University of Alberta

Remaking Indigenaity: Indigenous Missionaries in the British Empire, 1820-1875

by

Justin Tolly Bradford

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in History

Department of History and Classics

©Justin Tolly Bradford Fall 2009 Edmonton, Alberta

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1+1 Canada Examining Committee

Dr. Gerhard Ens, History & Classics

Dr. Ryan Dunch, History & Classics

Dr. E. Ann McDougall, History & Classics

Dr. Jane Samson, History & Classics

Dr. Sylvia M. Brown, English & Film Studies

Dr. Jennifer S. H. Brown, History, University of Winnipeg for my grandparents Abstract

In the 1840s, Christian mission organizations from Britain began establishing self-governing, independent indigenous churches staffed by ordained indigenous missionaries. By the 1860s, this initiative had created a world-wide cohort of ordained indigenous missionaries with close ties to Britain and

Christianity. This dissertation compares two of these early indigenous missionaries, Henry Budd a Cree from western Canada (1812-1875) and Tiyo

Soga a Xhosa from southern Africa (1829-1871). It argues that while Budd and

Soga were part of the same process of modernizing indigenaity, their local frontier and particular missionary network led them to create different definitions of indigenaity and distinct kinds of indigenous communities. The thesis begins by explaining how both men were guided by their family and sense of "home" to become missionaries and how both articulated, through their writings and actions, a similar sense of "modern indigenaity." This modern indigenaity comprised of two parts: a new identity that located the meaning of indigenaity not in religion or lifestyle, but in land, language and history; and a new sense of global consciousness that enabled the missionaries to see connections between their lives and the lives of people around the world. The second section of the thesis examines how Budd and Soga, acting as advisors to and advocates for indigenous people, tried to establish new - but very distinct - kinds of indigenous communities in their respective regions. Budd, drawing on the Cree band structure and fluid fur-trade frontier, hoped to establish a "Cree village community" that was Christian, semi-agrarian and bound together by the Cree language. Soga, relying on the hierarchal tribal structure of the Xhosa and nearly a century of race-based warfare between whites and Africans in his region, fostered a "Xhosa national community" that was larger and more robust than

Budd's village and bound by race and history as well as language. These different communities reveal that while Budd transformed Creeness into a predominantly linguistic and territorial category of identity, Soga made Xhosaness into a political identity. These remade community identities, and their connection to British

Christianity, are the legacies of indigenous missionaries. Acknowledgements

Many people have supported the research and writing of this dissertation. I would like to thank the archivists at the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, the National Library of Scotland, the Church Missionary Society Archives, the National Library South Africa and the National Archives of South Africa (Cape Town), each of whom made my all-too-brief visits rewarding and enjoyable. I especially cherish my time at the Cory Library in Grahamstown; its staff members were knowledgeable about their collection and welcoming to me week after week. I likewise benefited from the help of Stephanie Victor at the Amotole Museum (King William's Town) and Mark Snyder at the Howard Pirn Library. Special thanks must also go to Manton Hirst, Alan Weyer, Columba Soga and the members of the Emgwali Church, all of whom helped me learn more about Tiyo Soga's family and landscape. During these archival visits I was given hospitality and friendship by Ann Thorns, Matthew Beament, Jo Fitzhenry and Mike Dacombe and Pat Black. This research was funded by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), The Eleanor Luxton Historical Foundation and, at the University of Alberta, the Department of History and Classics and the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research.

For their generosity with feedback, commentary and discussion of this project, I thank Lize Kriel, Andrew Porter, Ian Maclaren, Don Smith, Sarah Carter, Melanie Niemi-Bohun, John Barwick, David Luesink, Jonathon Anuik, Chelsea Horton, Kerry Abel, Peter Limb, Peter Midgley, Adele Perry (who invited me to two workshops at a crucial stage of the writing) and, for initiating my interest in the topic, Elizabeth Elbourne. Ariana Bradford and Samantha Tabbitt were valuable proofreaders and Tasha Tsang, William Mohns and David Johnson provided support in other ways. I was fortunate to have an examining committee that supported this rather ambitious project: my thanks to Ryan Dunch, Jane Samson and Ann McDougall for their support throughout the process and to Sylvia Brown and Jennifer Brown for their helpful comments at the thesis defense. Above all else, this thesis owes much to the calm support and exacting questions of my advisor, Gerhard Ens. Gerhard has gone above and beyond the responsibilities of advisor.

Finally, thanks to friends and family who put up with, and enabled, my years of studentship. My family has always encouraged me to question, learn and discuss history, while friends in Alberta and Ontario helped the writing process by distracting me with opportunities to coach skiing. Lesley Harrington joined this project during my archival work in South Africa, and ever since I have been endlessly grateful for her love, humour and friendship. This thesis is dedicated to my maternal grandparents who saw the beginning but not the end of this project. Table of Contents

Introduction - Two Voices, One History 1

Chapter 1 - For the "privileges of God's house": Henry Budd's Journey to Ordination 33

Chapter 2 - "For the elevation of your.. .down-trodden people": Tiyo Soga's Journey to Ordination 77

Chapter 3 - "Placed in very special circumstances": A Stranded Identity 118

Chapter 4 - Local anxieties and Global Connections: The Worlds of Indigenous Missionaries 142

Chapter 5 - Advocate and Advisor: Strategies of Indigenous Missionaries 170

Chapter 6 - Henry Budd's "Great Transformation": A Cree Village Community 196

Chapter 7 - "The Destiny of the Kaffir Race": A Xhosa National Community 230

Conclusion - Remaking Indigenaity, Creating Community 270

Bibliography 277 Maps

Map 1.1 The British Northwest, c. 1820 37

Map 1.2 Red River Settlement, c. 1858 44

Map 1.3 The British Northwest, c. 1860 61

Map 2.1 The eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony, c. 1840s 82

Map 1.4 The Numbered Treaties in the Canadian Northwest after 1877 226

Map 2.2 The eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony, c. 1865-70 235 Images Image 1 Henry Budd (c. 1850) 69

Image 2 Tiyo Soga as a student 90

Image 3 Tiyo Soga (c. 1857) 104

Image 4 Janet Soga (c. 1857) 107 1

Introduction

Two Voices, One History

My path to this topic began during my Master's program in history. At that time I became especially interested in the role of the British mission enterprise in southern Africa. The lively debate in that field of scholarship, framed to a large extent by the work of Jean and John Comaroff,1 led me to ask several questions about how African converts, as opposed to British missionaries, experienced the missionary enterprise of the mid-nineteenth century. My findings revealed a host of things about the role of Christianity, and British mission societies more broadly, in the constitution of identities, motivations and political strategies of African communities. I subsequently left academia, completed a degree in teaching, and taught elementary school in a Dene community in northern Saskatchewan. During this teaching experience, I was struck by the community's strong relationship to, and identification with, Catholicism. Talking to community members about their Catholicism continually reminded me of my academic work on southern Africa. Recognizing the linkages between the community in front of me in early twenty-first century Saskatchewan and the

African one I had studied piqued my curiosity about a number of themes: how had

European-based Christianity reshaped indigenous communities during the last two hundred years? Were there similarities between the ways indigenous communities

' The key texts I am referring to are Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier, vol. 2,2 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness in South Africa, vol. 1, 2 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). 2 in Canada and southern Africa had used, and responded to, Christianity? Finally, what features made the reception of Christianity distinct in different parts of the world? In essence, I wanted to know whether Christianity meant the same thing, and had the same influence, amongst indigenous communities in different regions of what was once the British Empire. This dissertation is the outcome of that curiosity.

To explore what Christianity meant to indigenous communities in southern Africa and western Canada I focus on the perspectives and voices of indigenous Christians, and not those of British missionaries. While much scholarship, like that of the Comaroffs, provide interesting and useful ways to understand the approaches British missionaries took in their mission work, knowing the meaning of the mission encounter amongst indigenous communities depends upon "hearing" the voices of the indigenous Christians that were most directly affected by mission Christianity. To hear these indigenous voices, this project focuses on Indigenous missionaries (people who became ordained missionaries). Not only do the vast journals and writings of indigenous missionaries provide an excellent window into the way one group of indigenous people understood mission Christianity, but a focus on indigenous missionaries also makes my goal of comparison more practical: it is easier to compare an indigenous missionary in each context (western Canada and southern Africa) than it would be look at the dynamics and multiple themes of two indigenous communities. 3

The two indigenous missionaries I examine in this project are Henry Budd and Tiyo Soga. Henry Budd (b. 1812) was the first Aboriginal missionary ordained in Rupert's Land (later western Canada). A man with deep attachments to both Christianity and to the Church Missionary Society (CMS) that educated him, Budd was the first member of his family to be associated with Christianity.

In his letters and journals Budd reveals himself as a man eager to please his superiors and as someone who saw the CMS as an integral part of who he was and what he had become. Tiyo Soga was a Xhosa-speaker and the first African in southern Africa to be ordained by a British-based Church. Unlike Budd, Soga was fairly independent of the Scottish United Presbyterian mission organization that raised him. Born about 17 years after Budd, Soga approached the church not as an outsider but as a Christian whose family had long identified with Christianity thanks to their devotion to the Christian-Xhosa prophet Ntsikana.

While each man's lives differed in many ways, they were chosen for study here because they shared three common traits. First, they were chronologically contemporaneous: both were ordained in the 1850s and both died in the early

1870s. Second, both left substantial written material that allows detailed examinations of how they saw themselves and the world around them. Third, and most significantly, they were the first indigenous people ordained in their respective regions of the empire, suggesting that each man had to deal with many of the same challenges as indigenous missionaries. Drawing on the distinctive voices of Budd and Soga, while recognizing their shared relationship to the history of the British evangelical mission project, this history presents a 4 comprehensive and intimate picture of what it meant to be an indigenous missionary in the mid-nineteenth century British Empire. While this project is mainly about the individual experiences of Budd and Soga, it does explore the questions I initially asked myself: namely, how might the lives of Christians in southern Africa have something in common with the lives of aboriginal Christians in western Canada, and what are the implications of these commonalities for our understanding of the British Empire, and of the relationship between mission

Christianity and indigenous communities.

Indigenous Missionaries in the British Empire: An argument

By the mid-nineteenth century, Indigenous missionaries were an established presence in the British Empire. Although British missionaries introduced Christianity to many non-western regions of the world, they always relied on indigenous people to act as the interpreters, translators, evangelists and schoolteachers spreading Christianity throughout indigenous communities. As an early Baptist missionary noted about India in 1805, "It is only by means of indigenous preachers that we can hope for the universal spread of the gospel through this immense continent."2 By the 1840s, all mission organizations based in Britain began training and ordaining indigenous people to be "Native missionaries" to their own people. While the policy that created these missionaries is well documented by scholars, the perspectives and influences of

2 William Carey qtd in Brian Stanley, The History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 1792-1992 (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1992), 48. 5 these newly ordained indigenous missionaries, and how their experience differed throughout the British Empire remains relatively unknown to historians.3

At the heart of my analysis of indigenous missionaries is the fact that both men developed a modern indigenaity; that is, a meaning of indigenaity that incorporated aspects of modernity and Christianity, and was built around two common elements. The first of these was a sense-of-self that incorporated aspects of Christianity and modernity while rooting their indigenaity - the meaning of being Cree or Xhosa - in land rights, language and, in Soga's case, a shared history. This new identity effectively relocated Budd's and Soga's sense of

"Creeness'V'Xhosaness" from religion and lifestyle to land and language. The second element of modern indigenaity was a global consciousness that was new to the indigenous people Budd and Soga served. Shaped for the most part by Budd's and Soga's reading of Biblical history, this global consciousness gave Budd and

Soga a way to understand race and human history and see connections between themselves and other areas of the world. Together, this new identity and global awareness represented a groundbreaking way to live, think about and define indigenaity in the nineteenth century. While this new experience was intimately linked to Christianity and the trappings of modernity that accompanied missions, it was an authentic indigenous experience and one that would not only shape the

For overviews of policy about indigenous missionaries see Andrew Porter, Religion Versus Empire?: British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700-1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 164-8; Jeffrey Cox, The British Missionary Enterprise Since 1700 (New York: Routledge, 2008), 153-68; C. Peter Williams, The Ideal of the Self-Governing Church: A Study in Victorian Missionary Strategy (Leiden: Brill, 1990), ch. 1; Derek Whitehouse-Strong, '"Because I Happen to be a native clergyman': The impact of race, ethnicity, status, and gender on native agents of the Church Missionary Society in the nineteenth century Canadian North-West" (PhD, University of Manitoba, 2004), ch. 1. 6 lives of Budd and Soga but would also inform their approach to the world around them.

