Dividual Space and Liminal Domesticity in Tokyo and Seoul

Home , Bang (Korean), Jjimjilbang, Karaoke box

Original Article The extended home: Dividual space and liminal domesticity in Tokyo and Seoul

Sanki Choea,*, Jorge Almazánb and Katherine Bennettc aDepartment of Architecture, College of Urban Sciences, University of Seoul, 163 Seoulsiripdaero, Dongdaemungu, Seoul 02504, Korea. bDepartment of System Design Engineering, Faculty of Science and Technology, Keio University, 3-14-1 Hiyoshi, Ofﬁce 14-620E, Kohoku-ku, Yokohama 223-8522, Japan. cLandscape Architecture Section, Austin E. Knowlton School of Architecture, The Ohio State University, 275 West Woodruff Avenue, Columbus OH 43210, USA. *Corresponding author.

Abstract In Tokyo and Seoul a new type of space has emerged: dividual space. This space consists of commercial venues offering easy access to a surplus of contents and experiences with the private comforts and convenience associated with domesticity. These venues proliferate in Japanese and Korean cities as, for example, the Karaoke Box (small Karaoke rooms) and DVD Bang (rooms for watching DVDs). Anonymous multi-tenant buildings encapsulating dividual space facilitate its accessibility and inﬁltration of the city. More than ordinary entertainment or compensation for deﬁcient homes, dividual space has become an integral part of everyday life and expanded the possibilities of city dwelling. Dividual space challenges accepted theoretical categories for understanding the city: It blurs distinctions between the home and the city into gradations of domesticity in urban space. Modes of socialization occurring in dividual space cannot be understood as private or public, but instead as intermediate liminal zones where individuals behave in a private mode in public settings. Domesticity and liminality characterize dividual space not only as an East-Asian phenomenon, but also as a broadly urban condition of density and mobility. An examination of dividual space therefore contributes to the literatures of Architecture and Urban Studies seeking to understand cities undergoing similar processes. URBAN DESIGN International advance online publication, 1 June 2016; doi:10.1057/udi.2016.10

Keywords: content architecture; dividual space; domesticity; liminality; public space

Introduction Art. This lineage expands the ‘nomadic’ to public spaces that move and transform in response to Background institutional impositions of order. In architecture, Archigram imagined nomadic The idea of nomadism as a liberative force that dwelling in ‘Cushicle mobile environment’ (1966), subverts the ﬁxed, bounded world of ‘home’ has ‘Suitaloon’ (1967) and ‘Moving Cities’ (1964). Toyo been a recurrent topic among architects. The idea Ito revisited the idea in ‘Pao for a Nomad Girl’ can be traced back to Benjamin’s ﬂâneur, the Situa- (c. 1985), a shelter connected to the information tionists’ drift (Debord, 2006) and their urban visions networks of Tokyo. Ever since, the image of a – represented by Constant’sNewBabylon(1959– ‘nomadic’ life supported by media technology and 1974), a city for a nomadic population dedicated to publicly accessible facilities has construed a com- creative play, de Certeau and, most explicitly, mon interpretation of Tokyo (Hageneder, 2000). Deleuze and Guattari (Cresswell, 2006, pp. 49–54). Different degrees of urban nomadism occur in Careri (2014 [2002]) connects nomadic lifestyles the dividual space of Tokyo and Seoul. Most users with a lineage of art movements from Dada to Land occupy these spaces as temporary, hourly or

© 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1357-5317 URBAN DESIGN International 1–19 www.palgrave-journals.com/udi/ Choe et al occasionally overnight, complements to home. In We aim to shed light on the phenomenon from a extreme cases, newly homeless ‘refugees’ inhabit point of view at the intersection of Architecture Internet cafes, all-night saunas and (in Seoul) comic and Urban Studies. To Architecture’s theoretical rooms, as well as 24-hour fast food outlets (TJT, projects such as Archigram and Ito, we add a series 2007). A Japanese government study (ibid.) esti- of real spaces that present new possibilities for mated this population at 5400, comprising mostly nomadic dwelling. To Urban Studies, we add a young people doing low-pay, day-hire jobs, unable spatial typology connecting discourses on nomad- to rent apartments. In Japan, this kind of home- ism and public/private space. Our paper calls lessness represents growing disparity between rich attention to a series of spaces neglected by research and poor. Other dividual space refugees reject in both disciplines. We shed light on commonal- corporate ‘salary man’ hierarchies and/or modes ities between Japan and Korea, overlooked because of living, such as company dormitories (McCurry, misperceived as unique to Japan or Korea. Due to 2007; Fukada, 2012). This optional version of this omission, no one body of theory comprehends homelessness reflects shifting values among dividual space explicitly or cohesively. We address younger generations that abandon the traditional precisely this obstacle to research by establishing work ethic and related structures of living. the typology of dividual space, opening it to In Seoul, this optional homelessness seems to academic research. For this reason, this article does coincide with the sense of independence and anon- not fill a gap in an established body of coherent ymity dividual space provides (Catholic News academic literature, but rather establishes a con- H&N, 2009), typically appealing to unsettled sin- nection between diverse sources that might allow gles with temporary jobs or between jobs, rather this body of research to develop. than the long-term unemployed or low income. Our strategy is descriptive, that is, to ‘produce Park et al (2004) call this population ‘job nomads’. new knowledge by systematically collecting and Younger users tend to adopt PC bang (rooms) as recording information that is readily available to primary residences, daily contract-labourers the investigator’ (ibid., p. 65). The method inte- favour the cheaper comic rooms (manhwa bang) grates a literature review of sources in English, and single women choose all-night saunas (jjimjil Korean and Japanese, including academic journals, bang). In Korea as in Japan, homeless occupation institutional databases and popular media, such as constitutes an extreme form of dividual space Websites and newspapers. The documentation domesticity. This article focuses on the far more evidences the phenomenon itself and its interpre- common use of dividual space as an extension of tation across a range of sectors. home, not as a substitution. Our study is organized into four sections beyond this introduction. The second section questions the public–private dichotomy and proposes a syn- Purpose, relevance, method and structure of this thetic term: dividual space. The third section study describes sub-types of dividual spaces and the architecture that accommodates them. For this Following Deming and Swaffield’s (2011, p. 30) third section, we have completed urban-scale map- terminology, our study is neither ‘instrumental’ ping and fieldwork in the central districts of both (aimed at prediction and control) nor ‘critical’ cities to illustrate and further substantiate the (aimed at challenge and change). It is rather an documentary sources. The fourth section registers interpretive investigation of documentary sources, various understandings of the phenomenon, and as they describe and reveal dividual space, in order frames them through conceptions of liminality and to build a conceptual framework for understand- domesticity. The fifth considers, by way of conclu- ing this spatial type. Our study aims to formulate sion, the study’s findings and relevance. the emergence of a seemingly disparate series of We are/have been long-term residents of Tokyo commercial spaces in Japan and Korea as a distinct and Seoul, habituated to their languages and social urban phenomenon. If we conceive ‘dividual practices, and the dividual spaces under study. space’ as a distinct typology, what spatial charac- Our fieldwork methods (section ‘Dividual spaces teristics do its various commercial iterations share? and content architecture’) include participant What sub-types can we identify across both coun- observation in Tokyo (since 2005) and Seoul (since tries? And, in relation to architecture and urban 2008), and direct observation in downtown dis- space, what are the explanations accorded to this tricts of both cities (2009–2011). We directly phenomenon in Japan and Korea? observed 36 dividual space venues in Tokyo and

