million AIDS-relateddeaths as of 1995 (WHO, 1995).

By the year 2000 estimatesare that 20 million individualswill be HIV infectedand at least 8 million will have died of AIDS (WHO, 1993). As many as I million African children are estimatedto have been infectedas a result of motherto child transmission(WHO, 1994). Estimatesof the doublingtime of the epidemicin SSA rangefrom 1-3 years in high (20-30 percent)prevalence regions to 5 years or more in areas that have low (10 percent or less) prevalence rates (Potts, 1991). The variability in prevalencerates is multifactorial: 1) presenceof otheractive STDs,2) differencesin sexual behavior,e.g., numberof partners, use of condoms,3) contactbetween low-risk and high-riskgroups, i.e., the pattern of mixing betweengroups with variousdegrees of sexual activity , 4) probabilityof transmissionfrom an infected individualto his/her partner,and 5) timing of sexual contact duringthe highly variable incubationperiod of AIDS (Robinson,1995).

08837-787-072 Page 24 o:.. Lbppncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Heafth HIV prevalence is not uniformly distributed across all SSA countries. This is illustrated by 1990 data shown in Figure 24 . To date, the epidemic has disproportionately affected East and Southem Africa where up to one in three adults are infected in certain urban populations. As illustrated in Figure 24, the density of cases in West Africa is substantially lower except in Abidjan, Cote d'lvoire where high levels of infection, i.e., greater than 10 percent,are found. As a general finding, rates are lower in rural settings compared to urban locaticins.The highest rates are usuallyfound in men and women between 20 and 40 years old and in people with STDs and TB. There is a marked occupational bias with high rates in long-distance truckers, military personnel, and women employed in the commercial sex industries. There is a marked difference in the age distribution of peak HIV prevalence between men (older) and women (younger) because sexual partnerships tend to be formed between older men and young women.There are differences in male-to-female and female- to-male transmissionrates with the former being more efficient than the latter. Therefore, as the epidemic has spread into the rural population, the absolute number of infections has becorne higher among women than men (Cohen and Trussell, 1996).

The analysis of the basic reproductive rate of infection is similar to the calculation of the malairia BCRR (Section 4.6). The basic reproductive rate of infection, Ro, within low risk groups is probablyless than unity (1.0). Ro defines the average number of secondary cases generated by one pfimary case, with Ro>1 neededfor epidemic propagationto occur (Cohen and T-russell,1996). Therefore, if low-riskgroups, e.g., rural population, come in contact with high-risk groups, e.g., commercial sex workers and their male clients, the opportunity to generate an epidemicis substantial.For example,the altered contact and mixing of different classes that can occur between truckers, their contacts and then their spouses and/or girlfriends can amplify the basic case reproduction rate. For example, Carswell et al. in a 1989 study of East African truck drivers argue that although commercial sex workers have high prevalence levels of HIV, it is the contact with travelers from other parts of Africa, initially confined to major trading routes and highwaysthat acts as the portal of entry for HIV into a given region (Carswell, 1989). Analogously, small changes in the pattern of mixing between sexual activity classes can also slow, or even prevent an epidemic that would otherwise be widely disseminated (Potts, 1991). Similarly, treatment of active STDs would also have a beneficial impact of approximately 40 percent reduction in HIV incidence (Grosskurth, 1995).

5.2 TRANSMISSION MODELS OF HIV AND STDS

The basic biologicaland behavioralfactors that determinethe transmission dynamics of HIV and the other STDs have been well described in a number of publications (Anderson and May, 1988; Over and Piot, 1993; Potts, 1991). These models are all fundamentally based

o:1...1bapncchd.dr7 Page 25 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Pubic Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion on the relationship between Ro- the reproductive rate or the number of new infections transmitted by one infected person in the susceptible population and three determinants referred to in the literature by two different but synonymous symbols of the rate of spread: 1) D or Q, which represents the mean probability of sexual transmission per partnership; 2) D, the mean number of years an infected person remains infectious and 3) c or a, the average rate of new sexual partner selection per year or the number of contacts per time period between an infected person and a susceptible person (Cohen and Trussell, 1996). The relationship is linear, i.e., Ro=PcDor Ro=QaD. In a 1993 article, Over and Piot present some of the basic values for each determinant of Ro based on several assumptions regarding the study groups and the simulation under consideration (Jamison, 1993). The most important measure of sexual behavior is c, the rate of sexual partner change within a population. The variable uc" is not the average or mean number (p) of new sexual partners per person but instead is p+variance/p, where variance refers to number of new sexual partners per year. The variable "ct is then a reflection of the heterogeneity in sexual behavior, as measured by the variance of sexual partner change (Over and Piot, 1993). This quantity is larger than the average number of new partners and adds substantially to the reproductive rate and hence, the likely future growth rate of the epidemic. Therefore, both mean and variance matter and the few individuals with many partners ensure that infections spread rapidly (Cohen and Trussell, 1996).This observation illustrates why female commercial sex workers, their clients, truck drivers, migrant workers, and the military form a potent high risk core group capable of amplifying transmission rates in a population that has relatively low prevalence. The importance of this finding will be illustrated in the subsequent section that describes the existing HIV/AIDS situation in Chad.

5.3 HIV/AIDS IN CHAD

Chad reported its first AIDS cases in 1986. Since then, surveillanceactivities have expanded to include several population groups. Data reported since 1991 in pregnant women, blood donors, and TB patients shows that HIV is rapidly expanding. For example, seropositive rates in N'Djamena and Moundouamong pregnant women and blood donors have doubled between 1991 and 1993 (World Bank, 1995). The blood donor surveillance program indicatedthat at the end of 1993, HIV prevalencewas 3.7 percent in N'Djamena (the capital city) and 7.9 percent in Moundou, the most important urban center of the southem prefectures (WHO Global Programmeon AIDS, 1995). Similarly, the rates of STDs are also significant and rising. The Chadian government reported 11,713 cases of genital ulceration in both sexes for 1993 and 16,477 cases of gonorrheain men. Data from the 1995 Annuaire Statistiques for the major STDs (including AIDS) is shown in Tables 42 through 45. The govemment estimates that STD cases represent 5 percent of the actual occurring STD

08837-787-012 Page 26 o:l...1appncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendir C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Public Health cases;therefore, during 1993, for example,234,000 STD cases may have actuallyoccurred (WHO,1995, Chad PMT, 1994).

The NationalProgram for AIDS Control( knownby its Frenchabbreviation as PNLS)was establishedin 1988and estimatesthat in 1994 a total of 106,700persons of all ages were infected.The prevalencerate is estimatedto be 3 percentand is highestin the southwest of the countryand lowestin the northeastemregions (World Bank, 1995, Tchad PMT, 1994). Table 46 presents the expectedevolution of the HIV/AIDSepidemic based on current projectionsassuming no changein currentconditions (World Bank, 1995). The Epimodel demonstratesthat given the observedspeed of infection,an estimated24,000 to 28,000 persons were contaminatedduring the last few years (World Bank, 1995). The current ChadiianPlan A Moyen Terme De Lutte Contre Le SIDA (PMT) 1995-1999assumes that there are currently415,000 Chadians at high riskfor HIV infectionacquisition and that there will be 29,000 new HIV infectionsper year (TchadPMT, 1994).

5.4 AIDSIHIV

Tables47 through51 presentthe mostcurrent AIDS/HIV data availablefor Chad. These dataare January1996 through30 October1996. Table 47 is AIDS cases by sex and age for the entire country. Table 48 presentsthe cases by prefecture. The next two tables present the most current data for the Logones (Tables 49 and 50) (Rapport Annuel D'Activites(RAD), 1996). Thereare no reportedAIDS casesfor LogoneOriental; however, this is undoubtedlya function of under reportingand availabilityof laboratorydiagnostic facilities,rather than the actualmedical situation. Finally Table 51 presentsthe year by year evolutionof AIDS cases in Chad (RAD,1996).

While recognitionof the HIV/AIDSproblem exists, a 1994 World Banksurvey team found that "In spite of the rapid increasein HIV seroprevalenceat the sentinel sites and the quintupling of the reported annualincidence of AIDS during the last five years, Chad's politicalauthorities do not seem to appreciatethe magnitudeand gravity of the problem.' (World Bank, 1995). The World Bank further noted several factors that also adversely impactedthe overallsituation:

* UnfavorableSocio-Economic Determinants-multiple partners, lack of education and information,poor access to condoms,difficult economicsfollowing successive droughts and armedconflicts over the last 10 years,and substantialpopulation migrations to urban aireas.In addition,commercial sexual activities are well developedalong the major road axes of N'Djamena/Kelo/Moundouthat connectChad with its main economicpartners Cameroonand Nigeria. o:l.. appncchddr7 Page 27 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton

* Absenceof SystematicControl of STDs-aggressiveclinical programsfor diagnosisand treatmentof STDsare not ongoing.The treatmentof activeSTDs can have a substantial impact of up to 40 percenton HIV transmissionrates.

* Limited Access to Condoms-at present there is no program to promote the social marketingof condoms.In the last four years, the PNLS distributedapproximately one condomper personat high risk when the estimatedaverage is 20 condomsper year to protect a sexuallyactive urbanmale from infectionthrough non-marital sex.

* High Vulnerabilityof Womento HIV Infection-ina 1989 AIDS Knowledge,Attitude, and Practice study, less than 50 percent of all adults interviewedin urban settings had a satisfactoryknowledge of HIV transmissionmodes. Women scored particularlylow, less than50 percentand only 5 percentof women mentionedcondoms as a meansof self- protection.

* Weak Institutional Capacity-despite multi-lateral agency funding the viability and feasibilityof multi-sectoralAIDS controlinterventions was felt to be weak by the World Bank team.

5.5GOVERNMENT STRATEGY

In the 1994 PMT, the governmentissued a seven part strategyfor the preventionof HIV transmission:

* Preventionof sexualtransmission of HIV includingincreased use of condomsand treatmentof classicSTDs, particularly genital ulcers * Preventionof HIVtransmission via blood

* Preventionof perinatalHIV transmission

* Reductionof the impacton healthto seropositiveAIDS cases

* Reductionof socialimpacts to affectedindividuals and theirfamilies

* Reductionof the impactof publicexpenditures in the healthsector

* Fightagainst poverty.

08837-787-012 Page28 o:1 tLap,ncchd.dr7 Chad ExportProject Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Portion Pubbc Health Each of these strategies is further presentedwith associatednumerical measurement targets. While the impacts of a major infrastructure project on HIV/AIDS transmission could be significant, the role of government is even more critical. Sections 7.0 and 8.0 of the EA, in addition to the EnvironmentalManagement Plan, will present and discuss the role and scope of the project's ability to mitigatethe impactsof HIV/AIDStransmission.