Budd's and Soga's distinct mission networks and local frontiers meant each man developed a unique brand of modern indigenaity. Budd, informed by a fairly conservative CMS mission network and a relatively fluid local frontier, used mission Christianity more-or-less as the Euromissionaries hoped: to bring economic and spiritual stability to Cree society. Modern indigenaity for Budd meant an economic and a religious change toward an agricultural settlement where Creeness would become an identity rooted in language and a specific territory. For Soga, modern indigenaity marked the emergence of a new Xhosa nationalism where identity was rooted in politics, race and history as well as language and land. Soga's more political approach to modernity sprang from two main forces: his comparatively violent frontier and his life-long interaction with a

Presbyterian mission network that placed a special emphasis on abolition of slavery and the salvation of Africa and Africans like Soga.

The outcome of these different forms of modern indigenaity is revealed in the way each man used the role of advocate and advisor to indigenous people to cultivate new types communities amongst the Cree and Xhosa. Budd cultivated what is best described as a "modern Cree village community." Church-centered and bound by a mixture of kinship ties and a shared Cree language, the village

Budd fostered into existence saw itself as part of a series of small, relatively independent communities scattered across the area known as the British

Northwest. This kind of village was, I argue, a key reason why some Aboriginal 7 people accepted land treaties and the Indian reserves that came with them in the

1870s. Soga, conversely, developed not a localized village but rather a broadly based "Xhosa national community" that looked to race and shared histories to establish an imagined community of Xhosaness that connected all the scattered

Xhosa villages in southern Africa into a single nation. Soga even extended this community to include the larger African diaspora created by the slave trade.

These different communities reveal that while Budd transformed Creeness into a predominantly linguistic and territorial category of identity, Soga made

Xhosaness into a political identity. These new communities and categories of identity were the legacies of these indigenous missionaries.

Historiography: Centering the Indigenous Missionary

Despite the tremendous attention paid to Christianity and missions in histories of both the British Empire and indigenous communities, relatively little is known about indigenous missionaries. The ways missionaries approached and perceived indigenous people, both in policy and discursively, are recorded in several studies by historians, anthropologists and literary theorists.4 Likewise, the same group of scholars have spent a great deal of effort outlining the complexity of the mission encounter, enthusiastically debating the complex relationship

4 Much of this literature is informed by Edward Said's analysis of colonial discourse in Edward W. Said, Orientalism, 25th ed. (New York: Vintage, 2003); Examples of this literature include C. L Higham, Noble, Wretched & Redeemable: Protestant Missionaries to the Indians in Canada and the United States, 1820-1900, 1st ed. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000); Anna Johnston, Missionary Writing and Empire, 1800-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Sarah Carter, "The Missionaries' Indian: The Publications of John McDougall, John Maclean and Egerton Ryerson Young," Prairie Forum 9, no. 1 (1984): 27-43; Sujit Sivasundaram, Nature and the Godly Empire: Science and Evangelical Mission in the Pacific, 1795-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol. 2. 8 between the power of missionaries to shape the mission encounter and the ability of indigenous people to reply to Christianity.

This debate on the mission encounter, although still developing, has tended to settle into two poles of interpretation. Each of these poles is particularly evident in the rich historiography about Christianity in Africa.5 On one hand, scholars beginning with J. F. A. Ajayi (1969), Terrance Ranger (1972), Adrian

Hastings (1977) and Richard Gray (1990) and extending to Paul Landau (1995) and Davis Maxwell and Ingrid Lawrie (2002) argue that Christianity was indigenized by Africans often out-of-view and away from the influence of

European mission stations and missionaries.6 At the other pole of this scholarship are scholars, beginning with Anthony Dachs (1972) and continuing with the sophisticated argument about the hegemonic power of missions articulated by

Jean and John Comaroff (1991), who argue Christian missions were agents of imperialism which enjoyed tremendous power and had the ability to reformulate

Africans into Christians and capitalists. In the words of the Comaroffs, missions were able to "colonize the consciousness" of Africans.7

5 For a recent survey of scholarship on Christianity in Africa see David Maxwell, "Writing the History of African Christianity: Reflections of an Editor," Journal of Religion in Africa 36, no. 3-4 (2006): 379-99. 6 J. F. A. Ajayi, Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891: The Making of a New Elite (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1969); T. O. Ranger, "Missionary Adaptation of African Religious Institutions: The Masasi case," in The Historical Study of African Religion, ed. Isaria N. Kimambo and T. O. Ranger (Berkley: University of California Press, 1972), 221-251; Adrian Hastings, African Christianity (New York: Seabury Press, 1977); Richard Gray, Black Christians and White Missionaries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990); Paul Stuart Landau, The Realm of the Word: Language, Gender, and Christianity in a Southern African Kingdom (Portsmouth, N. H.: Heinemann, 1995); David Maxwell and Ingrid Lawrie, eds., Christianity and the African Imagination: Essays in Honour of Adrian Hastings (Leiden: Brill, 2002). 7 Anthony J. Dachs, "Missionary Imperialism - The Case of Bechuanaland," Journal of African Studies 13, no. 4 (1972): 647-58; Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol. 2; Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol.1. 9

Several scholars sit between these two poles. Elizabeth Elbourne's study of the London Missionary Society in the Cape Colony (2002) and J. D. Y. Peel's study of Christianity amongst the Yoruba of West Africa (2000) are two examples of work that recognize both the complex relationship between missions and imperial networks of power as well as the ability of Africans to respond to

Christianity and adapt it for their own purposes. While African scholarship has proved to be particularly alive to these debates, Canadian scholarship, especially work about the British Northwest, has been somewhat reluctant to take up these questions. Of the work that has been produced, aspects of both poles of the debates outlined above are evident; however, because of a tendency in Canadian scholarship to focus on individual missionaries or mission sites, the role of

Christianity and its relationship to colonialism in the British Northwest remains unclear.9 Susan Neylan's, The Heavens are Changing (2003), the most recent and detailed account of missions amongst Aboriginals in the British Northwest, is

Elizabeth Elbourne, Blood Ground: Colonialism, Missions, and the Contest for Christianity in the Cape Colony and Britain, 1799-1853 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002); J. D. Y. Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba (Bloomington: Indiana University press, 2000). 9 Examples of histories on Aboriginal-missionary encounter in the British Northwest include John Webster Grant, Moon of Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter Since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984); Kerry Abel, Drum Songs: Glimpses of Dene History, 2nd ed. (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005); Martha McCarthy, From the Great River to the Ends of the Earth: Oblate Missions to the Dene, 1847-1921 (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1995); Raymond Huel, Proclaiming the Gospel to the Indians and the Metis (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1996); Frits Pannekoek, A Snug Little Flock: The Social Origins of the Riel Resistance of 1869-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer, 1991); Susan Elaine Gray, / Will Fear No Evil": Ojibwa- Missionary Encounters Along the Berens River, 1875-1940 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006); Jean Usher, William Duncan of Metlakatla; a Victorian Missionary in British Columbia (Ottawa, National Museums of Canada, 1974). 10 indicative of how the literature in Canada is beginning to move toward more comprehensive accounts of the role of Christianity in Aboriginal history.10

While this scholarship about the mission encounter has yielded a remarkably refined interpretation, it has tended to overlook the place of indigenous missionaries in this encounter. Moreover, these studies tend to homogenize all "Native agents" (independent evangelists, schoolteachers, catechists, and ordained missionaries) into a single category, failing to see the distinctive feature of each type of indigenous agent.11 When indigenous missionaries and/or evangelists do appear in these histories, they are usually rendered in somewhat simplistic terms to support the overarching arguments of the author: thus, to the Comaroffs they are prime examples of how narratives of modernity were internalized, while to Gray, they are important figures transforming Christianity into indigenous forms.12 These depictions, however, give us little understanding of indigenous missionaries, why they became ordained and what they hoped to achieved as missionaries: in short, these existing histories say little about what it meant to be an indigenous missionary. And yet, understanding the indigenous missionary provides an excellent way to see the affects and processes of the mission encounter amongst indigenous communities in the nineteenth century.

Susan Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing: Nineteenth-Century Protestant Missions and Tsimshian Christianity (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003). " Some more focused studies on indigenous catechists have noted there were differences between these different figures, although detailed discussion of exactly what these differences were has yet to be done. For discussion of differences between missionaries and the more independent catechists see Winona L. Stevenson [Wheeler], '"Our Man in the Field': The Status and Role of a CMS Native Catechist in Rupert's Land," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 33, no. 1 (April 1991): 129.; and Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing, 129. 12 Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol. 2, 224.; Gray, Black Christians, 80-1. 11

Three scholars, Peel, Neylan and Peggy Brock, have placed indigenous missionaries at the center, or near the center, of their studies of missions. Both

Neylan and Brock, using detailed readings of the journals left by indigenous missionaries from British Columbia, the Pacific region and southern Africa, emphasize the importance of indigenous missionaries as transmitters of

Christianity while highlighting the "in-betweeness" and multiple identities of the missionaries.13 Brock, moreover, emphasizes the localized experience of the indigenous missionaries and/or evangelists: "What they knew well were their own societies and cultures embellished by superficial understandings of Christian

Europe."14 Peel's study of religious encounter amongst the Yoruba gives the

African missionary influence over more than just transmitting Christianity.

"These men," argues Peel, "were quintessential cultural middlemen, adapting

Christianity and transforming Yoruba identity in a single seamless process."15 The overall picture of the indigenous missionary presented by Brock, Neylan and Peel is that of a figure who created religious changes and broader cultural changes amongst indigenous communities while being stranded between indigenous and non-indigenous communities.

What Peel, Brock and Neylan, and the existing studies of Soga and Budd, are not successful at achieving is revealing the motivations and identities of the

13 Peggy Brock, "New Christians as evangelists," in Missions and Empire, ed. Norman Etherington (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 132-52; Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing; Peggy Brock, "Setting the Record Straight: New Christians and Mission Christianity," in Indigenous Peoples and Religious Change, ed. Peggy Brock (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 107-28. Brock looks at a range of indigenous Christian Agents (some ordained, others not) in southern Africa, British Columbia and the Pacific; Neylan, recognizes differences between Native missionaries and more independent Native evangelists in her study of Christianity amongst British Columbia's Tsimshians. 14 Brock, "New Christians," 133. 15 Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba, 8. 12 missionaries they study and how these identities may have differed across the empire.16 My project focuses throughout on the voices of Budd and Soga and what these voices tell us about the experience of being an indigenous missionary.