33 in Seoul, including different venue types and contact through ‘street walls faced in sheets of franchises to provide varied samplings. This field- plate glass, highways that cut off poor neighbor- work, summarized in the section ‘Dividual spaces hoods from the rest of the city, [and] dormitory and content architecture’, and our maps, photo- housing developments’ (Sennet, 1977, p. xii). graphs and drawings, supplements and illustrates Oldenburg (1989) focuses on the loss of informal the documentary sources framing our study. public life and introduces a comprehensive view of everyday-life spaces in the ‘third place’. The desig- nation recognizes places other than home – first Toward a Redefinition of Urban Spaces place – and work – second – for relaxation and communal experience. Hajer and Reijndorp (2001) ‘Private’ and ‘public’ offer a different discourse on the public realm of the contemporary city, questioning definitive A common classification of spaces in the city is dichotomies of urban or civic character. A func- based on the private–public dualism, often identi- tional concept of ‘exchange’ counters norms of fied with home and city. This section interrogates public space, as accessible, free of charge and the binary as it fails to explain spaces supporting supportive of ‘meetings’ with others. Instead, these urban nomadism in Tokyo and Seoul. authors propose ‘a physical experience of the Madanipour (2003, p. 4) distinguishes between presence of others, of other cultural manifestations, space and spheres. Public space refers to ‘that part and the confrontation with different meanings of the physical environment which is associated associated with the same physical space’ (ibid., with public meanings and functions’. Public sphere p. 12). Their analysis reveals the potential of pri- refers to ‘the entire range of places, people and vately owned places to extend the public domain. activities that constitute the public dimension of human social life’. This distinction makes it possible to conceive hybrid variations, like private ‘Private’ and ‘public’ in Korea and Japan realms in public spaces or private spaces in the public realm, which is the case addressed here. The spaces considered in our study support Sas- Rather than focusing on these distinctions, the sen’s (2005) suggestion that other conditions of discourse on public space is generally concerned ‘public’ and ‘kinds of urbanity … do not fitwith with a perceived decline of the public sphere, and this very large body of urbanism developed in the the rise of privatization (Carmona, 2010a, b). This West’. Japan and Korea have imported Western tendency has created a large body of work on the ideology of ‘public space’, but their underlying qualities of public space, that can be traced back to conceptions of ‘public and private’ differ (Boling, the late nineteenth century Sitte (1889), and later to 1990; Shelton, 1999, p. 167). Boling analyses these reactions against modernist city planning (Jacobs, differences through etymology. The Japanese word 1961; Newman, 1973; Alexander et al, 1977). Not for public, kokyo, joins meanings of ‘official’ and always explicitly acknowledged, this perceived ‘governmental’ in the dominant ideograph ko with history has influenced theories of public space. ‘togetherness’ and ‘commonality’ in kyo (Boling, Development of the Western ‘private’ and ‘pub- 1990). This association between authority and lic’ spheres is often ascribed to the bourgeois community contrasts with the Western root for home’s partitioning of work, social and personal ‘public’ in the Latin populus. Historically, distinct activities that co-existed in the communal medie- spaces for informal activities and passive socializa- val house. Concurrently, new open spaces, boule- tion, like European plazas, have not taken form in vards and plazas emerged, together with ‘third Japanese cities. Public space was for movement places’ (Rybczynski, 1986; Oldenburg, 1989; rather than staying. Jinnai (1995) observes that the Madanipour, 2003). In the Western world this closest equivalent to plazas would be the bases of spatial segregation and specialization, epitomized Edo bridges, yet the government strictly controlled by the transformation of nineteenth century Paris, even these spaces. In Japan, ‘public is more a become more pronounced with the rise of the mental construct than a physical presence’ with bourgeoisie. Sennet (1977) tracks the demise of the clear spatial boundaries (Hidaka and Tanaka, 2001, public realm from the eighteenth to the twentieth p. 118). century as a retreat into the private territory of In Korea, Seoul’s main commercial street, intimacy and personality. This retreat appears in Jongno, ‘encapsulated the public into secluded the design of modern cities, removing social urban areas, in sharp contrast with the piazza or