5.6 VIRAL HEPATITISB, C, & D

The viral hepatitis B, C, & D can all be transmitted via sexual contact. Percutaneousand premucosal exposureto infective body fluids e.g. blood, saliva, semen, and vaginal fluids, are primary transmissionroutes. Hepatitis B is highly endemic. A 1987 survey found carrier rates of 26 percent and 17 percent among N'Djamenaand Bongor residents,respectively. Hepatitis C is also endemic. A 1993 survey in N'Djamenadetected hepatitis C virus antibodies in more than 4 percent of blood donors. Hepatitis D is probablypresent but confirmed documentation is unavailable.

6.0 CONCLUSIONSAND SUMMARY

The variety and complexityof the infectiousdisease burden in Chad is enormous. Substantial efforts have been made to developthe geographicdistribution of diseases in Chad. Disease rates clearlyhave geographic distribution as a function of indigenousvectors. The project area is located in a region that has relativelyhigh levels of many vector and non-vector infectious diseases. Muchof the availabledata have been presented,although additional information and mapping is contained in Dames & Moore (1997). Sections7.0 and 8.0 of the EA present and discussthe differentstrategies available to control these diseases. The World Bank (1996) has adopiteda series of guidelinesthat emphasizethe role of subsector analysis (housing,water and sanitation, transportation, and telecommunications)in managing and controlling disease burdens associated with infrastructure projects like the proposed pipeline and oil field development. Sections 7.0 and 8.0 of the EA describe in detail the approaches and benefits of the subsector remediationapproach for large projects like the Chad DevelopmentProject. Strategy interventionsand policy tools within the control of the project are further explored; however,policy tools are primarilya function of governmentrather than the privatesector. The critical issues of STDs and AIDS amplificationhas been presentedand discussed. STD/AIDS spread represents the most difficult public health issue associated with the project. Further developmentof interventionand policy strategiesare presentedin Section8.0 of the EA.

Overall, the analysisof existing disease and demographicdata demonstratesthat Chad is still in a pretransitionalstate subject to the problems associatedwith high fertility and high mortality disease problems. However, sufficientdetailed geographic disease data are available so that

o:L..1appncchd.dr7 Page 29 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Pubric Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton appropriateintervention strategies can be developed. These strategiesare subjects of Sections 7.0 and 8.0 of the EA.

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Nur E, 1993. "The Impactof Malariaon LabourUse and Efficiencyin the Sudan,"Soc. Sci. Med., Vol. 37, No. 9, pp. 1115-1119,1993.

Ringwald P, et al., 1996. "Randomisedtrial of pyronaridineversus chloroquinefor acute uncomplicatedfalciparum malaria in Africa," The Lancet,Vol. 347, pp. 24-28,January 6, 1996.

RingwaldP, et al., 1995."Efficacy and Tolerancein Adultsof a Short (3 Days)Course of Quinine for UncomplicatedFalciparum Malaria," Ann. Soc. Beige Med. Trop., Vol. 75, pp. 141-143, 1995.

Traorea0, Le Goff G, Doumde N, et al., 1992. "Evaluationin vivo de la chimiosensibilitede Plasmodium FalciparumA la chloroquinedans la region de moundou,"Bull. liais. doc. - OCEAC,no 101,Septembre 1992.

"Emergenceof mefloquine-resistantmalaria in Africawithout drug pressure," The Lancet,Vol. 336, p. 59, July 7, 1990.

"ControllingMalaria in FrancophoneAfrica: Taking the Initiative,"A Seriesof Paperson the ACSI- CCCD MalariaInitiative.

MEDICAL GEOGRAPHY

Cline, Bamett, 1970. 'New Eves for Epidemiologists:Aerial Photographyand Other Remote SensingTechniques," American Joumal of Epidemiology,Vol 92, No. 2,1970.

MENINGITIS

Riou J, Djibo S, et al., 1996. "A predictablecomeback: the secondpandemic of infectionscaused by Neisseriameningitidis serogroup A subgroupIlIl in Africa,1995," Bulletin of the WorldHealth Organization,Vol. 74, No. 2, pp. 181-187.

'Meningitis in Africa, The ConstantChallenge of Epidemics,"Press ReleaseWHO/21, 15 March 1996.

o:4.. appncchd.dr7 Page 41 08837-787-012 Appendix C Chad Export Project Public Health Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton 'Meningitis hits Africa, 15,000 dead this year - WHO,' Nando.net, 1996.

WHO Weekly Epidemiological Record (WER), World Health Organization, 18 October 1996.

'WHO Launches Major Interagency Effort to Control Meningitis Epidemics in Africa," Press Release WHO/49,19 July 1996.

WHO Communicable Disease News, 27 March 1996.

WHO Weekly Epidemiological Record (WER), World Health Organization, No. 12, 22 March 1996.

WHO Weekly Epidemiological Record (WER), World Health Organization, No. 13,31 March 1995.

WHO Weekly Epidemiological Record (WER), World Health Organization, No. 19,12 May 1995.

WHO Weekly Epidemiological Record (WER), World Health Organization, No. 15, 14 April 1995.

NGOs/PVOs

Mennonite Central Committee, 1995 Workbook, Chad, electronic.

Mennonite Central Committee, News Service, Cement Rings Seal Wells in Chad, November 3, 1995, electronic.

ONCHOCERCIASISILOIASIS

"Carter Center and Merck Step up Efforts to Fight River Blindness in Africa," The Carter Center News, electronic, Fall 1994.

"Onchocerciasis (River Blindness)," Fact Sheet N 95, November 1995.

"Onchocerciasis (or River Blindness) Control," WHO, electronic, January 16, 1995. uWorkplan of the Task force on Onchocerciasis Operational Research," UNDP/VWorldBank/WHO Special Programme for Research and Training in Tropical Diseases, electronic. uWor.d Health Organization to Head New Expanded Programme to Eliminate River Blindness from the African Continent," Press Release WHO/87, 5 December 1995.

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'PEEAAbibliography on environmentalmanagement for the control of human disease vectors,' WHO/FAO/UNEP/UNCHSPanel of Experts,Release 1.0, March 1994.

POISONOUSPLANTS

POLIO

WHO WeeklyEpidemiological Record (WER), World HealthOrganization, No. 11, 13 March1995.

RODENTCONTROL

Girgis,Adel, 1997. Memofrom Adel Girgis,regarding snakes and scorpions,7 February1997.

MithenJ, 1993. 'Rodents and controlProcedures Lecture," Director of Field Services,American Instituteof Baking,February 4, 1993.

Sorenson,David, 1988. 'Behavior andReproduction in the GenusEryx," Proceedingsof the 10th and 11thInternational Herpetological Symposia, electronic data on The EgyptianSand Boa.

SCHISTOSOMIASIS

Doumenge JP, Mott KE, Cheung C, et al, 1987. "Atlas de la repartition mondiale de Schistosomiases,"Universite de BordeauxIlIl, Centre de Recherchesur les EspacesTripicaux, PressesUniversitaires de Bordeaux,1987.

Kloos,Helmut, 1995. 'Human Behavior,Health Education and SchistosomiasisControl: A Review," Soc. Sco.Med., Vol. 40, No.11, pp. 1497-1511,1995.

TRYIPANOSOMIASIS

Bureau, 1996. "Historiqueet evolutionde la maladiedu sommeil au Tchad," Bull. liais. doc. - OCEAC,n° 29(3), 1996.

Josse R, DelaporteE, CattandP, et al., 1989. 'Prevalence des infectionsa retrovirusdans le foyers de trypanosomiasehumaine du moundou(sud Tchad)," Bull. Iiais. doc. - OCEAC,n°88, Avril-Juin,1989.

"TrypanosomiasisControl," World Health Organization,Division of Control of Tropical Diseases, electronic,August 7, 1995.

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WHO, 1995. Divisionof Controlof TropicalDiseases (CTD). "TrypanosomiasisControl'.

TUBERCULOSIS

Guelina, 1991. 'Programme de formationau Tchad," Bull. liais. doc. - OCEAC,n° 97, Octobre, 1991.

NorvalPY, BaptisteJP, 1991. "La lutte contrele Tuberculoseau Tchad,"Bull. liais. doc. - OCEAC, n° 96, Septembre,1991.

WHO Weekly EpidemiologicalRecord (WER), World HealthOrganization, No. 9, 1 March 1996.

WHO Weekly EpidemiologicalRecord (WER),World HealthOrganization, No. 11, 17 March 1995.

WHO Weekly EpidemiologicalRecord (WER), World HealthOrganization, No. 11, 18 March 1994.

08837-787-012 Page 44 o:L..1appncchd.dr7 Chad Export Project Appendix C Environmental Assessment - Chad Porton Public Health ACRONYMS

AIDS Acquired ImmuneDeficiency Syndrome ALRI Acute Lower RespiratoryInfections ARI Acute RespiratoryInfections ASS Annuaire De StatistiquesSanitaires Du Tchad AURI Acute Upper and Middle RespiratoryInfections BCRR Basic Care ReproductionRate BET Borkou- Ennedi- Tibesti CAR Central African Republic CCD CommunicableChildhood Diseases DHS Demographicand Health Survey EA EnvironmentalAssessment EME EstablishedMarket Economy GIS Geographical Information System HIV Human ImmunodeficiencyVirus HIV-1 Human ImmunodeficiencyVirus-1 HIV-2 Human ImmunodeficiencyVirus-2 KAP Knowledge,Attitudes, and Practices MCP MalariaControl Program MSCI MedicalService Corporation International NGO NongovernmentalOrganizations OCP OnchocerciasisControl Program PMT Plan A MoyenTerme De Lutte Contre Le SIDA PNLS Chad NationalProgram for AIDS Control RAD RapportAnnuel D'Activites REMO Rapid EpidemiologicalMapping of Onchocerciasis SSA Sub-SaharanAfrica STD Sexually-TransmittedDisease TB Tuberculosis UN United Nations UNDP United Nations DevelopmentProgram USAID United States Agencyfor InternationalDevelopment VL Visceral Leishmaniasis WER Weekly EpidemiologicalRecord WHO World Health Organization WHONET World Heath OrganizationNet

o:L.. appncchd.dr7 Page 45 08837-787-012 TABLE 2 DEMOGRAPHICDATA: POPULATIONIDENSITY

Percentof SurFace Percentof | Density Prefecture Population Total Ara TotalSurface inhabitantslkM2

______I __ __ _ Area__ Logone Oriental 463,393 7.02% 28,035 2.18% 16.53 Logone Occidental 478,548 7.25% 7,695 0.60% 62.19

Tandjile 476,830 7.23% 18,045 1.41% 26.42

Mayo Kebbi 866,932 13.14% 30,105 2.34% 28.80

Moyen Chari 775,986 11.76% 45,180 3.51% 17.17 Salamat 193,738 2.94% 63,000 4.91% 3.07

