Thailand Censorship and Emprisonment : the Abuses in the Name of Lese Majeste
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Thailand's Red Networks: from Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society
Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Freiburg (Germany) Occasional Paper Series www.southeastasianstudies.uni-freiburg.de Occasional Paper N° 14 (April 2013) Thailand’s Red Networks: From Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society Coalitions Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University) Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University)* Series Editors Jürgen Rüland, Judith Schlehe, Günther Schulze, Sabine Dabringhaus, Stefan Seitz The emergence of the red shirt coalitions was a result of the development in Thai politics during the past decades. They are the first real mass movement that Thailand has ever produced due to their approach of directly involving the grassroots population while campaigning for a larger political space for the underclass at a national level, thus being projected as a potential danger to the old power structure. The prolonged protests of the red shirt movement has exceeded all expectations and defied all the expressions of contempt against them by the Thai urban elite. This paper argues that the modern Thai political system is best viewed as a place dominated by the elite who were never radically threatened ‘from below’ and that the red shirt movement has been a challenge from bottom-up. Following this argument, it seeks to codify the transforming dynamism of a complicated set of political processes and actors in Thailand, while investigating the rise of the red shirt movement as a catalyst in such transformation. Thailand, Red shirts, Civil Society Organizations, Thaksin Shinawatra, Network Monarchy, United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, Lèse-majesté Law Please do not quote or cite without permission of the author. Comments are very welcome. Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed to the author in the first instance. -
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar October 2020 About Us This report was written based on the information and data collection, monitoring, analytical insights and experiences with hate speech by civil society organizations working to reduce and/or directly af- fected by hate speech. The research for the report was coordinated by Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) and Progressive Voice and written with the assistance of the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School while it is co-authored by a total 19 organizations. Jointly published by: 1. Action Committee for Democracy Development 2. Athan (Freedom of Expression Activist Organization) 3. Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) 4. Generation Wave 5. International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School 6. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand 7. Karen Human Rights Group 8. Mandalay Community Center 9. Myanmar Cultural Research Society 10. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) 11. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica 12. Olive Organization 13. Pace on Peaceful Pluralism 14. Pon Yate 15. Progressive Voice 16. Reliable Organization 17. Synergy - Social Harmony Organization 18. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 19. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar (Peace Seekers and Multiculturalist Movement) Contact Information Progressive Voice [email protected] www.progressivevoicemyanmar.org Burma Monitor [email protected] International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School [email protected] https://hrp.law.harvard.edu Acknowledgments Firstly and most importantly, we would like to express our deepest appreciation to the activists, human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and commu- nity-based organizations that provided their valuable time, information, data, in- sights, and analysis for this report. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Intersection of Economic Development, Land, and Human Rights Law in Political Transitions: The Case of Burma THESIS submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Social Ecology by Lauren Gruber Thesis Committee: Professor Scott Bollens, Chair Associate Professor Victoria Basolo Professor David Smith 2014 © Lauren Gruber 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF MAPS iv LIST OF TABLES v ACNKOWLEDGEMENTS vi ABSTRACT OF THESIS vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: Historical Background 1 Late 20th Century and Early 21st Century Political Transition 3 Scope 12 CHAPTER 2: Research Question 13 CHAPTER 3: Methods 13 Primary Sources 14 March 2013 International Justice Clinic Trip to Burma 14 Civil Society 17 Lawyers 17 Academics and Politicians 18 Foreign Non-Governmental Organizations 19 Transitional Justice 21 Basic Needs 22 Themes 23 Other Primary Sources 23 Secondary Sources 24 Limitations 24 CHAPTER 4: Literature Review Political Transitions 27 Land and Property Law and Policy 31 Burmese Legal Framework 35 The 2008 Constitution 35 Domestic Law 36 International Law 38 Private Property Rights 40 Foreign Investment: Sino-Burmese Relations 43 CHAPTER 5: Case Studies: The Letpadaung Copper Mine and the Myitsone Dam -- Balancing Economic Development with Human ii Rights and Property and Land Laws 47 November 29, 2012: The Letpadaung Copper Mine State Violence 47 The Myitsone Dam 53 CHAPTER 6: Legal Analysis of Land Rights in Burma 57 Land Rights Provided by the Constitution 57 -
Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011
Thai Netizen Network Annual Report: Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011 An annual report of Thai Netizen Network includes information, analysis, and statement of Thai Netizen Network on rights, freedom, participation in policy, and Thai internet culture in 2011. Researcher : Thaweeporn Kummetha Assistant researcher : Tewarit Maneechai and Nopphawhan Techasanee Consultant : Arthit Suriyawongkul Proofreader : Jiranan Hanthamrongwit Accounting : Pichate Yingkiattikun, Suppanat Toongkaburana Original Thai book : February 2012 first published English translation : August 2013 first published Publisher : Thai Netizen Network 672/50-52 Charoen Krung 28, Bangrak, Bangkok 10500 Thailand Thainetizen.org Sponsor : Heinrich Böll Foundation 75 Soi Sukhumvit 53 (Paidee-Madee) North Klongton, Wattana, Bangkok 10110, Thailand The editor would like to thank you the following individuals for information, advice, and help throughout the process: Wason Liwlompaisan, Arthit Suriyawongkul, Jiranan Hanthamrongwit, Yingcheep Atchanont, Pichate Yingkiattikun, Mutita Chuachang, Pravit Rojanaphruk, Isriya Paireepairit, and Jon Russell Comments and analysis in this report are those of the authors and may not reflect opinion of the Thai Netizen Network which will be stated clearly Table of Contents Glossary and Abbreviations 4 1. Freedom of Expression on the Internet 7 1.1 Cases involving the Computer Crime Act 7 1.2 Internet Censorship in Thailand 46 2. Internet Culture 59 2.1 People’s Use of Social Networks 59 in Political Movements 2.2 Politicians’ Use of Social -
Board of Editors
2020-2021 Board of Editors EXECUTIVE BOARD Editor-in-Chief KATHERINE LEE Managing Editor Associate Editor KATHRYN URBAN KYLE SALLEE Communications Director Operations Director MONICA MIDDLETON CAMILLE RYBACKI KOCH MATTHEW SANSONE STAFF Editors PRATEET ASHAR WENDY ATIENO KEYA BARTOLOMEO Fellows TREVOR BURTON SABRINA CAMMISA PHILIP DOLITSKY DENTON COHEN ANNA LOUGHRAN SEAMUS LOVE IRENE OGBO SHANNON SHORT PETER WHITENECK FACULTY ADVISOR PROFESSOR NANCY SACHS Thailand-Cambodia Border Conflict: Sacred Sites and Political Fights Ihechiluru Ezuruonye Introduction “I am not the enemy of the Thai people. But the [Thai] Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister look down on Cambodia extremely” He added: “Cambodia will have no happiness as long as this group [PAD] is in power.” - Cambodian PM Hun Sen Both sides of the border were digging in their heels; neither leader wanted to lose face as doing so could have led to a dip in political support at home.i Two of the most common drivers of interstate conflict are territorial disputes and the politicization of deep-seated ideological ideals such as religion. Both sources of tension have contributed to the emergence of bloody conflicts throughout history and across different regions of the world. Therefore, it stands to reason, that when a specific geographic area is bestowed religious significance, then conflict is particularly likely. This case study details the territorial dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over Prasat (meaning ‘temple’ in Khmer) Preah Vihear or Preah Vihear Temple, located on the border between the two countries. The case of the Preah Vihear Temple conflict offers broader lessons on the social forces that make religiously significant territorial disputes so prescient and how national governments use such conflicts to further their own political agendas. -
27 Bangkok Indexit.Indd 339 12/15/11 11:00:18 AM 340 Index
Index 339 INDEX A amnesty, 279–83, 285, 301, 303 Abhisit Vejjajiva, 5, 7–8, 20, 25, 27, Amnuay Virawan, 17 30–31, 38–40, 43–45, 47, 72, Amsterdam, Robert, 280–81 77–80, 100, 120, 123–5, 132, 135, Anan Panyarachun, 44, 104, 169, 144, 165–66, 168, 173, 178, 182, 305–306 186, 194, 200–201, 245, 253, Ananda Mahidol, King, 73, 180 257–62, 274–76, 282–83, 285, 290, ancien régime, 287, 295 294, 298, 313, 319, 321, 323 Angkor Sentinel, military exercise, background of, 35 208 government under, 32–36, 42, 44, anti-monarchical conspiracy theory, 74, 76, 82, 102, 111, 115, 138, 74, 80 158, 169, 179, 183, 185, 195, see also “lom chao” 203, 205–207, 209–10, 267, 278, “anti-system” forces, 129 280, 305, 309, 329 anti-Thaksin media, 79 reform package proposed by, 89, 95 Anuman Ratchathon, Phraya, 2 absolute monarchy, 22, 192, 221–22, Anuphong Paochinda, 25, 33, 315 269–70 Apichatphong Weerasethakun, see also constitutional monarchy; 184–85 monarchy Appeals Court, 277 absolute poverty, 27, 156, 324 “aristocratic liberalism”, 105 Academy Fantasia, reality show, 93 Army, Thai, 21–22, 25, 35, 43–44, activist monks, 290–92 76–78, 87, 133, 139, 165, 220, agents provocateurs, 294, 299 224, 227, 293, 298, 302, 304, 307, agrarian change, waves of, 232–36 309–10, 323 “ai mong”, 78 psychological warfare unit, 237 Allende, Salvador, 50 restructured, 128 Amara Phongsaphit, 303 Arvizu, Alexander, 253 American Embassy, see U.S. Embassy ASEAN (Association of Southeast ammat (establishment), 21–22, 27, 29, Asian Nations), 166, 202, 204–205, 38, 93, 99, 135, 137–38, -