© 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1357-5317 URBAN DESIGN International 1–19 3 Choe et al agora in European cities’ during the fourteenth to spaces act comparably – and typologically – in nineteenth century Chosun dynasty. Kim and their dispersal of the urban home’s partitioned Schmal Cachola (2005) note more complex conno- rooms. These spaces also emphasize staying over tations for Koreans. Japanese colonization intro- regulation and movement, introducing a less con- duced the publicness of kokyo, as an alien condition trolled, more passive social function into the urban to be resisted. The character for kyo reappears in fabrics of Japan and Korea. the Japanese and Korean words for communism (kyo-san-shugi and gongsanjooeui, respectively). South Korea’s post-war, anti-communist dictator- Definition: Dividual space ship rendered suspicious the word for ‘public’ due to its communist as well as its older colonial We refer to these spaces typologically as dividual association. space. The term ‘dividual’ was first applied to Tokyo (Almazán and Tsukamoto, 2006), but this study expands it to show commonalities and Access and use adaptations between Tokyo and Seoul. The term ‘dividual’ means: ‘divided, shared, or Western dichotomies between public versus pri- participated in, in common with others’ (Merriam- vate ownership, social exchange and civic meaning Webster Dictionary, 2005). Hence, ‘dividual’ con- do not capture the mixture of these urban infra- tains meanings of ‘shared’ and ‘divided’, essential structural conditions. Oldenburg (1989) and Hajer characteristics of the space addressed. The term and Reijndorp (2001) offer manifold formulations contrasts with the more common ‘individual’ of privatization and commercialization within the which refers to one, indivisible person rather than public realm, encompassing individual experience a larger social group. In this sense, Deleuze uses and use of the city as a continuum. Iwaoka ‘dividual’ to describe contemporary social phe- Laboratory (2004) proposes visualization of this nomena closely related to our topic. Deleuze writes continuum through two spectra of relations that contemporary social life has left the stage of (Figure 1): degrees of accessibility (public to pri- the ‘disciplinary society’ (as proposed by Foucault) vate), and modes of socialization (collective to to become a ‘control society’: ‘We no longer find individual). A traditional Western public space, ourselves dealing with the mass/individual pair. such as an Italian piazza, lies between ‘public Individuals have become “dividuals”, and masses, access’ and ‘collective use’. The spatial category samples, data, markets or “banks”’(Deleuze, 1992). addressed in this article corresponds to this mixed A parallel argument applies to the space addressed between-space, which in Western cities commonly here. Dividual space caters to those anonymous occurs in settings like public toilets and telephone users Deleuze calls ‘dividuals’, whose demands are booths. We argue that this between-ness covers a tracked as samples and data. Marketed as a mass range of spaces performing domestic functions consumer commodity, dividual space is consumed throughout Japanese and Korean cities. These cheaply and quickly.

PUBLIC ACCESS plaza park telephone booth public toilet department store

café restaurante public bath

hotel INDIVIDUAL USE COLLECTIVE USE

school

room in the house house private club PRIVATE ACCESS

Figure 1: Scope of urban spaces according to access and use. Source: Iwaoka Laboratory (2004).

In this study, we adopt the definition of ‘dividual nodes along train and subway lines. Figures 2 space’ proposed by Almazán and Tsukamoto and 3 map the central districts of Tokyo and Seoul (2006): ‘Commercial settings that provide immedi- at the same scale. Black dots mark dividual space; ate public admittance to non-supervised and fully grey lines trace subway lines. In both cities, we find equipped personal space by charging the user a low that dividual space concentrates around larger price on short increments of time’. These settings transit hubs, where people – especially younger offer immediate access without reservation, regis- populations – tend to spend time in recreational tration or direct supervision. Oversight generally and commercial activities. Among these hubs, our occurs only through camera surveillance, a non- fieldwork areas around Shibuya Station and Jong- manifest control, rather than the visible and manifest gak Station serve commuters between both city control of staff. A wide range of Tokyo’s and Seoul’s centres and their suburbs, and therefore have populations find these settings affordable in their representative clusters of dividual space. Figures 4 daily lives (Table 1). Incremental pricing based on and 5 show the position of each type of dividual use-time distinguishes these spaces from facilities space in our two fieldwork areas. In both, all types like the typical hotel, which does not fractionalize of dividual space appear within walking distance time under one night and which most people cannot of each other and the two stations. Both areas sustain on a daily basis. Dividual settings also differ represent the full range of dividual space types. from private rooms in public venues such as tradi- And both contain concentrations of the architec- tional Japanese ryotei restaurants and Korean busi- ture typically housing dividual space, the Japanese ness restaurants, since waiters serve and overlook zakkyo building and the Korean keunsaeng, analysed customers in these venues. in this section.