Chaii Baguirmi 1,315,285 19.94% 82,910 6.46% 15.86

Gue-a 321,757 4.88% 58,950 4.59% 5.46 Ouaddai 571,434 8.66% 77,240 6.02% 7.40

Lac 265,736 4.03% 22,320 1.74% 11.90

Kanem 294,098 4.46% 114,520 8.92% 2.57 Batha 303,061 4.59% 88,800 6.92% 3.41 Biltine 194,163 2.94% 46,850 3.65% 4.14

B.E.T. 76,890 1.17% 600,350 46.76% 0.13 Total 6,597,852 100.00% 1,284,000 100.00% 5.14

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE I DEMOGRAPHICTERMS AND DEFINITIONS

Population Basedon most recentpopulation censuses or surveys. World Banknumbers are mid-1992 estimates.More current Chad specific data are from the 1995 Annuaire De Statistiques Sanitaires Du TChad. PopulationGrowth Rates Calculatedfrom the mid-yearpopulation by the exponentialmethod for World Bankestimates. Ratesare expressedin percentages. Crude:BirthiDeathRate Indicatesthe numberof live birthsand deaths occurringper thousand in a givenyear. Total FertilityRate Representsthe numberof childrenthat would be bornper woman,if she were to live to the end of her child-bearingyears and bearchildren at each age in accordancewith currentlyprevailing age- specific fertility rates. Life Expectancyat Birth Numberof years a newbomwould live if subjected throughoutlife to the currentage-specific mortality rates. GNP Per-Capita Figuresin USdollars based on the World Bank's Atlas method. AdultLiteracy Rate Proportionof the population15-years-old and over whocan readand writea short,simple statement on their everydaylife. Infant MortalityRate Numberof infantswho die beforereaching one year of age, per thousandlive births in a given ______year. Under-fiveMortality Rate Probabilityof dying betweenbirth and age five, ______Lexpressed per 1,000 live births. AdultMortality Rate, Probabilityof an adult age 15 dying before Ages 15-59 reachingage 60, expressedper thousand. ImmunizationCoverage Percentageof childrenin a givenyear who were fully immunizedagainst each diseaseor groupof diseaseby age one. The requirementsfor full immunizationdepend on the type of disease. Baseline A characterizationof the existingconditions in the actualenvironment in whichthe proposedproject will operatefor purposesof assessingimpacts. The datacan be qualitativeor quantitative,but not necessarilya measureof temporaland spacial variations.

Sources:World Bank BefterHealth in Aftica, 1995. DraftEnvironmentalAssessment, Chad DevelopmentProject, Chad Portion, February, 1997. TABLE 3 POPULATIONBY DISTRICTS

-I| Population f Population Sous- Sous- Prefecture Prefecture 1995 1996 Prefecture Prefecture 1995 1996 LogoneOriental 463,393 474,978 Biltine 194,162 199,01 Bebedjia 73,634 75,475 Biltine 95,532 97,920 Bessao 106,052 108,703 Guereda 98,630 101,09 Doba 194,850 199,721 BET 76,890 78,812 Gore 88,857 91,078 Faya 47,775 48,96 Mayo-Kebbi 866,932 888,605 Fada 29,115 29,843 Bongor 206,672 211,839 Chari-Baguirmi 1,315,284 1,348,16 Fianga 158,991 162,966 Bokoro 142,513 146,076 Gounou- 159,958 163,957 Bousso 122,297 125,35 Gaya Lere 149,939 153,687 Dourbali 117,086 120,01' Pala 191,372 196,157 Massakory 136,529 139,942 Moyen-Chari 775,986 795,386 NDjamena-Cntr 291,339 298,6Z Danamadji 91,004 93,279 NDjamena-No 133,058 136,384 Goundi 106,730 109,398 NDjamena-So 372,462 381,774 Koumra 181,943 186,492 Guera 321,757 329,801 Kyabe 108,232 110,937 Bitkine 106,900 109,573 Moissala 128,660 131,877 Melfi 55,677 57,06 Sarh 159,417 163,401 Mongo 159,180 163,16 Ouaddai 571,434 585,720 Kanem 294,098 301,45 Abeche 278,917 285,890 Mao 156,754 160,67 Adre 130,927 134,200 Moussoro 75,125 77,003 Goz-Beida 161,590 165,630 Nokou 62,219 63,775 Salamat 193,739 198,582 Lac 265,737 272,38 Am-Timan 193,738 198,581 Bol 130,041 133,29 Tandjile 476,831 488,752 Ngouri 135,696 139,08 Bere 64,468 66,080 Logone 478,548 490,51 Occidental Kelo 230,640 236,406 Bebalem 122,329 125,387 Lia 181,723 186,266 Laokassy 102,399 104,95 Batha 303,061 310,153 Moundou 253,820 260,16- Ati 199,567 204,237 I Oum-Hadjer 103,494 105,916 NationalTotal 6,597,852 6,762,79

Source: Annuaire StatistiquesSanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 4 POPULATIONBY PREFECTURE, 1995

Total Stationary Population Total Resident Nomadic Prefecture Population Total City Rural Population Logone Oriental 463,393 453,463 47,040 406,423 9,929 Logone Occidental 478,548 473,513 126,779 346,734 5,034 Tandjile 476,830 460,806 59,245 401,561 16,024 Mayo Kebbi 866,932 845,198 97,954 747,243 21,734 Moyen Chari 775,986 749,568 156,895 592,673 26,418 Salamat 193,738 154,022 31,708 122,313 39,717 Chari Baguirmi 757,440 681,589 78,007 603,583 75,850 Guera 321,757 276,694 45,841 230,853 45,063 Ouaddai 571,434 537,446 75,288 462,158 33,988 Lac 265,736 254,309 11,699 242,609 11,429 Kanem 294,098 282,445 31,090 251,355 11,654 Batha 303,061 257,611 37,911 219,701 45,451 Biltine 194,163 177,659 17,204 160,456 16,504 B.E.T. 76,890 64,300 21,151 43,149 12,590

N'Djamena 557,845 557,845 557,845 - - Chad Total 6,597,852 6,226,468 1,395,657 4,830,810 371,384

Source: Annuaire StatistiquesSanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 5 POPULATION PER PREFECTURE AND BY AGE INTERVAL

r|______Age Interval 1 | Women of 0-11 0-23 1-4 5 years Reproductive Prefecture months months years and older Total Age LogoneOriental 16,682 29,194 67,655 379,056 463,393 105,654 LogoneOccidental 17,228 30,148 69,868 391,452 478,548 109,109 Tandjile 17,166 30,040 69,617 390,048 476,831 108,717 Mayo Kebbi 31,209 54,617 126,572 709,151 866,932 197,660 MoyenChari 27,936 48,887 113,294 634,756 775,986 176,925 Salarnat 6,975 12,205 28,286 158,477 193,738 44,172 Chari Baguirmil 47,350 82,863 192,032 1,075,903 1,315,285 299,885 Guera 11,583 20,271 46,976 263,198 321,757 73,360 Ouacldai 20,572 36,000 83,429 467,433 571,434 130,287 Lac 9,566 16,741 38,797 217,373 265,736 60,588 Kanem 10,587 18,528 42,938 240,573 294,098 67,054 Batha 10,910 19,093 44,247 247,904 303,061 69,098 Biltine 6,990 12,232 28,348 158,824 194,162 44,269 B.E.Tr. 2,768 4,844 11,226 69,279 76,891 17,531 N'Djamena (20,082) (35,144) (81,445) (441,256) (557,845) (127,189) Chari-B. Rural (27,268) (47,719) (110,586) (619,586) (757,440) (172,696) Total 237,522 415,665 963,286 6,397,044 6,597,852 1,504,310a

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). ' Totalpopulation which includes both N'Djamena (urban) and rural populations. TABLE 6 PRINCIPAL DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS

Place of Residence and Sex City Rural Combined Parameter (indicator) Males Females Total Males Females Total Males Females Total infants 0-11 mo (%) 0.4% 0.4% 0.8% 1.4% 1.4% 2.8% 1.8% 1.8% 3.6% infantsO-23mo (%) 0.7% 0.7% 1.4% 2.5% 2.4% 4.9% 3.2% 3.1% 6.3% infants 1-4 yrs (%) 1.5% 1.4% 2.9% 5.9% 5.8% 11.7% 7.3% 7.3% 14.6% birth rates per 1,000 39.7 41.3 41.0 fertility rate per 1,000 174.5 176.1 175.4 approx mortality rate per 1,000 17.6 12.8 15.2 18.9 14.5 16.6 18.6 14.2 16.3 infant mortality rates 0-1 yrs 144 109 127 151 118 135 149 117 132i juvenile mortality rates 1-4 109 74 93 115 100 101 114 83 105S juvenile mortality rates 0-5 237 174 208 249 206 222 246 190 222 infant mortality rate as % 15.7% 11.6% 13.7% 16.7% 12.8% 14.8% 16.5% 12.7% 14.5%: life expectancyfrom birth 45.0 55.9 49.8 47.5 53.4 50.8 47.0 54.5 50.3

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 7 KEY HEALTH INDICATORS FOR CHAD, SSA, AND OTHER COUNTRIES (1991, 1992, DATA)

Country Group Indicator High- 1 Middle- income __income Low-income __SSA Chad

Life expectancy at birth (years) 77 68 62 51 48

Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births) 8 38 71 104 122

Maternal mortality (per 100,000 live births) 17 107 308 686 1,000

Source- World Bank, Better Health Africa, 1995. TABLE 8 CORE DEMOGRAPHICSTATISTICS, 1990-1995 FROM 1996 WHO

Sub- Parameter Saharan EME Chad Africa Data Source' BHA BHA BHA ASS

Population 501,932,000 1,226,756 5,977,000 6,597,852

Fertility Rate (number of infants 6.5 1.9 5.9 5.6 per woman)

Infant Mortality (per 1,000 live 104 14 122 132 births)

Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 pop) 45 14 44 41

Crude Death Rate (per 1,000 pop) Males 18.6 Females 14.2 Both 15 10 18 16.3

Life Expectancy (years) Males 49 71 46 47 Females 52 78 49 54.5 Both 51 77 N/A N/A

Maternal Mortality Rate (per 686 17 1000 N/A 100,000 live births)

Population Growth (%) 3.0 0.5 2.5 N/A

GNP per capita ($US) 340 20,000 210 N/A

Literacy Rate (%) Males 56 96 30 40 Females 38 95 18 22

1990 Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 175 15 212 222 1,000 liver births)

Adult Mortality (Age 15-59) (per 1,000) Males 381 188 445 N/A Females 322 86 358 N/A