While their actions do reveal that they were important figures transmitting

Christianity and modernity to indigenous communities, their voices tell us why they did this and what they hoped to achieve in creating these changes. The result of this focus on voice and motivation is that the indigenous missionary revealed here is a person motivated by his home-community and family, his local frontier, his faith and a sense of global awareness. While this depiction is similar to Peel's

African missionary, it renders a more intimate portrait of the indigenous missionary. The comparative framework, meanwhile, continually reminds us that these voices and experiences, although unique to Budd and Soga, were part of a large historical process, namely the creation of a modem indigenaity.

Aside from its immediate focus on indigenous missionaries, this project also speaks to the scholarly debate on the dynamics of the mission encounter.

Specifically, this study argues that the mission encounter must be seen as an interaction between local motivations (including personal experiences, colonial frontiers and indigenous societies) and the common elements of the missionary

The existing studies of Budd and Soga, although important records of each life, say little about Budd's or Soga's identity and motivations. See, Donovan Williams, Umfundisi: A Biography ofTiyo Soga, 1829-1871 (Lovedale: Lovedale Press, 1978); Donovan Williams, ed., The Journal and Selected Writings of the Reverend Tiyo Soga (Cape Town: A. A. Balkema, 1983); Katherine Pettipas, ed., The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd, 1870-1875 (Winnipeg: Hignell Print, 1974); Katherine Pettipas, "A history of the work of the Reverend Henry Budd conducted under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society 1840-1875" (PhD, University of Manitoba, 1972). 13 enterprise (particularly modernity and Christianity).17 Budd, for instance, used

Christianity to create spiritual and economic stability because he was a member of an Aboriginal community that was, by the 1850s, facing a severe economic crisis.

Soga, meanwhile, living in the violent eastern frontier of the Cape Colony redeployed Christianity to cultivate political stability for his Xhosa community. In both cases, local contexts shaped how Christianity was used by each man. Peggy

Brock and Terrance Ranger have each used comparative studies of indigenous responses to Christianity to make a similar argument about the importance of local indigenous agency; as Ranger writes, all indigenous societies, informed by their pre-colonial experiences, could "lay transforming hands and minds and dreams upon Christianity." This project supports these conclusions while adding the argument that along with pre-existing indigenous social structures (band versus tribal society) the nature of the colonial frontier (a frontier of trade versus one of military engagement) shaped the way missions were transformed by indigenous people and specifically by indigenous missionaries.

Finally, this project offers a way to re-examine how each national historiography (of South Africa and Canada) has depicted indigenous missionaries and the place of Christianity more generally amongst the Xhosa and

Cree. While scholars of South Africa will see commonalities between existing

17 My depiction of the encounter of an interaction of local and global forces is particularly informed by Ryan Dunch, "Beyond Cultural Imperialism: Cultural Theory, Christian Missions, and Global Modernity," History and Theory 41 (2002): 301-25. 18 Terence Ranger, "Christianity and the First Peoples: Some Second Thoughts," in Indigenous Peoples and Religious Change, ed. Peggy Brock (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 32; Brock, "New Christians"; Brock, "Setting the Record Straight: New Christians and Mission Christianity"; Peggy Brock, "Two Indigenous Evangelists: Moses Tjalkabota and Arthur Wellington Clah," Journal of Religious History 27, no. 3 (October 2003): 348-66; Peggy Brock, "Mission Encounters in the Colonial World: British Columbia and South-West Australia," Journal of Religious History 24, no. 2 (June 2000): 159-79. 14 histories and my depiction of Soga, this study reveals two aspects about Soga not previously apparent: the importance of published texts and Soga's global awareness. While Soga's use of print journalism has been linked to his ability to articulate a form of African nationalism, this study underlines how important the printed, and especially published, word was in cultivating a proto-nationalism in southern Africa.19 In showing how Soga's global awareness was shaped by abolitionist rhetoric, meanwhile, this thesis makes the point that the way Soga saw the wider world shaped his understanding of colonialism in Africa and in turn framed his ideas about of both Xhosa and black nationalism.20

Scholars of Budd's Northwest will gain an appreciation of how the fur- trade frontier and Cree band structure played important roles in shaping the use of

Christianity in the Northwest. Most importantly, the project suggests that the dominant narrative of the history of the British Northwest, which moves quickly from the relative harmony of the fur-trade era (up to the 1850s) to the hegemonic rule of the Canadian state (beginning in the 1870s), needs to make room for another story: the emergence by the 1850s of an Aboriginal identity and community, shaped by Christianity, that had a strong bearing on how treaties were negotiated by Aboriginal leadership. In short, Christianity must be seen as a legitimate force shaping Aboriginal history in the Northwest before the 1870s and

19 Jeff Opland, "Xhosa Literature in Newspapers, 1837-1909," in Rethinking South African Literary History, ed. Johannes A Smit, Johan Van Wyk, and Jean-Philippe Wade (Durban: Y Press, 1996), 110-128; Les Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society: The Ciskei Xhosa and the Making of South Africa (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1993). 20 The existing studies of Soga tend to overlook the role of the wider world in Soga's articulations of African or Xhosa nationalism. See especially Williams, Umfundisi; Leon de Kock, Civilising Barbarians: Missionary Narrative and African Textual Response in Nineteenth-Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Witswatersrand University Press, 1996), 179-83; David Attwell, "Intimate Enmity in the Journal of Tiyo Soga," Critical Inquiry (September 1997): 557-77. 15 the era of reserves, residential schools and the Indian Act. Just as significant is how Budd's story suggests an absence of a politically informed articulation of

Cree nationalism by Aboriginal Christians, something that has long been associated with African Christians. Using the voices of Budd and Soga to construct a single history of indigenous missionaries thus reveals a host of new findings about indigenous missionaries, the diffusion of Christianity and modernity across the British Empire, and the particular situation of Christianity in each man's context.

Comparing Voices

The success of supporting these interpretations rests on presenting a clear and convincing comparison of the voices of Budd and Soga. Two broad steps were used to achieve this comparison. First, the voice of each indigenous missionary was reconstructed following a careful reading of a variety of source material. While the focus in this process was on the journals, letters, published writing and government documents produced by Budd and Soga, also used were a variety of sources written about Budd and Soga. The documents about them include, in Budd's case, writings of various CMS missionaries and the records of

Aside from studies of specific missionaries or mission communities, Christianity has been overlooked in the general histories of the Aboriginal Canadian west before the 1870s. See for example, Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A History (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1984); Gerhard J. Ens, R. C. Macleod, and Theodore Binnema, eds., From Rupert's Land to Canada: Essays in Honour of John E. Foster (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2001); Sarah Carter, Aboriginal People and Colonizers of Western Canada to 1900 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999); an exception to this lack of focus on missions are works that look specifically at the Red River Colony. See Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur- Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980); Gerhard J. Ens, Homeland to Hinterland: The Changing Worlds of the Red River Metis in the Nineteenth Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996); and Pannekoek, A Snug Little Flock. 16

the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC). In Soga's case, letters to Soga from mission

supporters in Scotland and the Cape provide the bulk of the information about

Soga while various Cape Colony government documents and the nineteenth-

century biography of Soga by John A. Chalmers also provide numerous details.

In order to make a fair comparison using these different documents, it was

important to contextualize each by making note of the relationship between the

writer and the audience, and the narrative shaping the texts. For instance, Budd's journal is written in a flowing narrative style that was clearly aimed at appealing

to CMS officials in London, while Soga's journal is a collection of point forms

notes and thoughts that were not necessarily meant to appeal to readers in

Scotland. Documents about them are likewise different. The HBC journals used in

studying Budd are essentially corporate documents concerned with the trading

practices of indigenous people, while government documents generated at the

same time about Soga's frontier are texts about how to govern, control and pacify

indigenous peoples. Given these differences, it is little wonder the latter are

focused on military concerns and how to reforms customs like polygamy, while

the former are decidedly disinterested in military issues or in reforming the

cultural practices of the Cree. While these differences are important to note, and

must be understood in order to use each group of documents, on the whole the

records available for each case study are generally comparable. Soga's newspaper

articles are an exception to the rest of the material and are thus recognized as an

important reason for the differences between Budd and Soga.

John A. Chalmers, Tiyo Soga: A Page of South African Mission Work, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh: Andrew Elliot, 1878). 17

Few of these documents, even those authored by Budd and Soga, contain direct statements on the questions that are the concern of this project: the self- identity, strategies, and personal motivations of indigenous missionaries. To extract this information, the texts were often read "against the grain" or "beyond words" of the dominant narrative to extract information about the motivations and perspectives of Budd and Soga. This was achieved by asking the documents specific questions that are not otherwise directly addressed by the texts: how are

Budd and Soga revealing their sense-of-self in their writing? How do their interactions with different people reveal information about the strategies they are using? What do their actions and writing tell us about their goals for the future and their motivations? The answers to these questions are revealed in multiple ways. Sometimes the writing by Budd and Soga indirectly address these questions. This is the case when Budd writes in a letter to his superiors in London that being a translator and cultural middleman was part of his identity: "I am placed in very special circumstances," he said, as he reflected on his ability to move between contexts.24 Other times, the actions of indigenous missionaries, as described by themselves or by others, reveal the motivations and identity of Budd and Soga. For instance, Soga's decision to interact with Cape governor George

Grey and Xhosa leader Sandile during the royal visit of Prince Alfred (son of

Queen Victoria), suggests that, like Budd's "special circumstances," Soga was

Jennifer S. H. Brown and Elizabeth Vibert, eds., Reading Beyond Words: Contexts for Native History, 2nd ed. (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2003). 24 Henry Budd to Major Hector Straith [Lay Secretary, CMS, London], 6 August 1852, Church Missionary Society Archives (CMSA), North-West Mission, Original Letters and Papers of Rev. Henry Budd, 1850-1875, CCl/O/12, Birmingham University Library (microfilm, University of Alberta). 18 aware he was a middleman and was at least somewhat comfortable using that position to his advantage.25 Interrogating a variety of documents to reveal these instances of written and lived expressions of identity and motivations offers a useful way to understand these complex historical actors and move beyond, while not overlooking, the argument that so-called "subaltern subjects" like Budd and

Soga cannot speak because their voices, even their own texts, have been colonized and rendered inaudible to the historian. As scholars working on a range of historical periods have shown, careful contextualization of documents and focused questioning of the words and actions of historical actors can reveal a great deal about the subaltern.27 Because of my focus on voice I have, as much as possible, cited Budd and Soga directly to explain and contextualize the history.

A second methodological step was taken to compare the voices. First, the themes of connection or similarity between the indigenous missionaries were gathered together: their modern indigenous identity, their struggle to live between communities, their similar strategies of being advocate and advisor. Next, the

For full discussion of Soga's 1860 trip to Cape Town with Sandile, Grey and others, see Chalmers, Soga, 206-19. 26 The most comprehensive argument about the inability of the subaltern to be heard by the historian is made by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1988), 271-313; Winona Wheeler and Susan Neylan raise these questions within the context of indigenous missionaries. See Winona Wheeler, "The Journals and Voices of a Church of England Native Catechist: Askenootow (Charles Pratt), 1851-1884," in Reading Beyond Words: Contexts for Native History, ed. Jennifer S. H. Brown and Elizabeth Vibert, 2nd ed. (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2003), 237-262; and Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing, 25-6. 27 See, for example, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error, trans. Barbara Bray, 1st ed. (New York: G. Braziller, 1978); Natalie Zemon Davis, The Return of Martin Guerre (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983); Lize Kriel, "Negotiating Identity in Contested Space: African Christians, White Missionaries and the Boer Conquest of the Blouberg in Late Nineteenth-Century Transvaal," Kleio: A Journal of Historical Studies from Africa, no. 36 (2004): 148-169; and Carolyn Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World: Travelers and Traders in the North American Fur Trade (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006). 19 differences between the case studies were noted and the reasons for these differences examined. For example, the distinct motivations expressed by Budd and Soga to become indigenous missionaries were noted and investigated, revealing that different understandings of "home" and different types of frontiers made for unique approaches to Christianity and ordination; likewise, the different forms of community each man created were linked to local factors, particularly the distinct indigenous societies and frontier zones.