Dividual Spaces and Content Architecture Types of dividual space

A description of the most common types of dividual Urban nomadism has rendered an interpretation of space found in Tokyo and Seoul follows. To verify the Tokyo lifestyle since the 1980s. Recently in and illustrate our references, we conducted ﬁeld- Korea, spread of the bang, commercial ‘rooms’ work in two precincts with high concentrations of offering domestic functions, has led to debate on dividual space: the areas surrounding Shibuya the topic of nomadism. Seoul has been called a ‘city Station in Tokyo’s Shibuya district and around of bangs’ (KCAF, 2004; Kim and Schmal Cachola, Jonggak subway station in Seoul’s Jongno district. 2005; Kim, 2008), and the culture of young Koreans These types of dividual space disperse through- a ‘culture of bangs’ (Lee, 2005). Bangs are repre- out both cities, but tend to cluster at main transport sented as spatial entities exacerbating the

Table 1: Comparison of dividual space activities and pricing (Tokyo, September 2005, and Seoul, October 2008)

Consumed activity Venue in Korea Price (Korean Wona) Venue in Japan Price (Japanese Yena)

Singing norae bang 8000–16 000 per hour karaoke box 100–400 (12:00–19:00 hour) 500–600 (19:00–5:00) Net-surﬁng PC bang Normal PC Bang 500–1500 per hour manga kissa 400/hour Adult PC Bang 3000–5000 per hour 1200 overnight Free consumption of drinks included Movie-watching DVD bang Per movie 1500–15 000/pers 10 000/2 pers 18 000/3 pers Comic-reading manhwa bang 300/book 1500/hour Bathing jjimjil bang Day 3000–6000 kenko land 400 (1.5 h stay) Night 4000–9000 2500 overnight Staying Motel 20 000 (for 4 hours) Love hotel 1500–5000 (2 h stay) 40 000–60 000/night 5000–15 000 overnight aAverage exchange rate in 2008: US$1=103 JPY; $1=1101 KRW. Prices shown in the table correspond to the average price in the two ﬁeldwork areas: Shibuya area in Tokyo during September 2005 and Jonggak area in Seoul during October 2008.

fragmentation of time and space in everyday Korean life (Song, 1997; In, 2008). ‘Bang’ are commercial venues renting rooms with varying degrees of privacy for personal use: PC bang (room for personal computer use), norae bang (sing-along room with karaoke equipment), da bang (tea room), jjimjil bang (literally ‘hot therapy room’, generally a communal bath house equipped with various thermal therapies), DVD Bang (room for watching DVD’s), hyuge bang (room for resting), soju bang (room for drinking soju, a distilled Korean bever- age), manhwa bang (a room for reading comics) and more. These establishments typically collect in readily accessible commercial districts. Not all, however, coincide with the deﬁnition of dividual space we propose. The soju bang for example is simply a drinking establishment, where waiters oversee, serve and thereby manifest the control of clientele notably concealed or distanced in dividual space. The different types of dividual space in Korea and Japan can be organized into categories of consumed activities (Table 1): The norae bang and karaoke box provide singing space. The jimjil bang and kenko land provide bathing space. The motel and love hotel provide space to stay.

The Japanese manga kissa and the Korean PC bang/ DVD bang/manhwa bang Activities such as drinking coffee, browsing the Internet, watching movies, playing video games and reading comic books are prevalent and cheap in the public commercial realms of Tokyo and Seoul. In Japan all such activities take place in the manga kissa (from manga – comic – and kissa – tea or coffee house) within cubicles rented for one or two persons (Figure 6). In Korea separate venues offer the same activities: the PC bang offers computer use, the DVD bang offers movie-watching and the manhwa bang offers comic-reading (Figure 7). In both countries these venues open 7 days a week, 24 hours a day and charge by the hour (or movie duration in the DVD bang). The ﬁrst manga kissa appeared in Nagoya in 1979 as a coffee shop offering a small collection of comics to read on the premises. At the beginning of the 80s, they were mere coffee houses with collections of comic books. But from the end of the 90s, shops started to offer 5000–15 000 books, emerging as the library-style manga kissa. Around Figure 2: Distribution of dividual spaces in Tokyo. 2000, the standard type was established, due to the Source: Almazán and Tsukamoto (2006). increasing number of venues introducing Internet access, video games and reclining chairs (TJFN,

Figure 3: Distribution of dividual spaces in Seoul. Source: Elaborated by the authors, based on the databases of Google Maps 2012.

Bunkamura

o g e i n - or za d - k a a ur m a k n u B

Shibuya Station

Meiji-dori

Manga Kissa Karaoke Box Sauna Love Hotel N 050100200 SCALE 1:5000

Figure 4: Tokyo: Western side of Shibuya station, showing concentration of dividual space (2009). Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Norae Bang PC Bang DVD Bang Motel Sauna Manhwa Bang

Jonggak st. exits Jongno

Ch eong gyecho nno

N 0 50 100 200 SCALE 1:5000

Figure 5: Seoul: Area around Jonggak subway station and Jongno Avenue. To the North of Jongno: international tourist areas Insadong and Kong-pyeong-dong; to the South, Kwanchoeldong, with the highest concentration of dividual space (2008). Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Figure 6: Tokyo: manga kissa, interior of an individual booth (left) and corridor with comic-books (right). Source: Photographs by the authors.

Figure 7: Seoul: PC bang (left), DVD bang room for a couple (centre) and manhwa bang (right). Source: Photographs by the authors.