Stunting Malnutrition, 1980-1990 34.0. 4.0 13.0 N/A (%) _ Wasting Malnutrition (I) 10 3.0 N/A N/A

NOTES: Source Listing: BHA=BetterHealth Africa (1995) ASS=AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaire(1995) 2 N/A=NotAvailable TABLE 9 CHAD TRENDS IN SELECTED DEMOGRAPHICAND HEALTH INDICATORS

Under Crude Crude | Total Infant Five Birth Death Fertility Year Mortality Mortality Rate Rate Rate

1950 240 395 45 32.8 5.7

1955 227 377 45 31.2 5.8

1960 215 358 46 29.5 6.0

1965 204 341 45 27.8 6.0

1970 191 321 45 26.0 6.0

1975 177 298 44 24.0 5.9

1980 164 277 44 22.2 5.9

1985 152 257 44 20.4 5.9

1990 140 237 44 18.7 5.9

1995 129 219 43 17.1 5.7

2000 119 200 41 15.5 5.3

Source: USAIDWorld PopulationProjections, Center for Health Information(1994). TABLE 10 PRINCIPAL DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS

Place of Residence and Sex City T Rural Combined Parameter (indicator) Males | Females Total | Females Total Males | Females Total Fertility rate per 1,000 174.5 176.1 175.4 Approx mortality rate per 1,000 17.6 12.8 15.2 18.9 14.5 16.6 18.6 14.2 16.3 Infant mortality rates 0-1 yrs 144 109 127 151 118 135 149 117 132 Juvenile mortality rates 1-4 109 74 93 115 100 101 114 83 105 Juvenile mortality rates 0-5 237 174 208 249 206 222 246 190 222 Infant mortality rate as % 15.7% 11.6% 13.7% 16.7% 12.8% 14.8% 16.5% 12.7% 14.5%l Life expectancyfrom birth 45.0 55.9 49.8 47.5 53.4 50.8 47.0 54.5 50.3

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 11 MORTALITY 0-5 YEARS: CHAD

Rate per 1,000 Infant Juvenile Combined Prefecture (0-1 years) (1-4 years) (0-5 years) Logone Oriental 143 115 242 LogoneOccidental 149 121 252 Tandjile 123 96 207 Mayo Kebbi 149 121 252 Moyen Chad 136 105 230 Salamat 169 140 285 Chari Baguirmi 103 75 170 Guera 137 109 231 Ouaddai 123 96 207 Lac 113 85 188 Kanem 108 81 182 Batha 109 81 181 Biltine 85 57 137 B.E.T. 101 72 165 N'Djamena* 116 88 194 Total 132 105 222

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995(ASS). *capitalcity TABLE 12 CHAD 1995 VACCINATIONS 0-11 MONTHS

% of infants vaccines BCG [ Yellow Complete Prefecture (TB) DPT Polio Fever Measles Vaccinations Logone Oriental 19.3 12.9 13.9 23.9 44.8 20.9 Logone Occidental 27.5 13.8 13.3 14.7 22.7 6.8 Tandjile 35.2 9.2 9.4 29.4 27.0 12.5 Mayo Kebbi 73.6 39.1 38.2 48.4 40.9 26.1 Moyen Chari 35.7 17.1 16.1 20.2 21.3 14.4 Salamat 16.2 3.0 3.0 8.9 6.6 1.1 Chari Baguirmi 40.2 19.5 19.5 30.7 28.0 15.7 Guera 23.7 12.4 12.4 15.9 13.9 8.2 Ouaddai 19.5 9.1 8.4 15.9 14.8 7.9 Lac 21.9 10.7 11.5 19.4 18.4 6.2 Kanem 24.7 9.2 9.4 18.8 17.4 8.9 Batha 28.2 6.2 6.2 22.3 16.8 3.7 Biltine 34.1 6.1 5.6 37.6 36.5 3.0 B.E.T. 36.9 13.5 14.2 29.5 29.6 12.4 Total 35.8 16.5 16.3 26.2 26.1 13.3

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 13 CHAD 1995 VACCINATIONS 11-23 MONTHS

% of infantsvaccines BCG Yellow Complete Prefecture (TB) DPT Polio Fever Measles Vaccinations Logor=eOriental 13.9 8.2 8.9 23.2 47.3 11.0 Logorie Occidental 11.2 14.7 14.5 17.2 31.7 11.9 Tandjile 40.1 11.1 11.4 42.0 47.6 21.4 Mayo Kebbi 25.3 25.7 24.9 42.6 49.8 23.2 MoyenChari 16.3 10.2 9.0 15.8 24.1 8.7 Salamnat 12.3 3.0 3.0 16.2 16.9 2.9 Chari Baguirmi 21.4 11.0 10.6 30.2 36.6 11.7 Guera 6.6 3.3 3.3 7.0 10.0 4.9 Ouaddai 15.3 6.7 5.4 18.3 23.5 10.0 Lac 15.7 10.2 11.6 26.1 33.6 8.1 Kanem 16.9 7.3 7.0 20.7 29.7 10.0 Batha 19.1 8.5 8.5 32.3 34.2 9.2 Biltin 23.5 4.8 4.1 55.8 58.3 3.9 B.E.T. 35.5 9.2 9.1 38.1 36.2 13.2 Total 19.6 11.4 11.1 27.3 35.1 12.2

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 14 CHAD 1995 VACCINATIONS 0-23 MONTHS

% of infants vaccines BCG Yellow | Complete Prefecture (TB) DPT | Polio Fever [Measles Vaccinations LogoneOriental 17.2 11.0 11.9 23.6 45.8 17.0 LogoneOccidental 21.0 14.1 13.8 15.7 26.3 8.9 Tandjile 37.2 10.0 10.2 33.5 34.6 16.0 Mayo Kebbi 54.3 33.8 32.9 46.1 44.5 24.9 MoyenChari 27.7 14.4 13.3 18.4 22.4 12.1 Salamat 14.6 3.0 3.0 11.8 10.7 1.8 Chari Baguirmi 27.1 13.2 12.9 28.2 29.3 13.1 Guera 16.9 8.8 8.8 12.4 12.4 6.9 Ouaddai 17.8 8.1 7.2 16.9 18.2 8.8 Lac 19.1 10.5 11.5 22.0 24.4 6.9 Kanem- 21.4 8.5 8.4 19.4 22.3 9.3 Batha 24.6 7.1 7.1 26.3 23.8 5.8 Biltine 29.9 5.6 5.0 44.8 45.1 3.4 B.E.T. 36.4 11.8 12.2 32.9 32.2 12.7 Total 28.2 13.9 13.6 26.1 29.2 12.7

Source: Annuaire StatistiquesSanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 15 DEMOGRAPHICVARIABLES FOR WOMEN

More Less Year of Developed Developed Parameter Data Countries Countries SSA Chad No. of women of child- bearing age, 15-49 (thousands) 1990 305,605 1,008,656 108,318 1,323

Maternal mortality (per 100,000 live births) 1988 17 450 700 1,000

Prenatal health care coveragerate (percent) 1985-90 99 65 60 22

Births attended by trained health personnel (percent) 1985-90 99 42 34 21

Pregnant women immunized for tetanus (percent) 1989-91 0 43 30 42

Prevalence of anemia in pregnant women (percentage below norm) 1970-80s 4 50 40 40 Primary school enrollment (female/100males) 1990 95 81 76 45 Secondary school enrollment (female/100 males) 1990 100 73 67 20

Source: World Bank, Better Health in Africa, 1995. TABLE 16 POPULATION BY BROAD AGE GROUPS, WORLD AND MAJOR REGIONS 1970-2015

Percentof populationaged Population aged 16-59years (years) (millions) Region and year 0-14 [15-59 1 60+ Men | Women Total World 1970 37.5 54.2 8.3 1004 1000 2004 1985 33.7 57.5 8.8 1414 1371 2784 2000 31.2 59.2 9.6 1866 1805 3672 2015 27.5 61.3 11.2 2350 2280 4630 DevelopingCountries 1970 41.8 52.2 6.0 704 679 1383 1985 37.5 56.0 6.5 1050 1005 2054 2000 34.1 58.6 7.4 1476 1415 2891 2015 29.3 61.7 9.1 1953 1887 3840 EstablishedMarket Economies 1970 26.0 59.0 15.0 196 205 401 1985 20.7 62.0 17.3 236 235 471 2000 18.6 62.4 19.0 255 250 505 2015 17.4 59.4 23.2 251 245 496 Sub-SaharanAfrica 1970 44.8 50.5 4.7 73 75 148 1985 46.0 49.4 4.6 111 114 226 2000 45.1 50.4 4.5 180 183 363 2015 41.0 54.2 4.8 292 295 587 Chad 1995 47.8 46.5 6.3 21.5% 25.1% 26.6%

Sources:ASS, 1995 (Chad). Bulato,1990a (World Population Projections). TABLE 17 MODEL-BASED ESTIMATESOF ADULT AND CHILD MORTALITYRISK BY REGION, 1988

REGION | 45Q15 | 5Q0 Developing World MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE Asia 23.5 20.0 9.7 8.2 Latin.America/Caribbean 22.5 14.8 7.5 6.3 Middle East/NorthAfrica 27.3 23.4 13.0 11.1 Sub-Saharan Africa 37.9 31.8 18.1 16.1 Chad 40.1 36.9 23.4 21 .1 Established Market Economics 11.8 5.1 1.2 0.8

Source:Murray et al., WorldBank, 1992. TABLE 18 1990 GLOBAL HEALTH STATISTICS FROM 1996 WHO Disease Rates (per 100,000 cases) i I SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA I WORLD [ EME Death Rates: Male 1,714 1,006 937 Female 1,504 910 850 Both 1,607 958 893 Incidence Prevalence Incidence Prevalence Incidence Prevalence TBIHIV 222 432 119 240 19 4.7 (neg) Primary Syphilis 588 30 189 9.3 49 2.0 Cervical Chylamydia 472 23.9 239 10.9 239 7.9 Urethia 1,023 47.3 584 24.8 456 14.4 Cervical GC 780 40 268 13 108 3.6 Urethial GC 1,276 59 487 21 206 6.5 Cases HIV 209.9 1,071 33.1 156.8 17.3 163.3 Episodes Diarrhea 127,995 2,354 77,344 1,365 20,963 366 Whooping Cough 1,693 141 576 48 70 5.9 Polio 7.6 3.2 4.1 3.8 - - Episodes Measles 2,551 100 842 33 457.6 18 Episodes Tetanus 37 1.4 15.6 0.6 0.1 - N. Meningitis 1.9 0.2 1.3 0.1 0.6 0.1 Hepatitis B & C 48 8.0 36 6.0 22.2 3.7 Episodes Malaria 36,485 500 4,058 53 - -