These themes of similarity and reasons for difference are the elements that frame the historical narrative in the pages that follow. The benefit of this comparative approach is its ability to capture the broad themes and local particularities of the indigenous missionary experience.28 Scholars of the British

Northwest and southern Africa will likely find some themes and topics are overlooked and other topics (like the fur trade and the Xhosa Cattle-Killing

Movement) are described too simplistically. While these are legitimate concerns, this thesis is written with the purpose of making the story clear and accessible to both national historiographies while highlighting the central focus - the role of the indigenous missionary in creating and articulating a modern indigenaity.

Frontiers and Missions of Modernity

Two theoretical assumptions give structure to the story of Budd and Soga I choose to tell here. The first, drawing on work of comparative frontier history and

28 This approach to comparative history is informed by Sylvia Thrupp, "Editorial," Comparative Studies in Society and History 1, no. 1 (1958): 1-4; Theda Skocpol and Margaret Somers, "The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry," Comparative Studies in Society and History 22, no. 2 (1980): 174-97; and Anthony W Marx, Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of South Africa, the United States, and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). hybridity theory, assumes that each frontier zone or "contact zone" created new identities and new ways of living. In the British Northwest, the newness produced was intimately informed by the fluidity of that frontier zone. While the fact that European fur traders rarely wanted to settle in the Northwest and did little to interrupt Aboriginal patterns of lifestyle are reasons for the fluidity of the

British Northwest, also important was the Aboriginal context that pre-dated

European arrival. The band structure of the major Aboriginal groups in the area facilitated the relatively fluid movement of people into and out of bands as they, or their family, chose. While these band structures would change in the late- nineteenth century, the fluidity of the bands and the fluidity of the fur trade made for a frontier where power was very elusive for Europeans, and military control rested with Aboriginal groups until the last third of the nineteenth century.30

Given these frontier conditions, Budd was not only able to move into a Christian context and live at the Red River Colony alongside metis and British-born settlers, he was also able to use Christianity, and the settled agricultural world that came with it, as a way to transform Aboriginal hunters into farmers. The use of

Christianity to transform Aboriginal economics would become particularly

"Frontiers" or "contact zones" have long been studied as forces in human history. My study draws on the following examples from frontier historiography to frame its ideas about the frontier: Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa compared (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981); Janet Hodgson, "A Battle for Sacred Power: Christian Beginnings among the Xhosa," in Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social, and Cultural History, ed. Richard Elphick and T. R. H Davenport (Berkley: University of California Press, 1997), 68-88.; Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992); My ideas about hybridity theory are based on Homi K Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994). 30 Theodore Binnema, Common and Contested Ground: A Human and Environmental History of the Northwestern Plains (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 11-2. 21 important after the 1860s as the decline in the natural resources of the British

Northwest, especially the buffalo, challenged existing Aboriginal lifestyles.

The fluidity of the Northwest frontier stands in marked contrast to the conflictual region of the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony where Soga was raised. There, power was constantly contested, most obviously through the ongoing "Frontier Wars" between white and African military forces. As several scholars have noted, the battle to control the frontier also extended into the realms of rhetoric, religion and labour. While this conflict was partly due to the fact that the Cape frontier was a settler, not a trading, frontier where a hunger for land and labour dictated colonial advance into African areas, also important was the hierarchical leadership system and sedentary lifestyle of the pastoralist Xhosa.

Xhosa leaders were able to rally large forces to engage the military threats of whites, while the sedentary herding lifestyle of the Xhosa meant they had little choice but to stay on their land and fight settler intrusions. By the 1860s, the combination of settler hunger for land and the militant Xhosa response to whites had created a frontier that was significantly more violent and contested than

Henry Budd's. An upshot of this conflict was that, at the Cape, Christianity was increasingly used for political, as well as spiritual, purposes. These two

31 Clifton C Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Elbourne, Blood Ground; Alan Lester, "The Margins of Order: Strategies of Segregation on the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1806-c. 1850," Journal of Southern African Studies 23, no. 4 (December 1997): 635-53.; Alan Lester, Imperial Networks: Creating Identities in Nineteenth-Century South Africa and Britain (London: Routledge, 2001); Hodgson, "Battle for Sacred Power"; and J. B. Peires, The House ofPhalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence, 2nd ed. (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball Publisher, 2003). 32 Elbourne, Blood Ground, 5. 22 frontiers, each different, were crucial in shaping how indigenous people would

create new forms of Christianity, modernity and indigenaity.

A second assumption shaping this thesis is that evangelical British missions imparted a new identity to indigenous missionaries that encompassed a

set of values loosely defined as "modern." There is no single meaning of

"modernity," and the complexity of the term should be recognized. Various social thinkers and various historical eras describe modernity differently depending on their own time and place of classification.34 Thus, before the twelfth century,

modernity in Europe meant not pagan, while during the fifteenth century it meant

following the ideas which embodied the era of what became called the

if

Renaissance. During this era, modernity was defined as not medieval. Likewise

"modernity" could mean something different depending on geography. In this thesis, for instance, the creation of villages and the enclosure of gardens by

fences, although identifiable with the early modern period in Europe and with

"ceremonies of possession" in the new world, was, for the Xhosa of southern

African and the Cree of the British Northwest, a "modern" trait reflecting a move forward towards private property and settled agriculture. For the purposes of this thesis, the work of Alberto Martinelli is used to define modernity as a set of core values that emerged as the result of a historically determined process that took

Ryan Dunch has made one of the most instructive statements on the utility of the concept of modernity to the study of mission history. See Dunch, "Beyond Cultural Imperialism." 34 Peter Osborne, "Modernity," in A Dictionary of Cultural and Critical Theory, ed. Michael Payne (Oxford: Blackwell Reference, 1996), 346-7. 35 Ibid., 347. 36 Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 23 place in Europe between about 1700 and 1850.37 This process of change was the result of a series of revolutions in Europe, the most influential of which were the

Enlightenment (and its faith in rationalism and technological progress), the

French Revolution (which in theory, argued that all people were rights-bearing individuals), and the Industrial Revolution (which demonstrated that economic practices could be made more efficient through the use of technology and the

-JO division of labour).

In this thesis, three core values are identified with modernity. The first of these, rationalism, was the belief in the ability to use reason to know and transform nature. According to Martinelli, rationalism is not only the "breeding ground of scientific and geographic discoveries" it also instilled in people the

"perception of an absence of limits," or, put another way, a faith in the changeability of all things (including humans).40 As Brian Stanley has argued, faith in rationalism was a central tool used by missionaries as they pursued their goals of changing and converting indigenous peoples into Christians. In particular, Stanley explains, missionaries' reliance on schooling and education was rooted in their belief that the Other/indigenous/heathen was changeable.41

Individualism, the second core value, dictated that all humans (because they were rational) had the freedom to choose their own fate and were responsible for those choices. Breaking from the pre-modern dependency on clans, family and

37 Alberto Martinelli, Global Modernization: Rethinking the Project of Modernity (London: SAGE, 2005), 9-10. 38 Ibid., 6-10. 39 Ibid., 19-20. 40 Ibid., 16. 41 Brian Stanley, "Christian Missions and the Enlightenment: A Reevaluation," in Christian Missions and the Enlightenment, ed. Brian Stanley (Richmond, UK: Curzon, 2001), 8. 24 rank, the rise of individualism offered both a degree of freedom and a new kind of responsibility.42 The insistence on individualism was particularly prevalent in

Protestant evangelicalism given the evangelical emphasis that conversion, to be legitimate, had to be driven by internal change in each individual (instead of a change driven by external forces and community trends). Literacy was an important part of the process of individual conversion and marked a break from pre 1600 forms of European worship. The most wide-reaching expression of individualism was the faith in human rights for all people (regardless of race or class) and the use of democracy as a form of governance.43

Perhaps more than other value, modernity emphasizes and celebrates the idea of progress and forward-looking individuals. This value instilled in modern citizens the belief that innovation and improvement was possible in all walks of life (economic, social and political). As Martinelli explains, "modernity is a process with no end that implies the idea of permanent innovation, of continual creation of the new. Living in the present, it is orientated towards the future... ."44

Christopher Bayly's The Birth of the Modern World (2004) likewise emphasizes that forward-looking was a key element of modern personhood.45 As with the other values, faith in progress has identifiable expressions, most particularly in how modern citizens view the past. Instead of using the past as "a rich repository of examples to orient human action" in the present, the modern subject uses the

Martinelli, Global Modernization, 17. 43 Ibid., 18. 44 Ibid., 7. 45 C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780-1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Maiden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 10. 25 past for comparison - as a place with which to contrast his modern present. For missionaries, the theme of progress was incorporated into pre-existing ideas of millennialism, emphasizing the positive progress and change that would arrive with the new millennium.

Missionaries, perhaps more than any other members of the British imperial era, were responsible for exporting these core values of modernity to indigenous people throughout the empire. Before the 1780s, indigenous peoples were perceived as either trading partners or military allies; as people to interact with, but not to change. During this early phase of empire, indigenous peoples were introduced to the values of modernity only indirectly through the exchange of goods and the spread of new technologies. However, as the so-called "Second

British Empire" emerged during the period of the Napoleonic Wars, the British

Empire changed significantly in its geography and ideological focus; most significantly, with the Second Empire, there was an effort, particularity on the part of the humanitarian lobby, to introduce modernity to indigenous people in a direct and systematic way.47 Mission societies were part of the change that accompanied the Second Empire, and played a central role in trying to convert indigenous people to modernity.

The history of evangelical Christian mission societies and organizations has been covered in several recent publications.48 It bears repeating, however, that

46 Martinelli, Global Modernization, 7. 47 C. A. Bayly, "The British and Indigenous Peoples, 1760-1860: Power, Perception and Identity," in Empire and Others : British Encounters with Indigenous Peoples, 1600-1850, ed. M. J. Daunton and Richard Halpern (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 19-41; Porter, Religion Versus Empire?, 40. 48 See Elbourne, Blood Ground, ch. 1; and Porter, Religion Versus Empire?, ch. 2. 26 these societies and organizations were formed as part of a wave of religious revivalism amongst some protestant churches in Britain dating from the 1730s. A renewed faith in the doctrine of original sin and the need to have an individualized conversion to overcome this sin, lay at the heart of this revival. Also, part of this revival was the belief that the message of the Gospel must be expressed through actions.49 It was in response to this theology of original sin and activism that evangelical Christians began establishing mission societies for the purposes of spreading the Gospel in Britain and around the world. Between 1792 and 1799, all major Protestant churches and many inter-denominational groups in Britain established organizations to support the work of foreign missions.50 The CMS,

Henry Budd's society, established by evangelical members of the Church of

England, was created in 1799, while Tiyo Soga's mission organization, the

Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, grew out of the

Glasgow Missionary Society (GMS) which was founded in 1796.51 In these early years differences between mission organizations were noticeable in their administrative structures. For instance, Presbyterian and inter-denominational organizations like the GMS were generally more decentralized and independent of the British state than the Anglican CMS.52 These different administrative structures and relationships to imperial power shaped how missionaries in the field exercised authority and made decisions (the Presbyterians were generally

49 Elbourne, Blood Ground, 30. 50 Ibid., 61-5. 51 Porter, Religion Versus Empire?, 40. 52 Elizabeth Elbourne, "The Foundation of the Church Missionary Society: the Anglican missionary impulse," in The Church of England, C.1689-C. 1833: from Toleration to Tractarianism, ed. John Walsh, Colin Haydon, and Stephen Taylor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 250. 27 more able to act independently of their home-committee and were less closely allied with state authorities) and how funds were sent from Britain to the mission field.53 Aside from these differences, however, the CMS, the GMS, and the other major evangelical mission organizations of the early 1800s (the Baptist Mission

Society and the London Missionary Society), were fairly similar and they all shared the same focus: the conversion of non-Christian peoples ("heathens") to an evangelical Christianity that recognized the doctrine of original sin.