Surrogacy White Paper Addendum: 2020 Update Since the Publication of the White Paper on Surrogacy in 2015, There Have Been Addit
Surrogacy White Paper Addendum: 2020 Update Since the publication of the white paper on surrogacy in 2015, there have been additional cases of concern as well as some legal developments. While surrogacy has become increasingly lauded due to its use by celebrities, its troubling aspects continue to receive short shrift in media and culture. This addendum to that paper provides some updates and examples related to laws, cases, and surrogacy stories which have emerged that raise highlight the risks and problems associated with the practice. Examples of changes in laws related to surrogacy Due to concerns about surrogacy tourism and exploitation, India took steps to limit its surrogacy industry in 2018. The Surrogacy (Regulation) Bill 2016 banned commercial surrogacy and prohibited foreigners from contracting with surrogates.1 Under the law’s provisions, surrogates must be a close relative and may only be reimbursed for medical expenses, in hopes of ensuring that vulnerable poor women are not exploited.2 The law also restricted altruistic surrogacy to infertile, married heterosexual couples.3 As of 2020, the legislature was considering some changes to the law based on recommendations from a committee, such as allowing divorced or widowed women access to surrogacy, removing the requirement that a surrogate be a close relative, and removing the five year infertility requirement.4 Turkey had already prohibited surrogacy, but has sought to strengthen its rules, including criminal penalties. A 2017 report noted that the Health Ministry proposed -
Organic Crisis, Social Forces, and the Thai State, 1997 – 2010
THE OLD IS DYING AND THE NEW CANNOT BE BORN: ORGANIC CRISIS, SOCIAL FORCES, AND THE THAI STATE, 1997 – 2010 WATCHARABON BUDDHARAKSA PhD UNIVERSITY OF YORK POLITICS FEBRUARY 2014 i Abstract This thesis is a study of the crisis-ridden social transition of the Thai state (1997-2010) by analysing the interrelations of social forces in the Thai historical bloc. The thesis argues that the recent political conflict in Thailand that reached its peak in 2010 transcended the conflict between the Thaksin government and its social antagonists, or merely the conflict between the Yellow and the Red Shirt forces. Rather, the organic crisis of the Thai state in the recent decade should be seen as social reflections of the unfinished process of social transition. Furthermore, this transition contains features of ‘crises’, ‘restructuring’, ‘transition’ and ‘other crises’ within the transition. The thesis employs a Gramscian account as a major theoretical framework because it stresses the importance of history, provides tools to analyse configurations of social forces, and offers a combined focus of political, social, and ideological matters. This thesis finds that the street fights and violent government repression in May 2010 was only the tip of the iceberg and the incidents of 2010 themselves did not represent a genuine picture of Thailand’s organic crisis. The crisis, this thesis argues, was not caused only by the Thaksin government and its allies. The Thaksin social force should be seen as a part of a broader social transition in which it acted as a ‘social catalyst’ that brought social change to the Thai state in terms of both political economy and socio- ideological elements. -
Week 4 (21St January 2013 – 27Th January 2013)
Week 4 (21st January 2013 – 27th January 2013) ASEAN Newspapers Issues pertaining to Thailand ‐ politics Number of article(s): 11 Keywords/criteria used for search: Thailand, Thai Search Engine: www.google.com Online newspapers included in search: Borneo Bulletin (Brunei) Brunei Times (Brunei) Phnom Penh Post (Cambodia) Jakarta Post (Indonesia) Jakarta Globe (Indonesia) Vientiane Times (Laos) Vietnam Net (Vietnam) Nhan Dan (Vietnam) The Star (Malaysia) The New Straits Times (Malaysia) The Strait Times (Singapore) The Philippine Inquirer (Philippines) The Japan Times (Japan) China Daily (China) The China Po st (China) Table of Contents THE BRUNEI TIMES 6 22 /J AN. / 2013 – THAI ARMY CHIEF WANTS OFFICERS PROBED FOR HUMAN TRAFFICKING (REUTERS – ALSO PUBLISHED IN THE STRAITS TIMES) 6 ‐ Thai media last Sunday reported that a police investigation had found senior army officers, some with ranks as high as major and colonel, were involved in smuggling Rohingyas from Myanmar into Malaysia via Thailand and that the trafficking had been going on for several years. ‐ Thai Army chief Prayuth Chan‐ocha said last Monday that “…Anyone found to be involved — especially soldiers — will be prosecuted, expelled and charged with a criminal offence,” ‐ Prayuth further noted that some army officers might have got involved in the Rohingya situation because it was "hard not to sympathise with their plight ". THE PHNOM PENH POST 7 22 /J AN. / 2013 HUN SEN BASHES EXTHAI PM 7 ‐ Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen last Monday blasted former Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and Thai opposition activists for what he said were attempts to use Cambodia as a cudgel to score political points on sensitive issues back home. -