2004; Manganet, 2005). Low prices and multiple ved that this type of dividual space has recently facilities attract a broad range of users: couples find begun to merge with norae bang, due to its nega- privacy less expensively than in love hotels, busi- tive sexual image. These shifting degrees of divi- ness people utilize printers and high-speed Inter- duality in the PC and DVD bang indicate that net connections, parents can leave their children at the phenomenon is dynamic, while remaining on-site nurseries (Hickey, 2005). relevant within the full context of its varied types In Seoul the PC bang, often used for overnight (Figure 3). stays, primarily targets younger groups, although Always less prominent than the Japanese manga regulations oblige users under 20 to leave before kissa, the Korean manhwa bang typically feature 10 pm. Unlike manga kissa, the spatial layout of the adult comic books with sexual content and are PC bang does not emphasize privacy, and it is more frequented by men. The manhwa bang con- common to see open hall layouts. PC bang began tinue to decline in number as well as reputation, in 1995 with the introduction of the first Internet and do not appear in our Seoul fieldwork area cafés. The number of PC bang increased dramati- (Figure 3). cally after the 1997 Korean economic crisis, when the government promoted broadband connection as a means to regenerate the economy. The online The Japanese karaoke box and the Korean norae bang game ‘StarCraft’ heightened the demand for broad- The karaoke box and the norae bang consist of small band access. Since then, online gaming has become rooms containing karaoke equipment for groups to the dominant activity in PC bang (Huhh, 2007, p. 4). rent in half-hour increments (Figure 8). This type is In DVD bang, users select a movie at a reception extremely popular as well in Hong Kong, Taiwan, area, then proceed to a private room for watching. Singapore and Mainland China. The rooms typically accommodate two or four The first karaoke device, invented in 1971 in people and are liberally equipped with sofas Kobe, soon spread to the rest of Japan and the and mats. DVD bang are popularly seen as cheap world. The karaoke bar became popular among substitutes for hourly hotels. We have obser- male workers and their paid female escorts.

Figure 8: Tokyo: karaoke box, corridor and room (left and centre); Seoul norae bang: interior (right). Source: Photographs by the authors.

In 1985, the first karaoke box appeared in the country- open to both genders, used by families with side of Okayama Prefecture. Subdivision of the children, friends, co-workers, couples and those venue space into small, closed-door boxes created a wanting a cheap place to stay overnight (Kim in more intimate atmosphere, and the karaoke box Kim and Schmal Cachola, 2005, p. 66). Overnight became popular among all sectors of the population sleeping at jjimjil bang occurs in wide central – female workers, housewives, college students and halls, exemplifying a typically private activity high-school students (AJKIA, 2005). (sleeping) within an open collective setting. The Currently the karaoke box and norae bang are presence of ‘regular’ families in Korean jjimjil bangs expanding their equipment to include lighting also represents the communal character associated and Dolby effects, food and drinks (though alco- with this spatial type, better understood as an holic drinks are not permitted in the norae bang). In extension of the domestic realm than as a removal both countries crime and illicit sex inside the from it. ‘boxes’ have stirred public concern, leading to changes in regulation, design and management. For example, revision of the Tokyo Youth Health The Japanese love hotel and the Korean motel Promotion Ordinance in 2004 prohibited minors Hotels with hourly rates are common in Japan and under 18 from the karaoke box after 11: 00 PM. In Korea (Figure 10). Japanese love hotels developed Korea, ‘service staff’, ‘hostesses’ and ‘waitresses’ from the Edo Period deaichaya, tea rooms customa- are banned from the rooms. rily used by prostitutes and their clients. After WWII, the name tsurekomi yado (bring-your-own inn) was adopted, originally for simple lodgings The Japanese kenkō land and the Korean jjimjil bang run by families with a few rooms to spare. In 1958 The Japanese kenkō land and the Korean jjimjil bang prostitution was abolished and, as the trade moved are essentially 24-hour amusement centres incor- underground, tsurekomi yado boomed. In the early porating public baths (Figure 9). Users wear 60s, tsurekomi yado cleaned up their act to become pyjama-like uniforms, and share a series of baths ‘business hotels’ catering to travelling salary men, and other facilities such as game corners, rest or ‘love hotels’ catering to couples (West, 2002; rooms, dining rooms, TV rooms or, in the Japanese Connell, 2004). The revision in 1985 of the Enter- case, the famous sleeping ‘capsules’. The success of tainment Law established a definition of ‘love these venues in Japan is related to the decline of hotel’, including features such as the absence sentō, traditional public baths. Alternative multi- of a lobby or restaurant, and/or the presence of purpose establishments emerged as substitutes rotating beds, large mirrors or sex toys. Many (Saunanet PCN Ltd, 2005). establishments have renovated to elude the In Japan the kenkō land caters primarily to the narrow definition of the 1985 law and subsequent male population, although some are adapting negative connotation. The love hotel has become services to attract women through lodging and cleaner, more open and less overtly sex-oriented relaxation facilities (Suzuki, 2005). In Korea saunas (West, 2002). are more complex, a kind of ‘Disneyland of bangs’ The Korean motel ambivalently fluctuates (Kim and Kim, 2006). They encapsulate spaces between tourist lodging and sexual rendezvous.

Figure 9: Tokyo: kenkō land (left) and Seoul: jjimjil bang (right). Source: Photograph by the author: CHOE Sanki.

Figure 10: Tokyo: love hotel (left and centre) and Seoul: motel (right). Source: Photographs by the authors.