Within the first 30 years of the nineteenth century, all mission organizations began to broaden their objectives to include the conversion of aspects of indigenous lifestyles. Driving this change in missionary goals was a belief, amongst British settlers and eventually missionaries, that conversion would mean progress in both the spiritual and material aspects of lifestyles. Robert Ross and Elbourne, in separate studies about this change in approach to "conversion" amongst missionaries in the Cape Colony, define this shift as a rush to make the mission project, and especially their converts, "respectable" in the eyes of colonial elites.54 Not only did this shift mark, as Andrew Porter notes, a move toward a closer "entanglement" between the missionary and colonial government,

While Presbyterian traditions emphasized that individuals and their churches should send funds and support directly to a specific mission field, the CMS channeled the spread of money from Britain to missions through its central offices in London. For more discussion of these mission networks see Tolly Bradford, "Networkings: Global Perspectives on Nineteenth- century British Missions," Missiology: An International Review XXXV, no. 4 (October 2007): 375-381; and Tolly Bradford, "Global Visions: 'Native Missionaries,' Mission Networks and Critiques of Colonialism in Nineteenth-century South African and Canada," in Indigenous Southern African Responses to Colonialism, ed. Peter Limb, Peter Midgley, and Norman Etherington (Lieden: Brill, forthcoming, 2009). 54 Robert Ross, "Missions, Respectability and Civil Rights: The Cape Colony, 1828-1854 ," Journal of Southern African Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1999): 333; and Elbourne, Blood Ground, ch. 6. 28 it also meant the beginning of a campaign to create what Jean and John Comaroff rightly describe as a "revolution in habits" amongst indigenous converts.55

To convert the "habits" of indigenous people, missionaries increasingly tried to infuse the core values of modernity into the lives of their converts.

Mission schools were one of the most effective ways to carryout this object. By the 1820s the creation of mission schools and seminaries, marked the beginning of a missionary schooling system that aimed at teaching not only the Bible but also a set of skills and habits that were recognizably modern.56 This schooling included an emphasis on such things as modern agricultural techniques, a particular division of gender roles, the use of clock-time, and an emphasis on literacy and self-improvement. The influence of these schools was uneven. Some students used their education to become, like Budd and Soga, missionaries or schoolteachers, while others used it to give them an advantage in dealing with

British traders, establishing themselves as translators, negotiators and entrepreneurs. Still others left the schools and their training behind, choosing a lifestyle that was only superficially related to the values of Christianity and modernity their British mission teachers had introduced. While it is important to recognize these diverse responses to mission schools, this thesis focuses exclusively on the group of students who went on to become missionaries. These students, more so than those who ended up as boatmen in the fur trade or farm labourers on a settler's farm, were the indigenous Christians who became

55 Porter, Religion Versus Empire?, ch. 3; and Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol. 2, ch. 3. 56 Porter, Religion Versus Empire?, 99 and 107. 57 Ibid., 99. intimately engaged with the core values of modernity, Christianity and British imperialism.

Voices Revealed

A mixture of chronology and theme are used to organize the narrative of this thesis. The first two chapters examine why Budd and Soga became indigenous missionaries; together, the chapters explain how Budd's and Soga's sense of "home," and especially their families and their mothers, motivated their decision to become indigenous missionaries and develop their sense of

Christianity and modernity. Chapters three and four reveal how indigenous missionaries lived with their modern indigenaity and their position as indigenous missionaries. Chapter three details the way both men had a three-part identity as missionaries, trans-frontier figures and modern indigenous men while chapter four explains how their identity and position as missionaries placed them between indigenous and non-indigenous communities and enabled them to develop a global consciousness. The third section of the thesis (chapters five to seven) explains how Budd and Soga applied their modern indigenaity to create new, and different, kinds of communities. Chapter five sets the scene for the creation of these new communities; it explains how both men acted as advocates and advisors for indigenous communities and why the shift to settler-society self-government in the 1860s created considerable pressure on indigenous sovereignty. Budd's response to the pressures of the 1860s is discussed in chapter six. This response was the fostering of a Cree village community that was church-centered, bound by the Cree language and able to integrate Cree practices while looking to Bntain and Aboriginal churchmen for help and protection from the newly arriving

Canadian settler government. Chapter seven focuses on Soga's response to the pressures on Xhosa land in the 1860s; it explains that Soga created not a village but a national Xhosa community that was broad and robust and rooted in a political, rather than linguistic, understanding of Xhosaness. The study ends here, with the way Budd and Soga attempted to transform their own sense of modern

indigenaity into new forms of community.

This is the story I have chosen to tell. While only the middle three

chapters are absolutely comparative, each section is framed comparatively in order to show continually how similar contents (Christianity, modernity) were used by each man in different ways - to change economics or politics, to create villages or nations - and how their lives were indirectly connected. As is clear

from the subject matter of the chapters, using the voices of the indigenous missionaries to tell the story of this comparison is a central concern.

Terms

Comparative history, particularly colonial-era comparisons of indigenous people, creates a host of problems surrounding terms and labels; for instance, while "Native" is still acceptable in the Canadian context, and still used by many

Aboriginals to self-identify, it has long been out of fashion in South African historiography and society. A range of terms are used to discuss the various people and groups mentioned in this thesis. The term "indigenous" is used to refer 31 collectively to non-European peoples in southern Africa and Northwest Canada while "indigenaity" is an adjective used to describe the experience of being an indigenous person; "indigenous missionary" is used to talk collectively about all non-European ordained ministers working in regions of the British Empire even though these men were, historically, referred to as "Native missionaries." I use

"Euromissionary" when speaking specifically about European-born missionaries.

"Native" and "Aboriginal" are used interchangeably to describe indigenous peoples (Metis and Indian) in Canada. "Metis" (capitalized, unaccented) is used to describe a specific ethnic identity associated with people of mixed Aboriginal-

European ancestry who lived in self-identifying Metis communities that were rooted in neither fur-trade posts nor Indian bands. Many Metis communities were comprised of "freemen" (men who, having married Aboriginal women, completed contracts in fur-trade companies and had "gone free" to form their own communities). The term "metis" (unaccented, lower-case) is used broadly to describe all people of mixed Aboriginal-European ancestry whose self- identification is not clearly revealed by the historical evidence.58 "Indian" refers to Aboriginal people (some of whom were of mixed-ancestry) that chose to live in or identify with a band, as opposed to a Metis or fur-trade-post community. Given my argument that Budd fostered a localized Cree village community and had little interest in, or understanding of the Cree as a "nation," I have chosen not to use the contemporary term, "First Nations." "African" and "black" are used

58 My use of the term Metis/metis is informed by the following works: Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Metis in North America (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1985); Ens, Homeland to Hinterland, 8; Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, xi-xii. 32 interchangeably to refer to Xhosa and other non-Europeans (except Khoi) in the eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony.

The geographical terms I use here are "British Northwest" and the

"eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony." The British Northwest was actually known as "Rupert's Land" and nominally governed by the Hudson's Bay

Company. After 1870, the territory was renamed the Canadian Northwest before becoming the Canadian provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta (see map 1.3). The "eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony" refers to a large area stretching from Port Elizabeth in the west to the Great Kei River in the east (see map 2.1). While this frontier zone ultimately became part of the Cape Colony, during the period discussed here the region was comprised of a mixture of areas, some of which were controlled by the Cape Colony, others of which were land reserves established through treaties, crown colonies administered by Britain, or

African-controlled territories. Given the complexity of this Cape frontier and the need to construct a clear comparison, I found it effective to speak of the whole region as a single "frontier zone." 33

Chapter 1

For the "privileges of God's house": Henry Budd's journey to ordination

Although many indigenous people identified with Christianity in the mid- nineteenth century, before the 1880s only a very few indigenous people, including

Henry Budd and Tiyo Soga, became ordained indigenous missionaries.1 The decision to become a missionary signaled a significant shift in the lives of those

individuals who chose to be indigenous missionaries; it moved them from having

an affiliation with Christianity to having a strong conviction about the value of

Christianity and modernity to their own lives and to the lives of others around them.2 This shift from affiliation to conviction and from convert to missionary was not easy or straightforward. Neither Henry Budd nor Tiyo Soga, for instance, was destined to become a missionary and neither man was forced to seek

ordination by a hegemonic power that some scholars have associated with the

missionary project. Rather, Budd and Soga, along with their parents and some key missionaries, made a series of decisions that would, over time, lead each man to seek ordination and make this important shift in conviction. At the heart of this decision-making process was each man's sense of "Home." According to anthropologists Nigel Rapport and Andrew Dawson, "Home" is not necessarily a

1 By 1860, the Church Missionary Society, the most active society in ordaining missionaries, had only ordained 66 "Native Pastors" across all its mission fields in India, Africa, New Zealand and the Canadian Northwest. See Church Missionary Society, Registry of Missionaries and Native Clergy from 1804-1904 (n.p., 1905), 297-309. 2 One author argues that "conversion" is complete only when a convert's conviction about - not just their affiliation with - the new religion is realized. See Emefie Ikenga-Metuh, "The Shattered Microcosm: A Critical Survey of Explanations of Conversion in Africa," in Religion, Development and African Identity, ed. K. Hoist Petersen (Uppsala, Sweden: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1987), 19-20. 3 Comaroff andComaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol.1, 13-32. 34 physical place, but rather '"is where one best knows oneself - where 'best' means 'most,' even if not always 'happiest.'"4 In short, while the contents and location of a Home might change, what remains constant is that Home is where one feels a sense of self-knowledge. During the earlier years of Budd and Soga life, it was this sense of Home - "as a place where one best knows oneself - that guided Budd (1850) and then Soga (1856) to seek ordination as the first indigenous missionaries in their regions; that each man had different understandings of Home is the reason each approached ordination with distinct motivations.

Budd was motivated to become an indigenous missionary because he identified the Church Missionary Society (CMS) as his Home. By the mid-1830s, after three years' service in the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), Henry Budd left the fur-trade life and made the CMS at the Red River Colony - its people, institutions and ideas - his Home; he apparently told an acquaintance that he returned to Red River because he "longed for the privileges of God's house, and wished to settle at 'The Rapids' on the Red River where he knew he should find a missionary settlement.. .."5 Budd maintained a close and important relationship with this mission settlement at The Rapids (St. Andrew's Parish) from 1835 until his death in 1875. Although he lived throughout the Northwest during his life, it was at the Red River Colony and at St. Andrew's parish specifically that he felt

4 Andrew Dawson and Nigel Rapport, eds., Migrants of Identity: Perceptions of Home in a World of Movement (Oxford: Berg, 1998), 9 see also; Tolly Bradford, "Home, Away from Home: Old Swan, James Bird and the Edmonton District, 1795-1815.," Prairie Forum 29, no. 1 (2004): 25-44. 5 Cited in the autobiography of Henry Budd's English sponsor and namesake: Henry Budd, A Memoir of the Reverend Henry Budd: Comprising an Autobiography: Letters, Papers and Remains (London: Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1855), 542, cited in Pettipas, The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd, 1870-1875, xix. 35

"most" like himself. Many scholars have argued that conversion can only happen if the new religion has relevance and meaning to the potential convert. Because the CMS became his Home, Christianity had very intimate meaning for Henry

Budd.