Laos in 2002: Regime Maintenance Through Political Stability
LAOS IN 2002 Regime Maintenance through Political Stability Carlyle A. Thayer Abstract In 2002, Laos emerged from a period of economic turbulence and political insecurity. The econ- omy showed signs of recovery from the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis. But economists noted some worrying long-term trends. Foreign donors demonstrated their confidence by continuing to provide development assistance. Domestic insurgency appeared on the decline. In February, Laos conducted trouble-free national elections. The Lao government also made some positive adjustments in its treatment of Christian minority groups. Externally, Laos gave priority to rein- forcing relations with its immediate neighbors, Vietnam, Thailand, and China. The Lao People’s Democratic Republic (LPDR) is one of the world’s least-developed countries and one of the last remaining socialist states in Asia. During 2002 the one-party regime continued to consolidate its hold on power. Domestic insurgency fell and there was no renewal of the urban bombing attacks that struck Laos in 2000–01. The Lao economy continued to recover from the aftershocks of the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis, although serious structural problems remained. No serious problems emerged in Laos’s external relations. Bilateral relations with Vietnam were further strengthened. Political Stability On February 24, 2002, Laos held elections for the Na- tional Assembly. The ruling Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) ap- proved a slate of 166 candidates to contest 109 seats, an increase of 10 from the previous legislature. The average age of candidates dropped by 10 years to 51. Twenty percent of the candidates were women and 34% were univer- sity graduates, an increase in both categories. -
FULLTEXT01.Pdf
Essential reading for anyone interested in ai politics and culture e ai monarchy today is usually presented as both guardian of tradition and the institution to bring modernity and progress to the ai people. It is moreover Saying the seen as protector of the nation. Scrutinizing that image, this volume reviews the fascinating history of the modern monarchy. It also analyses important cultural, historical, political, religious, and legal forces shaping Saying the Unsayable Unsayable the popular image of the monarchy and, in particular, of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. us, the book o ers valuable Monarchy and Democracy insights into the relationships between monarchy, religion and democracy in ailand – topics that, a er the in Thailand September 2006 coup d’état, gained renewed national and international interest. Addressing such contentious issues as ai-style democracy, lése majesté legislation, religious symbolism and politics, monarchical traditions, and the royal su ciency economy, the book will be of interest to a Edited by broad readership, also outside academia. Søren Ivarsson and Lotte Isager www.niaspress.dk Unsayable-pbk_cover.indd 1 25/06/2010 11:21 Saying the UnSayable Ivarsson_Prels_new.indd 1 30/06/2010 14:07 NORDIC INSTITUTE OF ASIAN STUDIES NIAS STUDIES IN ASIAN TOPICS 32 Contesting Visions of the Lao Past Christopher Goscha and Søren Ivarsson (eds) 33 Reaching for the Dream Melanie Beresford and Tran Ngoc Angie (eds) 34 Mongols from Country to City Ole Bruun and Li Naragoa (eds) 35 Four Masters of Chinese Storytelling -
Puangchon Unchanam ([email protected])
THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK GRADUATE SCHOOL AND UNIVERSITY CENTER Ph.D. Program in Political Science Student’s Name: Puangchon Unchanam ([email protected]) Dissertation Title: The Bourgeois Crown: Monarchy and Capitalism in Thailand, 1985-2014 Banner ID Number: 0000097211 Sponsor: Professor Corey Robin ([email protected]) Readers: Professor Susan Buck-Morss ([email protected]) Professor Vincent Boudreau ([email protected]) Abstract Most scholars believe that monarchy is irrelevant to capitalism. Once capitalism becomes a dominant mode of production in a state, the argument goes, monarchy is either abolished by the bourgeoisie or transformed into a constitutional monarchy, a symbolic institution that plays no role in the economic and political realms, which are exclusively reserved for the bourgeoisie. The monarchy of Thailand, however, fits neither of those two narratives. Under Thai capitalism, the Crown not only survives but also thrives politically and economically. What explains the political hegemony and economic success of the Thai monarchy? Examining the relationship between the transformation of the Thai monarchy’s public images in the mass media and the history of Thai capitalism, this study argues that the Crown has become a “bourgeois monarchy.” Embodying both royal glamour and middle-class ethics, the “bourgeois monarchy” in Thailand has been able to play an active role in the national economy and politics while secretly accumulating wealth because it provides a dualistic ideology that complements the historical development of Thai capitalism, an ideology that not only motivates the Thai bourgeoisie to work during times of economic growth but also tames bourgeois anxiety when economic crisis hits the country.