Episodes Trypanos 11.8 52.3 1.1 5.1 - - Infections Schisto - 35,474 - 3,954 - - Leishman 14.9 65.4 7.9 24.3 0.1 0.4 Lymphatic Filariasis 89.0 2,051 20.2 519 - - Blindness Oncho 8.5 69.6 0.8 6.8 Itching Oncho 256 1,131 24.9 110 - Cases Leprosy 11.9 62.1 9.9 46.2 0 1.3 Blindness Trachoma 12.9 93 3.6 28.1 - - Episodes Lower 10,796 296 6,881 185 1,160 22 Respiratory Infections Chronic Lower 29 707 16 570 - - Respiratory Infections . l Episodes Otitis 17,930 1,379 12,058 928 5,067 390 Wasting Malnutrition 1,426 979 - - Gade 0 Goitre 13,689 8,801 - 3,187 Episodes Traffic 371 273 285 Accidents I I I I

Source: WHO - GlobalBurden of Diseases& InjurySeries, Vol. tl, 1996(b). TABLE 19 SELECTEDINFECTIOUS DISEASES AND EMERGINGISSUES POTENTIALLY CRITICALFOR CHAD

1. Person to person Acute lower respiratory infection (ALRI) Diphtheria Influenza Leprosy Measles Meningococcal meningitis Tuberculosis Whooping cough (pertussis) Poliomyelitis, acute Trachoma HIV/AIDS Sexuallytransmitted diseases HepatitisB, C, D 2. Food,water, and soilIborne Cholera Diarrhea,including enterotoxigenic E.coli, and campylobacter Dracunculiasis(guinea-worm infection) Schistosomiasis Shigellosis Trematodeinfections Typhoidand paratyphoid HepatitisA and E Salmonellosis(other than typhoid and paratyphoid) Ascariasis Hookwormdiseases Tetanus,neonatal Tetanus,other Trichuriasis Entamoebahistolytica, Giardia lamblia, Cryptosporidium 3. Insect-borne Denguefever Denguehemorrhagic fever, chikungunya fever, West Nileand Sindbisfevers Filariasis (lymphatic) Malaria Yellow fever Rift Valley fever Leishmaniasis, cutaneous and mucocutaneous Leishmaniasis, visceral (kala-azar) Onchocerciasis (river blindness) Plague Sleepingsickness (African trypanosomiasis) Crimean - Congo Hemorrhagic fever AfricanTickTyphus (Bouton nerve fever) house-bomeand tick-bomeRelapsing fever flea-bomeand house-bometyphus , ______L oiusis 4. Animal-borne Rabies (dog-mediated) Brucellosis, Q fever, Leptospirosis, Echinococcosis, Anthrax

Othernew and emergingdiseases/infections, including:

Arbovirus infections Bovine spongiform encephalopathy Ebola-Marburg virus disease Hantaan virus disease Listeriosis 5. Other emerging issues Antibiotic resistance and hospital infections Lassafever ______Hemorrhagir fevers with Renal syndrome

Source: WHO, 1996(a). TABLE 20 RANKORDER OF DISEASES REPORTEDCASES CHAD 1966

Rank Order | Diseases 1 Malana 2 Amebiasis 3 Schistosomiasis(hematobium) 4 Measles 5 ChickenPox 6 Trachoma 7 Hepatitis 8 WhoopingCough 9 Influenza 10 Leprosy 11 PneumococcalPneumonia 12 Otitis 13 Schistosomiasis(mansoni) 14 Tuberculosis(pulmonary) 15 Meningococcalinfections 16 Bacillarydysentery 17 Leishmaniasis(tropicalis) 18 Trypanosomiasis 19 Typhoidfever 20 Polio myelitis 21 Paratyphoidfever 22 Rabies 23 Diphtheria 24 Brucellosis 25 Rickettsioses

Source:Buck, 1970. TABLE 21 T RADITIONALTERMINOLOGY FOR LEVELS OF MALARIAENDEMICITY

TERM SPLEENRATE IN CHILDREN(PERCENT) Hypoendemic Lessthan 10 Mesoendemic 11-50 Hyperendemic 51-75,more than 25 in adults Holoendemic Morethan 75, low in adults

Source:Bradley, World Bank,Disease and Mortalityin Sub-SaharanAfrica, 1991.

TABLE 22 HYPERENDEMIC- PREVALENCE RATE OVER 50 PERCENT CHAD 1970

PREVALENCERATE i HYPERENDEMIC l Malaria 2 Onchocerciasis 3 Schistosomiasis(mansoni)

Source: Buck,1970.

TABLE 23 PREFECTURE RANK ORDER - MALARIA' CHAD 1970

RANK ORDER PREFECTURE I 1 LogoneOriental 2 MoyenChari 3 ChariBaguirmi 4 B.E.T.

Source: Buck,1970. Basedon meanHemoglobin values as a surrogate TABLE 24 COREDEMOGRAPHIC STATISTICS 1990-1995 CHAD

ANNUAIRE 1995 BUCK 1968 - 1972 1 Bhari Moyen Biltine | BET Ouli | Djimtilo Ouarai TGuereda 1 Faya- Oriental j Baguirmi Chari ] _ Bangala j _ ] I Largeau J

Malaria 7.5%p

Oncho 7.5%p

Schisto 7.5%p

Goiter 21 8 17 40 27 11.1%p 8.5%p 18.90 1.90%

iMalaria 3,913 4,575 4,447 2,758 1,849 49p 37p 44p 1 p (allforms) .

Birth Rate 76.7 53.9 74.7 40.6

Arbo Virus 48 61 56 40 (yellow fever) I

Typan 50i 36i 10i (per;100,000)

Trachoma 3.5p 24p 9p 18p (prev)

Filairal D. 25p 68p perstans 1958-67 (prev) _ .

Intest Parasites 9.4p 0.9p 13.4p 0.5p

Oncho 43p 1.1p (prev) _ E. Histoflyca lip 1lp 9.5p 28p (prey) . Schisto 74p 61p 81p 33p Serologic (prev)______

TBIPPD-s 13.7p 57 p 30.5p 62.3p (prev) . Trichinosis 6.8p 2.6p 8.7p 0.5p (prev) ____

Enteric bacteria 15p 17 p 19p 24p

Rickettsial 18 34 16.4 0.5

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). Buck Data, 1966 - 1970.

Note: p = prevalance i= incidence TABLE 25 INEWDISEASE CASES: 10 MOST COMMONLYREPORTED PROBLEMS (NEW CASES/1,000AS A PERCENTAGE)

Disease Year 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1. Fever 11.6% 11.9% 12.6% 12.1% 12.9% 13.9% 15.2% 2. Coughgreater than 15 days 10.3% 10.6% 10.9% 11.5% 12.6% 13.2% 3. Musclejointpain 9.5% 9.5% 9.3% 10.1% 9.7% 9.4% 4. Diarrhea 7.8% 8.0% 8.1% 7.9% 7.9% 8.2% 7.5% 5. Trauma 9.0% 7.8% 7.4% 7.1% 6.5% 6.2% 6. Skininfections 5.7% 6.2% 6.4% 6.0% 5.8% 5.2% 7. Conjunctivitis 4.4% 5.0% 4.5% 4.4% 4.4% 4.8% 4.6% 8. Dysentery 3.9% 3.8% 3.6% 3.3% 3.6% 4.0% 3.8% 9. Otitismedia 3.8% 3.9% 3.6% 3.9% 4.0% 3.8% 10. Urinaryinfection 3.2% 3.1% 2.9% 3.0% 3.3% 3.4%

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE 26 NEW CASES PER 1,000 POPULATION, COUNTRYWIDE

DISEASE 1 0-11 MONTHS 1 1-4 YEARS 5 YEARS AND TOTAL DISEASE______I______I__ OLDER_____

Acute respiratory 219 76

Diarrhea 175 57 8 21

Uncomplicated malaria 161 76 31 42

Conjunctivitis 76 23 8 13

Complex respiratory 27 10 - -

Dysentery 26 22 8 10

Cough greater than 15 days 24 8 5 6

Measles 18 12 1 3

Complex malaria 11 6 2 3

Failed malaria treated with 6 4 2 2 chloroquine

Vaginal leukorrhea - 5 -

Purulent urethritis - Genital ulcers 2

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). TABLE27 FIVE PREFECTURES BY DISEASE CHAD 1995 (Page 1 of 4)

PREFECTURE Logone Logone Tandjile MayoKebbi MoyenChari DISEASE Oriental Occidental I Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per 100,000J 100,000 100,000 100000tOO,OOO 100,000 Schistosomiasis - Urinary

Rank Scale 1 70-199 1 70-199 1 70-199 4 663 1 70-199 1 70-99 2 200-399 3 400599 4 600-799 Schistosomiasis- intestinal

Rank Scale 3 10-29 4 30-50 4 30-50 2 1-9 2 1-9 1 0 2 1-9 3 10-29 4 30-50 Cataract

Rank Scale 1 10 1 22 1 19 1 19 1 9 1 1-49 2 50-99 3 100-400 Conjunctivitis

1mk Scale 1 426 1 518 1 419 1 732 1 687 2 1200-2399 3 2400-3599 4 3600-5000 Trachoma

Rank Scale 1 23 1 11 1 22 1 6 1 9 1 1-24 2 25-99 3 100200 Post-Partum Complications 2 69 2 55 2 60 2 93 2 84 Rank Scale 1 1-49 2 50-99 3 100-250 WhoopingCough

Rank Scale 1 77 1 75 2 151 1 66 1 51 1 1-99 2 100-199 3 200-299 4 300-500 Diarrhea- Dehydration 1 1585 2 2036 1 1764 2 2057 1 1595 1 1000-1799 2 1800-2599 3 2600-8000 ______TABLE 27 FIVE PREFECTURES BY DISEASE CHAD 1995 (Page 2 of 4)

PREFECTURE Logone Logone Tandjile Mayo Kebbi MoyenChad DISEASE Oriental Occidental I

Rank- Rate per Rank I Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per k Rk00,000 100,000 100,000 _ 100,000 100,000 G. Worm

Rank Scale 2 1-4 2 1-4 2 1-4 3 5 1 <1 1 0-0.9 2 1-4 3 5-10 Dysentery

Rank Scale 1 554 1 724 1 707 2 1390 1 817 2 1000-1999 3 2000-2999 4 3000-40 Thyroid- Goiter

Rmk Scale 2 21 1 3 1 8 1 11 1 17 1 1-19 2 20-39 3 40-59 4 60-79 Acute Respiratory Illness

rank Scale 2 1177 2 1671 2 1458 4 3755 2 1848 1 1-999 2 1000-I99 3 2000-2999 4 3000-3999 Acute Respiratory Illness - Serious