Budd's close relationship with the CMS was the result of a combination of factors and motivations. To begin with, it was the curiosity and economic needs of Budd's mother that brought him into contact with missionaries in 1820, effectively separating Budd - physically and emotionally - from his original

Home. Next, during his years at the CMS's school, Budd's understanding of his

Home changed as he began to identify missionaries as mentors, and to see the

Church, instead of his band community near Norway House, as his Home. With his turn towards the CMS as his Home, Budd began a third phase of his life during which he attempted to adapt the community he identified with - the CMS

- to the needs of Aboriginal people in the Northwest. This attempt to adapt

Christianity led to his decision to accept ordination.

A Mother's Orphan Goes to Red River

Budd's journey to ordination began with his mother's decision to place him in the care of missionaries. The daughter of a Cree women and a Hudson's

Bay Company (HBC) clerk, Matthew Cocking, Budd's mother, Wash-e-soo-

E'Squaw was raised in her mother's family as a homeguard Cree.7 In the early

6 The most recent articulation of this argument is outlined in the chapters of Peggy Brock, ed., Indigenous Peoples and Religious Change (Leiden: Brill, 2005). 7 "Homeguard Cree" refers to those communities that lived near fur-trade posts on Hudson's Bay coastline. While women from these communities often intermarried with European 1800s, when Wash-e-soo-E' Squaw placed Budd in the care of missionaries, the

Northwest was primarily a frontier zone of trade where the presence of the British

Empire was felt through trading posts not military forts (see Map 1.1). There were incidents of violent conflict in the Northwest during this time amongst European traders, between Europeans traders and Aboriginals, and between Aboriginal bands; yet, compared to other regions of the British Empire, the

Northwest was considered a relatively peaceful frontier. Even the small white settlement at the forks of the Red and Assiniboine Rivers (the Red River Colony) was perceived by missionaries as a place where Aboriginals were comparatively well served by the mixed influences of British colonialism. As CMS missionaries,

David Jones and William Cockran noted in praise of Red River in 1837, "to the philanthropist the colony [at Red River] possesses great interest. Its object is not like most settlements, the benefit of the immigrant nor the emolument of the mother country, but the amelioration of the Natives of the land and affording to

o the worn out voyageur an asylum and a home." While the understanding of the

Northwest as peaceful and tranquil has been challenged by recent fur-trade scholarship and risks being overemphasized, it remains a distinct feature of the nineteenth-century Northwest particularly when compared to other colonial frontier zones in the nineteenth century such as the Cape Colony, the American

men, they raised their children in a Cree, instead of a fur-trade-post, community. Detailed family information on Henry Budd is outlined in Raymond Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd," Prairie Forum 17, no. 2 (1991): 169-70. Budd's mother was raised in a band society. 8 David Jones and William Cockran, "Report on the state of Religion, Morality and Education of the Red River Settlement & Grand Rapids," 5 June 1835, Mission Book 1822-1834, Church Missionary Society Archives (CMSA), University of Brigham (microfilm version, University of Alberta), CC1/M/1. 37

Map 1.1 The British Northwest, c. 1820

The Red River Colony is in the bottom right of the map, centered on Fort Garry. The main HBC posts and Aboriginal groups are noted. Budd's likely birthplace was Norway House (center) or between there and York Factory on the Hudson Bay Coast. Source: adapted from Arthur Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, 101. West and New Zealand.

The three main communities in the Northwest at this time, Indian bands,

Freemen/Metis communities following a more sedentary lifestyle than Indians, and British-run fur-trade post communities, enjoyed a mutually beneficial economic relationship.10 Complementing this economic relationship was extensive intermarriage between British traders and Aboriginal women.1 The relatively peaceful interaction between Europeans and Aboriginals established a frontier zone that both allowed Aboriginals to enjoy a relatively positive relationship with Europeans (at least before the 1860s) and created a fluidity that enabled people to move fairly easily between communities. This ability to change community affiliation directly informed Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw's eventual decision to interact with Christianity and missionaries and would guide how her young son approached and used Christianity.

Missionaries arrived in the Northwest in the late 1810s soon after the Red

River settlement had been established by the fifth Earl of Selkirk, Thomas

Douglas, as an experimental settlement for Scottish settlers and retired fur traders.

However, through contact with HBC fur-trade posts, Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw, and

9 For the argument that the British Northwest was more violent than is usually thought see: Gerhard J. Ens, "Fatal Quarrels and Fur Trade Rivalries: A Year of Living Dangerously on the North Saskatchewan 1806-07," in Alberta Formed, Alberta Transformed, Vol. 1, eds. Catherine Anne Cavanaugh, Michael Payne, and Donald G. Wetherell (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006), 131-159. 10 Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998). 1' For detailed discussion of fur trade-era family structures in the Northwest see Jacqueline Peterson, "Many Roads to Red River: Metis genesis in the Great Lake Region, 1680- 1815," in The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Metis in North America , ed. Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H Brown (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1986), 41-67; Jennifer S. H Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980). by extension Henry Budd, came into contact with Christianity well before missionaries arrived in the British Northwest. By the 1790s, twenty years before missionaries arrived in the region, major HBC posts like York Factory were taking tentative steps toward making fur-trade posts into formal settlements with schools, church services and small agricultural initiatives. As a Cree living near fur-trade posts on the Hudson's Bay coastline, whose family followed a seasonal round that involved traveling between the interior of the Hudson's Bay coast and the HBC (particularly York Factory), Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw would have come into close contact with these post communities. Although the main purpose of

Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw's post visits was to accompany her band on spring trading and hunting trips, she also made an annual trip to York Factory to collect a stipend her father provided for after his retirement from the Company.

During these visits to York Factory in the 1790s, Wash-e-soo-E'Squew learned about post communities at York. By the turn of the nineteenth century, the

HBC had started sending school supplies to York Factory and hired a post employee to act as schoolmaster, the first known professional teacher in the

Northwest.14 While this schooling was rudimentary and attendance low, it provided some basic training to children of HBC employees, particularly those children destined for the officer class of the HBC where literacy, not hunting

Victor P. Lytwyn, Muskekowuck Athinuwick: Original People of the Great Swampy Land (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2002), 203-4. 13 Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd." 170 and 184. 14 Michael Payne, The Most Respectable Place in the Territory Everyday Life in Hudson's Bay Company Service, York Factory, 1788 to 1870 (Ottawa: National Historic Parks and Sites, Environment Canada, 1989), 108-10. skills, was valued. By the late-1700s York Factory was also home to a large garden that tried, only somewhat successfully, to produce turnips and potatoes in the short and wet growing season of the Hudson's Bay coastline. While geese and moose remained staples in the diet of Company servants, these tentative attempts at agriculture provided additional ways for the post community to feed itself.16

Although there was no missionary at York until the mid-1800s, it is likely that by the early 1800s some type of church service including prayers and reading from the Bible were held at the fort, likely in the Big House under the authority of the

Postmaster or another senior HBC officer.17 Wash- e-soo-E'Squaw probably noticed these educational, agricultural and religious elements at York Factory during her visits to collect her annual allowance. These visits to York Factory provided a framework for Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw to see literacy, agriculture and

Christianity as a way to establish a more comfortable future for her and her children.

When Henry was born in 1812, Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw likely still combined spring visits to York Factory with summer caribou hunts and winters spent inland. As historian Andy den Otter notes, Henry Budd's Cree name,

Sakachuwescum or "Going-up-the-Hill," suggests his mother gave birth to Henry during one of the difficult upriver journeys after a visit to York Factory.18

Sometime in 1817, however, after several years of poor hunting around the

15 Ibid., 108-10. 16 Ibid., 133-5. 17 Ibid., 112-13 The Big House was the home of the leading HBC officer at the trading post/fort. 18 Lytwyn, Muskekowuck Athinuwick: Original People of the Great Swampy Land, 81 - 112; Andy A. den Otter, "Entering the Christian world: indigenous missionaries in Rupert's Land," in Canada and the British World: Culture, Migration, and Identity, ed. Philip Buckner and Daniel Francis (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2006), 55. 41 coastline, Wash-e-soo-E' Squaw changed this pattern and followed her extended family to Norway House, joining an older son who was stationed there as an HBC

labourer.19

Raymond Beaumont's detailed research on this phase of Henry Budd's life provides clues as to what happened next. As Beaumont argues, provisions from hunting remained low during the next few years making life at Norway House

difficult for Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw and her extended family. As these difficulties

were unfolding, John West, the first CMS missionary sent to the Northwest,

arrived at Norway House and, according to West's journal, "obtained another boy

for education, reported to me as the orphan son of a deceased Indian and a half-

cast woman...."20 Sakachuwescum (Henry Budd) was this "orphan son." Was-e-

soo-E'Squaw's motivations for sending her son with West to Red River are

difficult to discern. Most likely, as Beaumont suggests, Was-e-soo-E'Squaw was

at Norway House when West arrived and agreed to give West her son because she wanted Sakachuwescum to benefit from the material stability offered by the

CMS.21 Given the material instability Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw had experienced throughout the 181 Os and the fact that she was without a husband to support her,

Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw's decision to have her son cared for in Red River was quite reasonable. The fact that Sakachuwescum was accompanied by another boy,

Pemuteuithinew (James Hope), made the decision easier for Wash-e-soo-

19 Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd," 181. 20 John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony (East Ardsley, Yorks: S.R. Publishers, 1966), 16. 21 Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd." 182. 42

E'Squaw.22 Important also, however, and not mentioned by Beaumont, was the time Wash-e-soo-E' Squaw spent at York Factory, watching the school, the garden, and the Christian services. These experiences, combined with the fluidity of the Northwest, likely helped Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw understand something about

Christianity and what John West meant when he talked about teaching her son to read, write and pray.

Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw did not doubt her decision to send Sakachuwescum to Red River. Two years after Sakachuwescum was taken to Red River, she joined him, becoming an employee of the mission school; by the mid-1820s,

Sakachuwescum's sister was a student at the school and most of Wash-e-soo-

E'Squaw's other children had moved to Red River. Twenty years later, Wash-e-

soo-E'Squaw would follow Sakachuwescum (by then renamed Henry Budd) to

Cumberland when he was sent there to be a schoolteacher. All these movements

suggest Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw's strong desire to connect her entire family with the church, and follow a lifestyle that moved away from a hunter-gather and fur- trading lifestyle and toward the sedentary agrarian existence she first witnessed at

York Factory. John West's motivations to take Sakachuwescum with him to Red

River were clear-cut. He wanted to transform the "orphan" he met at Norway

House into a Christian citizen able to interact as an equal with the settlers at Red

River.24 He also hoped the boy would turn out to be a schoolteacher and example

22 Ibid., 182-3. 23 Ibid., 188. and George Harbidge to the Secretary of the CMS, 1 July 1824, CMSA, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 24 John Elgin Foster, "The Country-born in the Red River Settlement" (PhD, University of Alberta, 1973), 144; Jonathan Anuik, "Forming Civilization at Red River: 19th-century Missionary Education of M&is and First Nation Children," Prairie Forum 31, no. 1 (2006): 1-15. 43 for other "heathen Indians."25 Although West's and Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw's hopes for Sakachuwescum were slightly different, they had the same short-term effect:

Sakachuwescum was separated from his Cree context and sent to the CMS's first school at Red River in the fall of 1820.