The latter offers measures to enhance anonymity. Characteristics Concealment of pedestrian and vehicular entries From these descriptions, we can identify differ- from the street is reinforced by contrivances like ences in the social roles and specifics of content, temporary masks for licence plates, and architec- use and regulation associated with dividual space tural devices such as flexible rubber privacy types in Japan and Korea. For example, the mahwa screens tailored to exterior standing and seated bang’s adult content contrasts with the manga eye levels (Figure 8). However, apparatus of this kissa’s more generalized collection. The jjimjil kind has been legally – if not actively – prohibited, bang’s more-communal, less-gendered usage simi- with the censorial intent of recoding these facilities. larly contrasts with the relative privacy and male In Seoul, motels are in the process of transition from patronage of the kenkō land.Norae bang regulations degraded, cheap accommodations for sex to party focus on staffing and alcohol restrictions, while places with internal spas, home theatres, electronic karaoke box regulations limit the minimum age of games and tanning appliances (Lim, 2005; Chung, clients. But dividual space types also exhibit com- 2010). Developers are aggressively re-marketing monalities between the two countries, as follows for younger consumers wanting relaxed social (summarized in Figure 14): environments with domestic character. Current trends in Tokyo and Seoul are restyling (1) Room and booth as unit: Dividual spaces share a these facilities in the image of dividual space. Inte- personal scale integral to their understanding. grating content features – such as jacuzzi baths, The function of rooms and booths as compart- saunas, large plasma TVs, DVDs, video games, mentalized units of dividual space markedly Internet, in-room karaoke, pool tables, massage shifts the traditionally private realm of the chairs, food and drink services – they capitalize on home to the public sphere of commerce and the conventional lack of non-family socialization exchange (discussed in the section ‘Content within the domestic space of the home. architecture: The Japanese Zakkyo Building and

the Korean Keunsaeng’). Dividual space targets prioritizes personalized experience, while a desire of individuals or small groups for easy holding social attraction (discussed in the access to a personalized environment within section ‘Domesticity’). the public sphere for some period of time. There are, however, cases with a more broadly social character, especially in Korea. The jjimjil- Content architecture: The Japanese Zakkyo bang, for instance, accommodates both gen- building and the Korean Keunsaeng ders in shared spaces, and is used by families. (2) Space as setting: Dividual spaces act as interior, The windowless interior rooms and neutral set- usually windowless, air-conditioned settings tings of dividual space could fit into many building for standardized content (for example, ready- forms. But a common building type contains most made furniture and electronics) arranged varieties of dividual space. We call this building and lighted to stage artificial atmospheres. type content architecture: a multi-tenant, multi-story These spaces adapt readily to new demands building comprising spaces leased to offices and and fads, featuring standard equipment in recreational establishments, usually located in modular arrangements reconfigurable to dif- commercial areas and immediately connected to ferent internal dimensions and building the street (Figure 11). In Japan they are known as architectures. zakkyo buildings. Zakkyo means ‘coexisting miscel- (3) ‘At-homeness’: Dividual spaces make evident lany’: a haphazard assortment of heterogeneous their intent to foster privacy, comfort and elements existing together in the same place. In convenience. Partitions and lighting create Korea these buildings are keunrin saenghwal siseol, privacy; relaxing furniture provides comfort; abbreviated as keungsaeng. Literally meaning cheap, unreserved and centralized access ‘neighbourhood life facility’, the keungsaeng like throughout the city promotes convenience. the zakkyo building is not particularized by These characteristics fit Rybczynski’s (1986) neighbourhood. abstract definition of ‘home’ as the place that Content architecture squeezes into narrow city embodies privacy and intimacy, comfort, con- lots, in contrast to the large tracts of department venience and efficiency. Standardization of stores and office towers that require the financial spatial layouts within venue types avoids means to amass multiple properties. Zakkyo build- surprise and ensures the comforting ‘predict- ings and keunsaeng opportunistically conform to ability’ associated with the success of commer- unclaimed, infill space. In Japan they are popularly cial franchises (Ritzer, 2008). called ‘pencil buildings’ for their tall, slender (4) Collective content: Dividual spaces offer multi- shape. The Korean keunsaeng typically adopt addi- ple varieties and media of content (maga- tive forms composed of bump-outs, cut-ins and zines, videos, games) and/or sensual barn roof profiles as compromises between zoning pleasures (baths, beds, sofas). This variety ordinances and floor area ratios.

Figure 11: Tokyo: zakkyo buildings in Yasukuni-dōri, Shinjuku-ku (left); Seoul: keunseang buildings containing different ‘bang’ in Kwanchuldong, Jongno-gu (centre and right). Source: Photographs by the authors.

Zakkyo buildings are often compared with a spaces occupied by a miscellany of diverse ‘con- ‘vertical street’ (Popham, 1985, p. 111; Shelton, tent’. Not inherently a strict type, content architec- 1999, p. 96), a spatial arrangement uncommon in ture refers to the contingent state of a building Western cities. Other commentaries on zakkyo build- subject to the following attributes (Figure 14): ings focus on the façade, either celebrating (Richie, (1) Central location: Content architecture occurs 1999; Shelton, 1999) or denigrating it (Ashihara, within highly visible, commercial contexts 1983; Kerr, 2001). Ashihara (1983, p. 20) postulates along major streets and around transportation acultural‘lack of concern’ for exterior space that hubs. creates ‘unsightly building exteriors’ in Japan. (2) Public use: Content architecture attracts an influx The keungsaeng similarly functions more like of people through the commercial function of infrastructure than architecture in its facilitation of the establishments it contains. These tend to dividual space, covering more than 14 per cent of fluctuate, usually alternating between offices, Seoul’s total building floor area in 2000 (Kim and dividual spaces and other venues offering cozy Schmal Cachola, 2007). The buildings’ leasing environments: Japanese izakaya restaurants cycles and programmatic changeability indicate with private rooms, Korean soju bang (drinking why ‘everyone takes a temporary attitude toward rooms), and socially tolerated but hidden the keungsaeng’ (Kim in Kim and Schmal Cachola, cabaret or ‘hostess bars’. 2005, pp. 68–69). (3) Maximal generic loft space and minimum interior circulation optimizing rental income: Indoor Characteristics staircases, corridors and lobbies are reduced to Content architecture, taking form in the Japanese the minimum necessary (Figure 12). zakkyo building and the Korean keunsaeng, repre- (4) Profusion of display: While the rear façades are sents a consistent architectural organization in utilitarian surfaces with attached installations, both countries. Unlike ‘multi-use’ complexes or the main façades profusely display advertise- ‘mixed-use’ towers, content architecture does not ments for interior services. Advertising is distinguish different spatial functions through spa- arranged for prominence from four visual tial variation. Rather, it repetitively stacks generic catch basins, rooftop billboards for distant