RaunkScale 2 191 2 187 2 276 3 352 3 355 1 1-149 2 150-299 3 300-449 4 450-700 Skin Infections

-Rank7S9e 1 1-799 2 18599 1 1-799 3 263099 2 185O 2-80-1599 3- 1600-2390 UrinaryInfections 600- 800- Rank Scale 1 1-799 1 1-799 1 1-799 3 2399 2 1599 1 -1-799 2-800-1599 3 -1600-2390 Meningitis

RankScale 4 34 3 16 3 22 2 7 2 12 1 -0-0.9 2- 1-14 3-15-29 4 -30-40 ______TABLE 27 FIVE PREFECTURES BY DISEASE CHAD 1995 (Page 3 of 4)

PREFECTURE Logone Logone Tandjile Mayo Kebbi Moyen Chari DISEASE Oriental Occidental

Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per Rank Rate per ______100,000 100,000 10D,000 _ 100,000 100,000 Leprosy

Rank Scale 3 >10 2 5-9 2 5-9 1 0-4 2 5-9 1-0-4 2 -5-9 3->10 Coughfor more than 15days 2 500- 1 1-499 2 500-999 1 1-499 1 1-499 RtankScale. 999 1-1-499 2- 500-9 3- 1000 Tuberculosis

12 1¶19 4 33 5 68 2 11 5 51 5 56 2 -10-19 3-20-29 4- 3D-39 5- '-40 Onchocerciasis endemic90+ endemic85 endemic90+ endemic90+ endemic80- Malaria - Chronic

Rank Scale 2 3913 2 3636 2 3184 4 7050 3 4447 1- 1-199 2 - 2000-39ss 3 -4O00-5990 4-6000-800 Malaria - Complicated

RankScabe 3 456 1 136 2 228 4 600 3 409 I1-1-199I IIII 2-200-399 3- 40D-599 4-600so00 Polio

RankScale 2 5 2 8 3 15 1 3 1 2 1-0-4 2-5-9 3 - 10-20 AIDS 423 61 244 Vaginal Leukorrhea

|Rank&2ale 2 250- 2 250-499 1 1-249 4 750-999 2 250- 2-250-499 3 - 500-749 4-750-999 Genital Ulcers

RankScale 1 1-149 1 1-149 1 1-149 2 150-299 2 150- 1 -1-14929 2-150-299 3 - 300-450 I _ _ _ . _ TABLE 27 FIVE PREFECTURES BY DISEASE CHAD 1995 (Page 4 of 4)

PREFECTURE Logone Logone Tandjile Mayo Kebbi MoyenChari DISEASE Oriental Occidental

Rank | Rateper Rank Rateper Rank Rateper Rank | Rateper Rank |Rate per 100,000 100,000 100,000 100,000 100,000 Urethritis- Men J

RankScale 1 1-199 1 1-199 1 1-199 3 400-599 2 200- 1-1-199 2 -200-399 1I399 I 3 -400-599 l 4-6X00-O . Trypanosomiasis 303 cases present ND ND present (Bodo) . Tetanus - Neonatal(0-15 days) 3 10-30 2 5-9 3 10-30 3 10-30 3 10-30 RankScale 1-0-4 2-5°^9 3 -10-30 Vtamin A

RankScale 1 10 1 22 1 19 1 9 1-1-49 3-100-400 TABLE28 ACUTE RESPIRATORYILLNESS (VRI - Voies Respiratoires inferieures)

tPREFECTURE RANK' RATEPER 100,000 LogoneC)riental 2 1177 LogoneOccidental 2 1671 Tandjile 2 1458 MayoKebbi 4 3755 MoyenChari 2 1848 Salamat 2 1114 ChariBaguirmi 2 1974 Guera 2 1232 Ouaddai 2 1081 Lac 2 1610 Kanem 3 2813 Batha 2 1609 Biltine 1 840 B.E.T. 3 2308

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale: 1 = 1-999 2 = 1000-1999 3 = 2000-2999 4 =3000-3999 TABLE 29 ACUTE RESPIRATORY INFECTION - SERIOUS (Graves VRI)

PREFECTURE RANK1 [ RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 2 191 LogoneOccidental 2 187 Tandjile 2 276 MayoKebbi 3 352 MoyenChari 3 355 Salamat 1 136 Chari Baguirmi 2 172 Guera 1 92 Ouaddai 1 145 Lac 4 505 Kanem 2 254 Batha 2 210 Biltine 2 158 B.E.T. 4 668

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale 1 = 1-149 2 = 150-299 3 = 300-449 4 = 450-700 TABLE 30 MENINGITIS (Meningite Cerebro-spinale)

PREFECTURE RANK' RATE PER 100,000 Logone Oriental 4 34

Logone Occidental 3 16 Tandjile 3 22

Mayo Kebbi 2 7

Moyen Chari 2 12 Salamat 1 <1 Chari Baguirmi 2 4

Guera 2 2

Ouaddai 2 13

Lac 1 <1 Kanem 1 <1 Batha 2 2.

Biltine 2 1 B.E.T. 2 1

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). Rank Scale 1 = 0-0.9 2 = 1-14 3 = 15-29 4 = 30-40 TABLE 31 TUBERCULOSIS (tuberculose pulmonaire)

[ PREFECTURE | RANK' | RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 4 33 LogoneOccidental 5 68 Tandjile 2 11 MayoKebbi 5 51 MoyenChari 5 56 Salamat 2 12 Chari Baguirmi 1 7 Guera 1 9 Ouaddai 4 32 Lac 2 15 Kanem 3 24 Batha 2 14 Biltine 2 17 B.E.T. 3 26 N'djamena 5 135

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale 1 = 1-9 2 = 10-19 3=20-29 4 = 30-39 5= >40 TABLE 32 DIARRHEA - DEHYDRATION (Diarrhee - deshydration)

PREFECTURE RANK1 RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 1 1585 LogoneOccidental 2 2036 Tandjile 1 1764 Mayo Kebbi 2 2057 Moyen Chari 1 1595 Salamat 1 1297 Chari Baguirmi 1 2223 Guera 1 1782 Ouaddai 2 1990 Lac 2 2393 Kanem 3 3893 Batha 2 2074 Biltine 1 1756 B.E.T. 3 7646

Source:Arinuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale: 1 = 1000-1799 2 = 1800-2599 3 = 2600-8000 TABLE 33 DYSENTERY (Dysentene)

PREFECTURE | RANK' | RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 1 554 LogoneOccidental 1 724 Tandjile 1 707 Mayo Kebbi 2 1390 MoyenChari 1 817 Salamat 1 534 Chari Baguirmi 1 795 Guera 1 594 Ouaddai 2 1896 Lac 2 1034 Kanem 2 1919 Batha 2 1131 Biltine 2 1277 B.E.T. 4 3189

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale 1 = 1-999 2 = 1000-1999 3 = 2000-2999 4 = 3000-4000 TABLE 34 SCHISTOSOMIASIS - URINARY (BilharzioseUrinaire)

r PREFECTURE | RANK' RATE PER 100,000 LogoneC)riental 1 70-199 LogoneC)ccidental 1 70-199 Tandjile 1 70-199 MayoKebbi 4 663 MoyenChari 1 70-199 Salamat 1 70-199 ChariBaguirmi 2 200-399 Guera 2 200-399 Ouaddai 3 400-599 Lac 1 70-199 Kanem 2 200-399 Batha 3 400-599 Biltine 1 70-199 B.E.T. 4 633

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale: 1 = 70-199 2 = 200-399 3 = 400-599 4 = 600-799 TABLE 35 SCHISTOSOMIASIS - INTESTINAL (Bilharzioseintestinale)

[ PREFECTURE RANK1 RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 3 10-29 LogoneOccidental 4 30-50 Tandjile 4 30-50 MayoKebbi 2 1-9 MoyenChan 2 1-9 Salamat ND2 ND Chari Baguirmi(N'djamena) 2 1-9 Guera ND ND Ouaddai ND ND Lac ND ND Kanem ND ND Batha ND ND Biltine ND ND B.E.T. ND ND

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale: 1=0 2 = 1-9 3 = 10-29 4 = 30-50 ND= NotDetected TABLE36 G. WORM (Ver de Guin6e, Dracunculose)

PREFECTURE | RANK' RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 2 1-4 LogoneOccidental 2 1-4 Tandjile 2 1-4 Mayo Kebbi 3 5 MoyenChari 1 <1 Salamat 1 <1 Chari Baguirmi 1 <1 Guera 1 <1 Ouaddai 2 1-4 Lac 1 <1 Kanem 1 <1 Batha 2 1-4 Biltine 1 <1 B.E.T. 1 <1

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale 1 = 0.09 2 = 1-4 3 = 5-10 TABLE 37 CATEGORIESOF AFRICANMALARIA

I CHARACTERISTIC 1 2 X 3 | 4 Ecologicaltype Formerforest Savanna Sahel High altitude Transmissionpattem Intenseand Intenseand Shortseason Irregular perennial seasonal Meanannual number In the 100s Approximately Approximately Rare of infectivebites per 100 10 person Durationof the 12 monthsa year 6-8 months 2-3 months Nil exceptin transmissionseason epidemics Parasiteand spleen Scarcelyvary Seasonal Seasonal Greatvariation rates variation variation betweenyears Acquiredimmunity Very high even by Very high by 10 Limited Negligible ______5 yearsof age years of age

Source:Bradley, World Bank, 1991. TABLE38 MALARIA- CHRONIC (paludismesimple presume)

PREFECTURE I RANK' RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 2 3913 LogoneOccidental 2 3636 Tandjile 2 3184 Mayo Kebbi 4 7050 MoyenChari 3 4447 Salamat 2 2783 ChariBaguirmi 3 4575 Guera 2 2914 Ouaddai 2 3944 Lac 2 2643 Kanem 2 2918 Batha 2 3922 Biltine 2 2758 B.E.T. 1 1849

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale 1 = 1-1999 2 = 2000-3999 3 = 4000-5999 4 = 6000-8000 TABLE 39 MALARIA - COMPLICATED (paludisme grave et compfiqu6) j PREFECTURE RANK' RATE PER 100,000 Logone Oriental 3 456 Logone Occidental 1 136 Tandjile 2 228

Mayo Kebbi 4 600

Moyen Chari 3 409

Salamat 1 19 Chari Baguirmi 1 94

Guera 1 25 Ouaddai 2 349

Lac 1 20 Kanem 1 49

Batha 1 151

Biltine 1 198

B.E.T. 1 53

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). Rank Scale 1 = 1-199 2 = 200-399 3 = 400-599 4 = 600-800 TABLE 40 ONCHOCERCIASIS- DISTRIBUTIONRATE OF IVERMECTIN (onchocercose)

PREFECTURE | TreatmentRates 90+ LogoneOriental 90+ LogoneOccidental 85 Tandjile 90+ Mayo Kebbi 90+ MoyenChari 80+ Salamat ND ChariBaguirmi N/A Guera N/A Ouaddai N/A Lac N/A Kanem N/A Batha N/A Biltine N/A B.E.T. N/A

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). ND=NotDetected N/A=NotApplicable TABLE 41 TRYPANOSOMIASIS (TRYPANOSOMIASE)

PREFECTURE CASELOAD LogoneOriental 300 cases (Bodo) LogoneOccidental present,but not quantified Tandjile ND Mayo Kebbi ND MoyenChari present,but not quantified Salamat ND Chari Baguirmi ND Guera ND Ouaddai ND Lac ND Kanem ND Batha ND Biltine ND B.E.T. ND

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). ND=NotDetected TABLE 42 AIDS (SIDA)

PREFECTURE NUMBER OF CASES

Logone Oriental ND

Logone Occidental 423

Tandjile ND

Mayo Kebbi 61

Moyen Chari 244

Salamat 5

Chari Baguirmi 385

Guera ND

Ouaddai 7

Lac 5

Kanem ND

Batha ND

Biftine ND

B.E.T. 2

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). ND=Not Detected TABLE 43 VAGINAL LEUKORRHEA (Pertes Vaginales)

PREFECTURE | RANK1' RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 2 250-499 LogoneOccidental 2 250-499 Tandjile 1 1-249 MayoKebbi 4 750-999 MoyenChari 2 250-499 Salamat 1 1-249 Chari Baguirmi 3 500-749 Guera 1 1-249 Ouaddai 1 1-249 Lac 3 500-749 Kanem 4 750-999 Batha 2 250-499 Biltine 1 1-249 B.E.T. 2 250-499

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). RankScale I = 1-249 2 = 250-499 3 = 500-749 4 = 750-999 TABLE44 GENITALULCERS (ULCERATIONGENITALE)

PREFECTURE RANK' RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 1 1-149 LogoneOccidental 1 1-149 Tandjile 1 1-149 MayoKebbi 2 150-299 MoyenChari 2 150-299 Salamat NR NR ChariBaguirmi 2 150-299 Guera 1 1-149 Ouaddai 2 150-299 Lac 3 300-450 Kanem 3 300-450 Batha 3 300-450 Biltine 2 150-299 B.E.T. 2 150-299

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). i Rank Scale I = 1-149 2 = 150-299 3 = 300-450 NR=Not Reported TABLE 45 URETHRITIS - MEN (URETRITE PURULENTE - HOMME)

PREFECTURE RANK1 RATEPER 100,000 LogoneOriental 1 1-199 LogoneOccidental 1 1-199 Tandjile 1 1-199 Mayo Kebbi 3 400-599 MoyenChari 2 200-399 Salamat 1 1-199 CharnBaguirmi 3 400-599 Guera NR NR Ouaddai 3 400-599 Lac 4 600-799 Kanem 4 600-799 Batha 2 200-399 Biltine 2 200-399 B.E.T. 4 600-799

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS). Rank Scale 1 = 1-199 2 = 200-399 3 = 400-599 4 = 600-800 NR=NotReported TABLE46 EXPECTEDEVOLUTION OF THEAIDS EPIDEMICINDICATORS 1994-1999

|______1994 1999 HIV infectedadults 106,700 211,500 New adult AIDScases per year 3,400 12,000 AIDS -relatedadult deathsper year 2,800 11,100 HIV infectedchildren 4,800 15,000 New childAIDS cases per year 700 4,800 AIDS-relatedchild deathsper year 690 4,800 Numberof Childrenwho have lost their motherto AIDS 5,000 45,000

Source:World Bank Better Health in Africa, 1995. TABLE 47 AIDS CASES BY AGE AND SEX JANUARY - OCTOBER 1996

AGE INTERVAL | MALES | FEMALES | UNSPECIFIED | TOTAL 00 - 04 35 12 2 49 05-14 13 1 0 14 15-19 39 37 0 76 20-29 169 179 1 349 30-39 155 111 0 266 40-49 73 25 0 98 50 - 59 14 6 0 20 60 and older 5 1 0 6 Unspecified 39 87 238 364 TOTAL 542 459 241 1242

Source:RAD, 1996. TABLE48 AIDS CASES BY PREFECTURE JANUARY - OCTOBER 1996

PREFECTURES | NUMBEROF CASES [ NOTIFICATIONDATE Batha ND BET ND Biltine ND ChariBaguirmi 296 10/3011996 Guera ND Kanem ND Lac ND LogoneOccidental 694 06/30/1996 LogoneOriental ND MayoKebbi 144 01/30/1996 MoyenChari 108 30/09/1996 Ouaddai ND Salamat ND Tandjile ND

TOTAL 1,242 l

Source:RAD, 1996. TABLE 49 AIDS CASES BY AGE AND SEX LOGONE OCCIDENTAL JANUARY - OCTOBER 1996

AGE INTERVAL MALES FEMALES | UNSPECIFIED | TOTAL I 00 - 04 33 11 0 44 05-14 4 1 0 5 15-19 14 21 0 35 20-29 85 100 0 185 30-39 77 58 0 135 40-49 36 14 0 50 50 - 59 10 5 0 15 60 and older 4 1 0 5 Unspecified 0 0 220 220 TOTAL 263 211 220 694

Source:RAD, 1996. TABLE 50 AIDS CASES BY AGE AND SEX LOGONE ORIENTAL JANUARY - OCTOBER 1996

F AGEINTERVAL MALES ALES | UNSPECIFIED I TOTAL 00-04 ND ND ND ND 05-14 ND ND ND ND 15-19 ND ND ND ND 20-29 ND ND ND ND 30-39 ND ND ND ND 40-49 ND ND ND ND 50-59 ND ND ND ND 60 and older ND ND ND ND Unspecified ND ND ND ND TOTAL ND ND ND ND

Source: RAD,1996.

ND = No Data TABLE 51 EVOLUTIONOF AIDS EPIDEMICIN CHAD 1986-1996

YEAR NUMBEROF CASES 1986 2 1987 2 1988 7 1989 10 1990 38 1991 165 1992 363 1993 1010 1994 1268 1995 1132 From01/01/1 996 to 09/30/1996 1242

Source:RAD, 1996. LIBYA

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-- - ~~~~~~~~~~Massakor y f )A,Ai __~ ~~~~~ikv5\ _Z ag2eJA-s G -Said %)g6^ ed.n me8nza, , -. { fi.1GERIA( ESSO ~ Eploratio t andrkou* ProductionInc.~Chad ~~~~~~ n ed A'Q J {; C H ~~A R '-- MJ/^IMA