Figure 12: Seoul: typical keunseang buildings containing four bang types, located in the ﬁeldwork area. Source: Drawing and photograph: DONG Kwan Shin, CHO Hye Jin, SONG Xiaoxing, October 2008.

Figure 13: Tokyo: Extroverted karaoke box buildings in youth entertainment districts, karaoke-kan in Shibuya (far left); Seoul: ‘Luxury Norae Bang’ in Hongdae (centre and right). Source: Photographs by the authors.

views, protruding billboards for street views, dwelling (in Kim and Schmal Cachola, 2005, p. 67). attachments for frontage visibility and dense Descriptions of dividual space types in both coun- signage at the entries. This temporary cladding tries compare them with the home. For example, customarily dominates the elevation. Kim (2007) describes the jjimjilbang as ‘a living room for the communities of the twenty-first cen- Although content architecture has become an ideal tury’ in distinguishing it from the traditional host, not all dividual spaces are the opaque, com- sauna. partmentalized interiors of zakkyo and keunsaeng In both cultures, dividual space compensates, buildings. Hourly love hotels and motels are reproduces or replaces spaces and qualities asso- detached independent buildings, usually located ciated with home. Dividual space serves as a kind of in back streets and areas of low public visibility buffer zone for disparate and fragmented lifestyles (see the case of Shibuya in Figure 4). ‘Karaoke’ produced by rapid demographic and cultural buildings in both countries sometimes communi- shifts in East Asia. Urban nomadism and social cate with the external landscape through substan- mobility in the contemporary megalopolis thus tial windows showcasing interior performances to raise questions on the changing meaning of ‘home’. passers-by (Figure 13). In Korea upscale DVD bang As Rybczynski (1986) notes, ‘home’ is a cultural with greater transparency have also appeared. artifice that in the West originated with growth of the bourgeoisie. Rybczynski shows that this artifice Domesticity and Liminality gradually acquired the range of attributes – privacy and intimacy, comfort, convenience and This section organizes observations of the phenom- efficiency – now embodied in ‘home’ through enon compiled from different sources. The aim is different historical periods. His deconstructive not to exclude other possible conceptual frame- analysis of the home as a cultural assemblage of works, but rather to show that explanations tend to abstract attributes suggests that the character of revolve around the redefinition of ‘home’, as a site ‘at-homeness’ can extend beyond it to spaces shar- of domesticity, and recognition of a liminal form of ing those attributes. Dividual space, through its socialization that defies the private–public heightened expression of these culturally idealized dichotomy. conditions, enacts and embodies domesticity. As a temporal, portable and unitized occupation of Domesticity space, however, dividual space imitates domestic forms other than the Western bourgeois home Hageneder (2000) connects fragmentation of the (Figure 9). Tokyo and Seoul demonstrate this home in Tokyo to the lack of space in apartments new type of ‘domesticity’ configured in the and the time consumed in long daily commutes. public realm. The typology reaches from the urban Kim links the bang’s rapid dissemination in Korea spaces created and enclosed by an accumulation of with the revolutionary speed of urbanization and content architecture to the intimacy of the DVD Bang expansion of the apartment as a prominent form of and manga kissa booth.