A T / { o N E FtR A X S i' L A

vf ' n 8 S g' ', C~~ENTRALAFRICAN REPUBLIC- s tOGONf~~~~LORIE AL oss' CAMEROON u LEGEND w- O 100 200 Kilometers InteMafional BoUndaries * Capiwa City --Prefecture Boundaries * Prefecture Center Source: Amnuaire Stastiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS) --- Sous-PrefetueW Boundlaries o Sous-Prefecture Center

~~~~ESSO Exploration and CHAD vSSOJ Production Chad Inc.

. o ~~~~~~~~~~DAMES& MOORE :; 1 -&--C ROUICWA F'IGURIE1 Health Transition

Demographic Transition Epidemiologic Transition

Urbanization Infectious Chronicand Non- Disease Fertility Population Chcommunicable Industrialization Mortality Declines Ages DiseasesEmerge Declines Rising Incomes

Expansion of Education

Improved Medical and Public Health Technology

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN Source: World Bank, 1993 Disease Control Priorities in Developing Countries. Exploration and DEMOGRAPHIC, EPIDEMIOLOGIC, ProductionChad Inc. AND HEALTH TRANSITIONS DAMES& MOORE AIWhI^i-{k,Z6q^Ji'.t1S(^t-- FIGURE2 POPULATION

BE.T.

Biltine

Batha

Kanem _ 1

Ouaddai - I -

Guera

Chari Baguinni

Salamat

Moyen Chari

Mayo Kebbi ..

Tandjile

Logone Occidental : :

Logone Oriental

200,000 400,000 600,000 800,000 1,000,000 1,200,000 1,400,000

PERCENT OF TOTAL POPULATION 3% 1% 7% 5%

4% 7% LEGEND

4% - LogoneK; ; \Oriental * 7% * Logone Occidental = Tandjile U Mayo Kebbi 9% _ Moyen Chari = Salamat * Chari Baguirmni * Guera 5% 7 13% QuaddaiO

* Lac El Kanem * Batha * Biltine * B.E.T.

20% 12%

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS) 3%

ESSO Exploration and POPULATION Production Chad Inc. DAMES& MOORE E" AeDA______CROW_C__ _ FIGURE 3 SURFACE AREA

BE.T.

Biltine

Batha

Kanem

Lac

Ouaddai

Guera

Chari Bagliirmi

Salaniat

Moyen Chari

Mayo Kebbi

Tandjile

Logone Occidental

Logone Oriental

100,000 200,000 300,000 400,000 500,000 600,000 700,000

PERCENT OF TOTAL SURFACE AREA

2% 1%1% 2%

4- ELEGEND j% K 5 %* Logone Oriental * Logone Occidental o Tandjile * Mayo Kebbi * Moyen Chari

46% 46% i1i_ W _ 5 o~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Salamnat * Chari Baguirmi _ ~~~~~~~~~CGurra * Ouaddai _ 6* * Lac

lOKanem -_ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~2% * Batha * Biltine _ B.E.T.

4% 7% Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS)

ESSOExploration and SURFACE AREA Production Chad Inc. E DAMES& MOORE At1A&WZGgOWcO,Iy FIGURE 4 B.E.T. Biltine Batha Kanem Lac-U Ouaddai Guera Chari Baguirmi Salamat Moyen Chari . Mayo Kebbi i Tandjile Logone Occidental . 11-1

Logone Oriental __ _ _ 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 70.00

DENSITY INHABITANTS / Km2

Source: Annuaire Statisliques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS)

ESSO Exploration and DENSITY INHABITANTS Production Chad Inc. 5 DAMES & MOORE7 FIGURE ji <1 ^~?---FIGRE PREFECTURE

CD.0 0 X i . aH1 Sl 1::: I I I 3 ..' 1 ......

3g3>#54~~~~~~~~~3^0 *b!m

!~ t. ~~~ 28 ~~~ . ,~

u.n OX 8 .... ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...... I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...... ,,,,. e4 ° | R ------

tn = i! 8 , ...... ~ ~~~~~~......

| 8.Q ~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

wx - DC8~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

.. . . .0...... z ...... i~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ......

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

090 ze S... ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

...... 'l...... >~ 95+ . . 95+ 90 to 94 - - 90 to 94 85 to 89 . 85 to 89 80 to 84 . 80 to 84 75 to 79 75 to 79 70 to 74 70 to 74 65 to 69 - - 65 to 69 60 to 64 - - 60 to 64 55to59 - - 55 to59 > 50 to 54 - 50 to 54

. 45 to 49 - - 45 to 49 40 to 44 _ - 40 to 44 35 to 39 - - 35 to 39 30 to 34 - 303 to 34 25 to 29 - - 25 to 29 20 to 24 - - 20 to 24 lS to 19 - - 15 to 19 10 to 14 -.. - 10 to 14 5 to 9 - - . to 9

0to4 - 0 to 4 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700

THOUSANDS THOUSANDS MALES FEMALES

Source:Annuatre Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS) PYRAMID BY AGE 'Esso' ESSO Exploration and CHAD - 1995 Production Chad Inc. DAMES & MOORE FIGURE 7 N'Djamena

B.E.T.

Biltine

Batha

Kanem

Lac:

Ouaddai

Guera ._._.

Chari Baguirmi

Salamat

Moyen Chari

Mayo Kebbi

Tandjile

Logone Occidental

Logone Oriental

25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225 250 275 300 RATE PER 1,000 Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS)

LEGEND o Combined (0-5 years) ESSO Exploration and MORTALITY 0-5 YEARS * Juvenile (1-4 years) Production Chad Inc. * Infant (0-1 years) E & M O . . -DAMES& MOORE FIGURE 8 B.E.T.=

Biltine , ______*_

Batha . , El,1,! !11.*

Kanem |Elllllll! Iiiiil

Lac

Ouaddai

t Guera

Chail Baguirmi

Salamat

Moyen Chari

Mayo Kebbi

Tandjile

Logone Occidental

Logone Oriental

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 % OF INFANTS VACCINATED

Sounze: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995(ASS)

LEGEND * Complete Vaccinations O Polio n CHAD 1995, VACCINATIONS * Measles U DPT (Es o ESSO Exploration and (0-11 MONTHS) * Measles* DPT XtRSW ~~ProductionChad Inc. _ * Yellow Fever U BCG (TB) P C I - DAMES& MOORE 1-*X*>Zext!2e E FIGURE 9 Bltine .

Batha

Kanem

Lac

Ouaddai

ChariBaguirmi

Salamat

MoyenChari

Mayo Kebbi

Tandjile KanemEtFIGURE! ,r 11F[:'!/r1't174111! tIl5HIlGddll 10,

LogoneOccidental

LogoneOriental

0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 35.0 40.0 45.0 50.0 55.0 60.0 % OF INFANTS VACCINATED

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitres, 1995 (ASS)

LEGEND ~~~~~~~~~~~~~CHAD1995, VACCINATIONS * CompleteVaccinations El Polio (C t iESSO Explorationand (11-23MO T S

* Measles * DPTr Production Chad Inc. M

* Yellow Fever BCG (TB) : DAMES & MOORE F U 10 Biltin

Batha

Kanem

Lac

Ouaddai

Guera

Chari Baguirmi

Moyen Chari

Mayo Kebbi

Tandjile

LogoneOccidental

LogoneOriental m~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ -hrBauim - -i - -- --

0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 35.0 40.0 45.0 50.0 55.0 % OF INFANTS VACCINATED Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS)

LEGEND CHAD 1995, VACCINATIONS * CompleteVaccinations El Polio ~C~mjESSO Exploration and 02 MO T S * Measles * DPT Production Chad Inc.(02 MO T S * YellowFever U BCG(TB) DAMES& MOOREFIUE1 I .'.... FIGURE /~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ LIBYA 0- N -' i = s t i I -- wS ' 7 7.A o. ' E;o _ 9; ; .0 ' f= '' ; ,'; =<30; 3'\T g: C0

tt_;0_:f',S;00t'=E':f-:-0"f;D' I'dS''V_X; 0'V0;_X00-ff-:::t W$f:0f:,;0:t:-ft b_

A

d'z~~~~~~~~~~~AEM' B -' , I;f X';fS

a aA

NIGER

1~~IIGERIAN6JAMePdA : SatI6 N # -=Djiml 004 U0C 0<_lapitalCty,

#3- Sous-Prefecture BournXX i B;;0;: Ti ~~~~tKA kEnM I 0 Got-Be =d 9 e Production WfAM1eC:a Inc,.B 7 o r kouEnnedti Aao o - >M00000 - -A0 #6_Faya-Laga *W os-PeE turc Ca:nte ; Sore Axuar Sizstqe Sau' a' s, 199 (AS

(f ESS Exloato an DWT 90 BUC SURVE ;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~GE TIMAN) SDA LEGEND aibo #1 Goe~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Arica ib

:_ _ _ _ N I_ G E_ R ______6 , FI UR 125 :~~~~~~~~~~BNO #3 A' A( A T

9 I __9_ ,, AsAtS' 0X \P I

0. 0 r 00: wBf :~L ~~ &DAMES MOORE : _f °ftOs.r 9#20 &"'04CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC - ~CAMEROON \OwFtRi^

ESSO Exploration and |CHAD WITH 1970 BUCK SURVEY eJ ~~ProductionChad Inc.

. S ~~DAMES& MOORE _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~7^,&mZOWOAw F;IGURE12 T~~~~~~~~~~

70 70

50 N-184 or N-217 90 50-.X] 50

30 30

10 10

50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50

PERCENT

Source: Buck, et al., 1970 SAMPLE OF AGE AND SEX _ ESSO Exploration and DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION Production Chad Inc. OULI BANGALA ______* DAMES& MOORE GURE14 Acute respiratory .

Diarrhea

Uncomplicated malariai

Conjunctivitis *

Complex respiratory

Dysentery

Cough greater than 15 days

Measles

Complex malaria

Failed malaria treated with chloroquine

Vaginal leukorrhea

Purulent urethritis

Genital ulcers

25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225

Source: Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS)

LEGEND NEW CASES PER 1,000 POPULATION,

D5yes and older ) hSOExplorationand COUNTRY-WIDE * 1-4 years i Ca * 0-1imonths R AIW^S&-,WDAMES& MOORE RE15 0 0- II months Al~~~~~~~~~~~UTO FIUE1 l~~~~~~~~~~~

2500 - 22500

2000 2000

u 1500 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1500 0

1000 - Iooo~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~10 z

500 500

0 .. . . 0 jan-95 ~~apr95 jul-95 oct-95

Source: AnnuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS) ACUTE RESPIRATORY ESSOExploration and INFECTIONS (Escolroduction Chad Inc.

H ?500Ip_t FIGURE 16 20000 20000

15000 15000

i4~ 100 (10000

5000 5000

. 0 jan-95 ~~apr-95 jul-95 oct-95

Source: A:uaire StatistiquesSantaires, 1995 (ASS) RESPIRATORY INFECTION, I~~ccn1ESSO Exploration and LESS SEVERE ProductionChad Inc. *DAMES & MOOREFIUE1 A500. .~S \ / (5FI -A(I E 40000 40000

35000 35000

30000 30000 C-,

25000 25000

0 20000 20-t

15000 15000

10000 10000

5000 5000

0 jan-95 apr-95 jul-95 oct-95

Source:Annuaire Statistiques Saitalres, 1995 (ASS)

ESSOExploration and MALARIA- CHRONIC ProductionChad Inc.

______..DAMES & MOORE FIGURE20 AIIFIGURE 20,OMn 200 200

150 150

10o 0 100

50 50

0 - jan-95 apr-95 jul-95 oct-95

Source: AnmuaireStatistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS)

ESSO Exploration and MENINGITIS Production Chad Inc.

______DAMES & M OORE n . . 1* AllV/,ES*RI: GR'8UJ'-(*I ~~~~~~~~FIGURE18 50 -- 50

<40 ...... 40

~30 ...... 30

0 0 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 YEARS

Source:1) Rapports tnensuels DSIS 2)Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires. 1995 (ASS) PRESUMEDMALARIA FEVER ~~Ess6~ ESSOExploration and 1988 - 1995 ProductionChad Inc.__ DAMES& MOOREFIUE2 ~~tz AIWS&NYfl~OFIGUREf21 \ fffff f t0XS Va th f-7}~~

L . . . . . X \% |) D

5, \' '<- . , . ( E Ws 2 1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

1/ -'=.' + s \s/ -,-@ 0

2 ) v * X ,, . ,.w Z , X r. -, A~~x-

r . ! . ; t z : |~~~.E 4000- 4000

m 5 3202 C-,97 2912 3033 U 3000- 2977...... ,...... _- 3000 U, 2572 2591 2526 2500...... I...... - -2500

U'1 11 11 1'1933 w 2000...... 2000

L4 1500.-- -- ...... - -1500 0

zI 500...... 500

0- ___I I I0 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 YEARS

LEGEND NUMBER OF CASES OF O Tuberculosis- All typescombined ESSO Exploration and TUBERCULOSES DETECTED

Excluding* Logone Oriental ~ J Production Chad Inc. 1988 1995

DAMES & MOORE Source:Annuaire Statistiques Sanitaires, 1995 (ASS) A A A-1 GU`I *IWFIGURE 19 3000 - - 3000

2500 - - 2500

c<, 2000 - 2000

0 X 1500 . i-1500

g1000 4 4 ' ' '' ' ' -- 1000

5r00 . . - - 500

0 0 jan-95 apr-95 jul-95 oct-95

:~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~FGR: :22:

Source:Annuaie SsUqu Sanities,1995 (ASS)

ESSO Exploration and MALARIA - COMPLICATED ProductionChad Inc.__ :DAMES & MOORE F { ~~~Kanem ll Biltine f

Salamat~Sa c: DSSEoyRpn

>~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~E 1- TT1990gCasesper100,00 1 , lI l ,, , ,, , l, | ,, , , r 400200-39Cases per 100,00

GEOGRAPHICALEVARIATIONS INTHE| ESSO Exploration and NUMBER OF MALARIA CASES WITH ~5SS~JProduction Chad Inc. CHLOROQUINE FAILURE - 1995 EDAMES& MOORE A WASWAWFIGURE, &-ME -~ 23 [~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 lbl .m1il

dot=*infectionsC n

LEGEND~ ~ /I ~*I*FECTIONS ~ STMAE

Source. 1) Geratd by the author frm the ilteml data flles of the WHO Global Prorn on AIDS, 1990 2) Wotl Banlk.Feacem 8 Janison 1991

ESTIMATED HIVINEECTIONS ESSOExploration and JANUARY 1990 XwD ChadProduction Inc. s S ~~~~~~~~DAMES& MOORE ADME&AOREGRLPcom FIGURE24