Liminality pleasure’, where moral norms are collectively suspended. Dividual space can seem asocial, yet it demon- In Korea several authors suggest a liminal form strates different kinds of socialization and interac- of socialization in the bang. Huhh (2007) sees the tion that do not create communities, as does the physicality and sharing of space for individual Western ‘third space’. Following Gehl’s (2011, gaming in the PC Bang as responsible for its p. 15) gradation of social interaction, the ‘passive popularity, despite the ready availability of broad- contacts’ of seeing and hearing in dividual space band connection at home. Kang (2006) observes have ‘low intensity’. Common areas where people that in jjimjil bangs ‘extreme private behaviours see and hear each other are typical of all the occur regardless of regulations’. Kim (KCAF, 2004, dividual space types. And even inside their parti- p. 27) writes: ‘Koreans do not simply retreat from tioned booths or rooms, it is always possible to the public to these privatized milieus, but use these hear others. But this passive and blunted interac- places to relieve their fear of alienation by con- tion differs from the more complex and emotion- stantly reconfirming their sense of relatedness, ally involved community of regular coffee shop or which Durkheim called “mechanical solidarity”’. pub patrons, which tend to evolve through Durkheim contrasted this pre-modern form of conversations. cohesion between individuals, based on their simi- The social appeal of dividual spaces noted by larities, with the ‘organic solidarity’ of modern observers points to its different kind of socializa- societies. Interdependent divisions of labour pro- tion, which we examine through the concept of duce this later form of solidarity between people liminality. Turner (1967, p. 93) writes of liminality very different from each other. The bang’s atavistic as an intermediate state during which the indivi- ‘mechanical solidarity’ demonstrates a cultural dual’s identity dissolves. In this state, self-oriented desire for belonging achieved through the dissolu- awareness and behaviour relax, as norms of differ- tion of individuality and difference, comparable as ence like social class and status are de-emphasized well to Turner’s communitas and the Japanese wish or ignored. Such conditions produce a special type for unrestrained socialization. of community that Turner calls communitas.In Dividual space thus offers a temporary, non- Urban Studies, Shields (1992, pp. 73–105) spatia- committal form of socialization not dependent on lizes liminality as places for pleasure where social intense interaction or ‘imagined communities’ rules are relaxed. (Anderson, 2006 [1983]). Its passive, liminal inter- Sociologist Kimura finds in the anonymity of the actions submerge within the cultural contexts of manga kissa a liminal state: the user can ignore social activities like singing, bathing, reading and online rules of self-presentation while absorbed in the gaming. These contexts relax social norms, Internet, gaming or reading, simultaneously satis- enabling their constructs of ‘self’-identity to evapo- fying a ‘timid desire to belong’ (Heffernan, 2006, rate. The desire for liminality is not limited to East interview). The manga kissa perform for the current Asia. It exists as well in Western culture. The coffee generation the role of traditional tea rooms houses and pubs of seventeenth- and eighteenth- and festivals in fulfilling ‘a deep and persistent century Paris and London enabled temporary cultural longing’ emanating from the constraints, suspension of social rank and status (Sennet, pressures and competiveness of Japanese social 1992). Contemporary coffee houses and bars con- norms and resulting obsessions with ‘self-presen- tinue to accommodate liminal conditions between tation’ (ibid.). The kenkō land and sauna similarly the private and personal and the public and maintain the liminality of traditional public baths. impersonal. People interact physically in sharing space and an Content architecture likewise spatializes liminal- experience, but not personally. The karaoke box also ity at the urban scale through its behaviour relative embeds the liminal state in an implicit social to its surroundings. Both the Japanese and Korean contract, in which the quality of performance does forms of this architecture occupy prominent posi- not compromise pride or image. In this case, tions in the city, emphasizing the social exchange interactions between users (usually groups of of commercial activity. Yet interior lobbies – gen- friends) consist of singing: Participants immerse erally the most public of architectural spaces – are themselves in music and images, supporting each minimized in zakkyo buildings and keunsaeng. The other regardless of skill (Man Kong, 1998). Love opaque signage and advertisements covering their hotels, concealed behind tall buildings or intricate surfaces conceal even as they promote building back alleys, likewise compare to Shields’‘space for contents, effacing the architectural identities of the

16 © 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1357-5317 URBAN DESIGN International 1–19 The extended home buildings as such: Content more than architecture movies, playing video games, reading comics and defines their internalized and dividualized spaces. group singing, but extend to more fundamental Through implicit agreement, zakkyo buildings and habits like sleeping, bathing and having sex. While keunsaeng are collectively exempt from architec- generally associated in the West with the private tural self-presentation, permitted to skip the dis- space of the bourgeois home, these practices play frontage and embellishment of ‘serious’ engage a commercialized public realm in Asian buildings (brand boutiques, administration build- megacities like Seoul and Tokyo. ‘Domesticity’ is ings, department stores, office buildings and so thus redefined here as a social condition that on). Thus the zakkyo buildings and keunsaeng pas- expands the possibilities of city dwelling. Dividual sively assume a liminal condition between the space, particularly as framed within content archi- differentiated architectural identities of other tecture, facilitates – and demonstrates the signifi- buildings, their own identities subsumed by the cance of – a communitas or liminal socialization that commercialized activities they house. enables the paradox of simultaneously collective and private experience. The conceptual framework of dividual space can Conclusion inform practice in several ways. It offers practi- tioners in Korea and Japan a vocabulary to explain, This article documents a series of commercial and ultimately defend, neglected cultural practices spaces to show the emergence in Tokyo and Seoul of East-Asian urbanity. In a globalized world of a particular typology, dividual space and the where local identity has become an asset, regula- content architecture that commonly holds this tors and developers in both countries insist on space (Figure 14). Both dividual space and its imitating Western European models, like Mori containing architecture demonstrate social trends Building’s New York-inspired ‘Vertical Green relevant to Japan, Korea and other countries. City’ proposal (2015), or the Tokyo Metropolitan Dividual space and content architecture are fre- Government’s ‘Tokyo Champs-Elysees Project’. quently linked with societal problems, including Redevelopment projects tend to neglect notable homelessness, prostitution, fire, architectural social trends evidenced by dividual space and blight, introversion and compartmentalization. content architecture, such as their inclusive media- While such problems should not be ignored, tion of economic and class disparity, transforma- we emphasize the significance of cultural practices tion of spatial and cultural conventions, and related to spatial occupation and use that support support of small business. Dividual space reveals dividual space and content architecture. These expanded forms of domesticity and socialization practices cluster around the recreational activities connected to increasing urban density and mobi- of drinking coffee, browsing the Internet, watching lity extending beyond any single city, country or

Dividual space Content architecture

Room and Maximal Public use: Collections booth as unit: loft space Commecial of content: Controlled and minimal spaces Varied media individual circulation: directly acces- for public access Reduced access staircases and sible from the lobbies street At-homeness: domestic Profusion of furnishings display: Signage and billboards

Central location: Space as Close to major a setting: streets and Window-less, transport hubs generic box

Figure 14: Abstract visual summary of the common characteristics of dividual space in Tokyo and Seoul, showing an example of interior layout of dividual space (left), and an example of a typical building conﬁguration of content architecture. Source: Elaborated by the authors.

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