Finding a New Home

Sakachuwescum's eight years at the CMS's mission school at St. John's

Parish in the Red River colony was a crucial period in his life (see Map 1.2). The classroom and the church challenged his families basic values, encouraging

Sakachuwescum to discard the symbols of non-literate "heathenism" and replace them with literacy, agriculture and the Christian doctrine of original sin. Literacy, especially English-language literacy, was the most valued skill at the school.26 In

1822, when Sakachuwescum and Pemuteuithinew, were baptized, it was not because of their spiritual progress, but because they were "able to read the New

Testament, repeat the Church Catechism, and to understand the chief truths of the

Christian Religion." Likewise, an 1824 report about the school noted that of the 10 pupils, Sakachuwescum and Pemuteuithinew were the most advanced

9R because they could read English "with tolerable facility." These literacy skills were absorbed at different rates by each pupil. Askenootow (Charles Pratt), later a

CMS catechist at Touchwood Hills, was a classmate of Budd's in 1824. Although 25 Russell Smandych and Anne McGillivray, "Images of Aboriginal Childhood: Contested Governance in the Canadian West to 1850," in Empire and Others : British Encounters with Indigenous Peoples, 1600-1850, ed. M. J. Daunton (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 238-59. 26 West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, 150. 27 Ibid., 96. 28 George Harbidge to the CMS, 1 July 1824, CMS A, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 44

Map 1.2 Red River Settlement, c. 1858

By mid-century the Red River Colony was organized into a system of Catholic and Protestant parishes. While Budd attended school at St. John's in the 1820s, he was later married and owned property in St. Andrew's Parish to the northeast. Source: based on Henry Yould Hind's 1858 Map of Red River and "Attested Copy of Register B List of Land Grants & Lot Numbers (1812-1870)," Provincial Archive of Manitoba, MG 2 C 12 M 169. 45

the 1824 school report states that Pratt "will soon speak good English," Pratt's own writing from later in his life suggests that he was not nearly as fluent in the different rates at which students absorbed English was a function of upbringing. As the report stated, the "two boys from the vicinity of the Rocky

Mountains [with little exposure to English] make much slower progress in learning than those who arrived from the neighbourhood of York." The reason for this, argued the schoolteacher, was the difficulty Aboriginal students from beyond the region of Hudson's Bay had "in acquiring the English pronunciations."

Besides literacy, Sakachuwescum and his classmates were also "inured to the cultivation of the soil" and "instructed in the knowledge of agriculture" so that, in the future, they "will be naturally led to the culture of the field as a means of subsistence... [and] will become stationary...."31 To teach cultivation, John

West "allotted a small piece of ground for each child, and divided the different compartments with a wicker fence," instructing each student to care for and develop their own plot of land.32 West reported that Sakachuwescum and his classmates took "great delight in their gardens" while claiming that the "use of bow was not forgotten" at school, explaining that the children were "engaged in hunting" as part of their education;33 however, there is little evidence that these hunting skills were integrated into the education to the same degree as agriculture.

2y William Garrioch to the Secretary CMS, 26 July 1827, CMSA, Mission Book 1822- 1834.CC1/M/2. 30 Ibid., 150. 31 Ibid., 150. 32 Ibid., 150. 33 Ibid., 91. 46

Sakachuwescum was also introduced to new concepts of time and gender at the school. The schedule laid-out by West and his schoolteacher, punctuated by the ringing of the church bell, attempted, like the factory bell in industrial Britain, to remake the meaning of time for the students.34 Although no records survive outlining the schedule of West's school, it is probable that West and other mission schoolteachers scheduled each day and week into segments spent in the classroom, in the gardens, eating, sleeping and attending church. For these children, raised in hunter-gatherer bands where clock-time and bells were absent, the disciplining of time at the school meant a significant change in lifestyle. Later in his life, when he identified more closely with a settled agrarianism than with a migratory hunting lifestyle, Sakachuwescum would become attached to the idea of schedules and clock-time. On establishing his residences at The Pas and

Nipowewin, for instance, he not only had a clock in his house,35 but also used his journal to record each day and each week as a series of events governed by a prearranged schedule based on clock- time. Sunday's schedule was the center piece of each week. A journal entry from a Sunday in 1860 recorded the following:

March 4th: Sunday. In the Morning I held prayers at the usual hour 7 A.M. and at 9 we assembled the children for school. My daughter Elizabeth assisting me. And at 11 O'clock A.M. we had just got ready for the Morning Service.. ,36

E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London: Gollancz, 1963), 443-4. 35 By 1856 Budd had a clock in his house. See Budd, Journal, 5 February, 1856, CMSA, North-West Mission, Original Letters and Papers of Rev. Henry Budd, 1850-1875, CCl/O/12. 36 Budd, Journal, 4 March, 1860, CMSA, CCl/O/12. This Sunday, as nearly all Sunday's in Sakachuwescum's later life, was based on a schedule he first learned at West's school: morning prayers followed by Sunday school, followed by a service; later in the day there would be an evening service and prayer meeting.

The gendered nature of the school at Red River was made equally clear to Sakachuwescum. The boys, according to West, would be taught to

"see the advantage of making gardens, cultivating soil, so as not to be exposed to hunger and starvation... [while] the little girls would be taught to knit and make article of clothing to wear, like those white people wore."37 It was hoped that the girls could then work as domestic servants and/or marry one of the boys from the mission school and help maintain a small farm or mission. When Sakachuwescum's sister started at the school she was trained in the same scripture and language classes as her brother but instead of farming, she was taught domestic skills (cleaning and cooking) in the hope that she and the other girls at the school "might be

TO useful in that department." As with clock-time, Sakachuwescum would eventually incorporate these gender constructions into his own life. By the

1850s not only would he employ "girls" from Red River to do domestic work in his home,39 but he would also develop specific hopes for his sons

(to be missionaries) and daughters (to marry missionaries) based on

West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, 103-4. 38 Harbidge to Secretary of the CMS, 1 July 1824, CMSA, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 39 Budd notes the presence of a servant girl in his journal. See Budd, Journal, 13 December 1855, and 26 May 1859, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 48 patterns of femininity and masculinity introduced to him at the mission school.40

While Sakachuwescum was recognized as a strong student in literacy and generally considered obedient by his teachers he, like his classmates, resisted absorbing the spiritual teachings of the school. That he never convinced his teacher he had converted to Christianity suggests that even Sakachuwescum, described as the "most amiable" of the school's students, resisted the complete change that the school hoped to produce in the children.41 Indeed,

Sakachuwescum's lack of conversion while at school is evidence of what Rev.

William Cockran observed with frustration of all the mission students in the

1820s: "They [the children] are perfectly satisfied with us: they look up to us for the supply of all their wants, and consider us their adopted parents: and every boy seems willing to reside with us: but they are Indian still."42 Sakachuwescum's specific resistance to conversion is evident in the way he was described by his teachers. The 1824 school report states that, for all the progress displayed by

Sakachuwescum and Pemuteuithinew, "It is much regretted that nothing [of] faith can be stated of these two fine boys...."43 Likewise, the 1827 report declared that,

Budd expresses his hopes for his children at various times throughout his life. Remarking on the death of his last surviving son, Budd remarked, "I had educated all [the boys] with a view for the church." See Budd Journal, 17 March 1874, CMSA CCl/O/12. His favorite daughter, Elizabeth, married Henry Cochrane, indigenous missionary at St. Peter's and later at The Pas. 41 Harbidge to the Secretary of the CMS, 1 July 1824, CMSA, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 42 William Cockran to Secretary of the CMS, 30 July 1827, cited in George van der Goes Ladd, "Going-up-the-Hill: The Journey of Henry Budd," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society XXXIII, no. 1: 20. 43 Harbidge to the Secretary of the CMS, 1 July 1824, CMSA, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 49

the older boys [Sakachuwescum and Pemuteuithinew] are.. .acquiring some head knowledge in divine things [and].. .it would be a most pleasing task to relate that a work of grace was evidently making similar advances in their hearts to what knowledge is doing in their heads, but nothing has appeared hitherto to gratify me in giving such animation [ill?]4

Sakachuwescum's resistance to the English language was likely the reason he failed to display the signs of faith for which his schoolteachers were hoping.

Sakachuwescum was taught to read scripture and pray in English and likewise heard all religious discussions and sermons in what he later dismissed as a

"foreign tongue."45 While Sakachuwescum was able and willing to learn new skills, and even a new language, he and his classmates seemed to resist absorbing a new religious text and worldview that was communicated to them in what they saw as a "foreign tongue." It is likely that Sakachuwescum and his classmates saw converting to Christianity as associated with a change in language and identity that would alienate them too much from their past lives in Native bands. When

Budd began his own mission work in the 1850s he was adamant about conducting religious services and religious discussions in Cree. Not only did he feel that preaching in an "Indian language" helped people understand Christianity, he also felt it stopped prejudicial responses to missionaries from prospective converts.

For Sakachuwescum and his classmates and his future converts, language and identity were intimately connected.

What set Sakachuwescum's experience at the school apart from his classmates', and the reason his later life was somewhat exceptional, was the close

44 William Garrioch to the Secretary of the CMS, 26 July 1827, CMSA, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 45 Budd, Journal, 29 December 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 50 relationship he developed with the people and community of the CMS at Red

River. While the initial separation from his mother and his journey to Red River in John West's care in 1820 at the age of eight has rightly been described by at least one scholar as traumatic for Sakachuwescum,4 in the mid 1820s by the time he was 12 years old, he seemed to have found a sense of Home and family at the school that included both his kin-relations and members of the CMS. John West and Wash-e-soo-E'Squaw were crucial in helping Sakachuwescum construct this new sense of Home at the CMS school. After two years at the school,

Sakachuwescum considered John West a father-figure and was extremely distraught when West was sent back to England in 1822. According to

Sakachuwescum's teacher, the boy was "much attached to Mr. West, felt much on his departure [to England] and wept on his being told of his [West's] not returning

[from England]."47 Sakachuwescum would maintain this relationship with West into the 1840s, writing to West at one point to thank him for "gathering me with the rest of my fellows from the Wilderness for the purpose of education & cultivating our minds with sound religious truths, the benefits of which I for one do feel to this day."48

Complementing this close relationship with West was the arrival of

Sakachuwescum's mother and sister at the school in 1823. Employed as a matron at the school, Wash-e-Soo-E'Squaw reaffirmed for Sakachuwescum the

Goes Ladd, "Going-up-the-Hill: The Journey of Henry Budd." 47 Harbidge to the Secretary of the CMS, 1 July 1824, CMSA, Mission Book 1822-1834, CC1/M/2. 48 Henry Budd to John West, 13 August 1843, Ecclesiastical of Rupert's Land, P337 - 1002, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg (henceforth cited as ERL). 51 importance of the CMS to his own family and his sense of community.49 By the time the teacher George Harbidge made his report about the school in 1824,

Wash-e-Soo-E'Squaw, Sakachuwescum and Sakachuwescum's sister,

Nehougatime, were all living at the mission, treating the establishment as their new residence and family home. By the late 1820s, the CMS, its people and ideas, were Budd's Home, the place where he "knew himself best."

The community connection Sakachuwescum felt toward the CMS was also informed by his baptism in 1822. Sakachuwescum's baptism was a rite of passage that was meant to mark his transformation from a "heathen" to a

Christian boy and formalize his relationship to the CMS.50 Renamed after John

West's English friend and mentor, Henry Budd of White Roding, England, the baptism also gave the boy strong, if imagined, kinship ties to what

Sakachuwescum/Budd would later call "the CMSociety." Undergoing the ceremony when he did, also meant the Christian baptism supplanted the Cree initiation ritual of the Vision Quest which Sakachuwescum may have undertaken had he been living outside the mission context.51 Thus, the baptism at once displaced Budd's past by renaming him and superseding the potential for him to complete a Vision Quest, and presented him with a new future where the CMS, not his band, was his Home.

Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd," 169. 50 Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. Monika Vizedom and Gabrielle Caffee (London: Routledge & Paul, 1960), 2-3. 51 Jennifer S. H. Brown and Robert Brightman, eds., "The Orders of the Dreamed": George Nelson on Cree and Northern Ojibwa Religion and Myth, 1823 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1988), 138-40. 52

Committed Member of "God's House"

After finishing school at St. John's in the late 1820s, Henry Budd took up employment in the HBC, first at the Red River Colony and later as a servant at

Lac La Pluie. When Budd returned to Red River in 1835 after his years in the

Company, David Jones, the missionary who replaced John West, wrote of Budd,

This was the first lad Mr. West obtained as an inmate of the Indian School. He has been many years in the Company's service & has much improved since he left us [and returned to Red River].. .He bore the best character while in the service & since his return to the settlement has borne...the name of a steady & pious young man.52

Budd explained his return to Red River after only three years of service in the HBC as a result of the Church's pull. As one acquaintance noted: Budd

"longed for the privileges of God's house, and wished to settle at 'The Rapids' on the Red River where he knew he should find a missionary settlement.. .."53

Emfemie Ikenga-Metuh notes there are stages to a person's conversion experience: initially people affiliate themselves with a new religious tradition while not necessarily changing their worldview, and only later, as the result of inner motivations, do people undergo what he calls a change of conviction, leading to a profound transformation of lifestyle and religious identity. This shift from affiliation to conviction signifies a watershed in a convert's life, suggests

Ikenga-Metuh.54 Sometime between 1832 and 1835, while he laboured in the

Hudson's Bay Company, Henry Budd seemed to make this shift, moving himself from a member of the Christian church to a committed follower of "God's house."

52 David Jones, Journal, 17 May 1837, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2 53 Pettipas, The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd, 1870-1875, xix. 54 Ikenga-Metuh, "The Shattered Microcosm: A Critical Survey of Explanations of Conversion in Africa," 19-20. 53

Despite his schoolboy resistance to conversion, by the 1830s, Henry Budd was "a steady & pious young man" and a devout Christian.

Budd's turn toward Christianity was partly a way to escape his other main option, a career in the fur trade. Upon leaving the mission school in the late

1820s, Budd's opportunities were limited. Because the CMS had yet to initiate its

Native Church Policy, there was no employment for Budd with the CMS. David

Jones, fearing that Budd and his classmates would be unable to withstand the

"temptations" of their families, suggested the children practice "some useful trade by which they may be able to gain a livelihood" in Red River.55 Budd followed this advice, working both on his own plot of land near St. Andrew's and as a general labourer for the HBC;56 he was subsequently employed by the HBC at

Fort Francis in the Lac La Pluie region, working as a general laborer or

"servant."57 Work as a servant in the HBC was physically demanding, and as a

Company servant with a comparatively high level of education who had spent the previous 12 years in the relatively settled colony of Red River, life in the HBC must have been particularly challenging and very isolating for Budd. Because of the status-conscious hierarchy of the HBC, any literate HBC officers at the post would have had little interest in conversing with a Cree servant like Budd.58 Stuck

David Jones to the Secretaries [of the CMS], [n.d.] July 1827, CMSA Mission Book, 1822-34, CMS A CC1/M/1. 56 Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd." 116. 57 See Map 1.1. For information on Budd's service in the HBC see Hudson's Bay Company Archive, biographical sheet on Henry Budd: http://www.gov.mb.ca/chc/archives/hbca/biographical/b/budd_henry.pdf 58 For descriptions of life in a fur trade post see Payne, The Most Respectable Place in the Territory Everyday Life in Hudson's Bay Company Service, York Factory, 1788 to 1870; Edith 54 in limbo because of his status as an educated servant in the HBC, Budd likely used prayer and written texts, and almost certainly a Bible, to cope with the isolation at Lac La Pluie. He may have attended Sunday services at the HBC post, although there is no evidence of this. Aside from prayers and readings, it is likely that the world Budd encountered outside Red River, particularly the various

Ojibwe rituals and conjuring practices he may have seen near Lac La Pluie, fueled his move toward the mission at Red River. Having been taught, since he was eight years old, that conjuring "is the invention of men" and therefore a false religion,

Budd may have used his encounters with conjuring to clarify in his own mind why he was "Christian" and how he differed from other, "heathen" Indians.59

There is no detailed record of Budd's conversion or decision to take work as a CMS schoolteacher after his years in the HBC. Writings from later in his life suggest Budd recognized that conversion was a difficult and critical moment in a

Christian's life, marking a key moment of change and discontinuity. In 1853, for instance, Budd insisted that his own nephew, Peter Erasmus, should not train to be a missionary unless he was fully committed to the church. According to Erasmus,

Budd repeatedly said that "Peter must make up his own mind" about whether he wanted to commit to the church, telling Erasmus at one time, "your decision [to work for the church] must be of your own free will."60 In the early 1850s Budd likewise noted that conversion "is a rather bold step for them [the Indians] - to confess openly before hundreds of heathens, that they renounce heathenism and

Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company: Work, Discipline, and Conflict in the Hudson's Bay Company, 1770-1879 (Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 1997). 59 Budd, Journal, 10 September 1852, CMS A, CCl/O/12. 60 Peter Erasmus, Buffalo Days and Nights, ed. Irene Spry (Calgary: Glenbow-Alberta Institute, 1976), 6-7. 55

embrace Xtianity... ."61 By the mid-1830s Budd had made this bold step. While

other classmates followed Budd into HBC service, particularly James Hope and

Charles Pratt, Budd was the first to leave the HBC and turn to the CMS, and one

of the few to remain closely connected with the Society for the rest of his life.

Soon after returning to Red River, Budd confirmed his links to the CMS by marrying Elizabeth Work, a member of the Anglican community in the colony.

The daughter of senior HBC officer John Work and an unnamed "Native

woman," Elizabeth's life was like that of many metis daughters of HBC officers

at the time.63 Born in about 1821 at either Fort Severn or Island Lake House near the coast of Hudson's Bay, Elizabeth was raised in Red River under the

supervision of missionaries.M Within a few years of her birth, her father, John

Work, had left the Hudson Bay coast to take up work in the Columbia District, effectively "turning off' his relationship to Elizabeth's mother.65 Although he continued to support Elizabeth, like most HBC officers in the 1820s, John Work realized that if he wanted to provide his daughter with a viable future in the

61 Budd, Journal, 13 May 1853, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 62 Pratt eventually renewed his connection to the CMS in 1848 but Hope never returned to the CMS fold. Winona Stevenson, "The Church Missionary Society Red River Mission and the Emergence of a Native Ministry 1820-1860, With a Case Study of Charles Pratt of Touchwood Hills" (University of British Columbia, 1988), 79-80. See also HBCA biographical sheet for James Hope. Accessed online: http://www.gov,mb.ca/chc/archives/hbca/biographical/h/hope james.pdf 63 Elizabeth's early life has been misrepresented by several previous studies of Henry Budd as being the daughter of John Work and a Spokan woman, Josette Legace. See, for instance, Frank Peake, "Henry Budd and His Colleagues," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society XXIII, no. 1: 23-39; den Otter, "Entering the Christian world: indigenous missionaries in Rupert's Land"; Pettipas, The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd, 1870-1875. 64 John Work was posted to both Fort Severn and Island Lake House in the early 1820s (when Elizabeth was born). It seems very likely Elizabeth was born at one of these two posts. E. E. Rich, ed., The Letters of John McLoughlinfrom Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee: First Series, 1825-38, Repr. ed. (Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1968), 356-7. 65 Ibid. 56

Northwest, he had to give her a Christian, English education.66 Metis women in the 1820s, unlike in previous years, could no longer rely on their status as daughters of officers to attract husbands and secure their future, they needed to instead attend mission-run schools and learn the "manners and morals of young

Victorian ladies" in order to become desirable wives.67 Recognizing this, Work arranged for Elizabeth to go to Red River in the mid-1820s.68 Once at Red River,

Elizabeth was baptized (in August 1826), and presumably placed in the care of the

CMS.69 Thus, from the late-1820s onward, Elizabeth was separated from her parents, but connected to the CMS at Red River.

By the 1830s, Elizabeth's status in the Colony was based on two things, her father's position as an officer in the HBC, and her own education in the CMS system. These traits made her an ideal partner for someone like Budd; and, while her experience as a child born outside Red River who relocated to the colony for schooling may have helped her relate to Henry, it was likely their shared relationship to the church that precipitated their marriage. Elizabeth was about 16 on her wedding day; her husband was 24. Not only did the marriage conform to the norms of Red River society in the mid-1830s, it also provided

Budd with an excellent resource for his future mission work: Elizabeth was able

See "Baptisms solemnized in the territory of Hudson's Bay, [c. 1826]," HBCA, E.4/la, Fo. 6Id. 67 Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties, 145. 68 Budd, Journal, June 29 1858, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 69 "Baptisms solemnized in the territory of Hudson's Bay, [c. 1826]," HBCA, E.4/la, Fo. 61d. 70 Elizabeth was "taken from her [mother]..." in the mid-1820s Budd later wrote. See Budd, Journal, 29 June 1858, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 57 to speak Cree and English fluently and could maintain a missionary's home.71

Commenting on the marriage, one CMS missionary noted Elizabeth's good standing as the "daughter of one of the Company's officers"; John Work, meanwhile, gave Henry Budd a £100 dowry showing that he too supported the union, even if he had not seen his daughter since she was a child.

Budd's employment in the 1830s echoed his marriage choice. With the streamlining of the HBC in 1821, fur-trade posts were closing and former employees (and their families) were moving to Red River from throughout the

Northwest. This migration changed Red River in significant ways; most importantly, it created a large, fairly sedentary community at Red River organized into a system of parishes centered on either a Protestant or Catholic church (see

Map 1.2).74 With these parishes came the demand for schoolteachers, preferably ones who identified with Christianity and who would be able to relate to the metis children attending the schools. Budd fit this need nicely. Within a year of leaving the HBC, he was employed at the CMS's Upper Church School (St. John's

Parish), teaching his students literacy skills and basic arithmetic. His decision to live at St. Andrew's Parish brought him even closer to the CMS, and again drew praise from CMS missionaries, one of whom noted that Budd had "a lot of land &

71 As recent work makes clear, wives of missionaries were intricately involved in the work of the mission, particularly as teachers to female students. Clare Midgley, "Can Women Be Missionaries? Envisioning Female Agency in the Early Nineteenth-Century British Empire," Journal of British Studies 45, no. 2 (2006): 335-58. 72 David Jones, Journal, 17 May 1837, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2. 73 Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd." 190. 74 Ens, Homeland to Hinterland, chap. 1. 75 Robert Courts, The Road to the Rapids: Nineteenth-Century Church and Society at St. Andrew's Parish, Red River (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2000), 160. 58 a good house in a state of forwardness in the vicinity of the Grand Rapids."76 That

Budd was described as a "settler" in 1839 is further evidence of how perceptions of Budd had changed since his days as a mission school student who "had a thoughtful turn of mind" but displayed "nothing [of] faith."77 By the 1830s, Budd was no longer the orphan boy John West had obtained from Norway House and transported to Red River; he was now a Christian man with a range of language and life skills and close ties to the CMS. His goal now was to use his new position as a schoolteacher to make the religion and the CMS community he knew so well relevant to other Aboriginal people in the Northwest.

"Religious Adventurer"

Budd's first opportunity to make Christianity meaningful to Natives outside Red River came in 1840 when he was made schoolmaster of the

Cumberland mission. The CMS's first station outside Red River, Cumberland

(later Devon) mission was originally located at the HBC's Cumberland House post; it was later moved to the site of an old French trading post at The Pas, southeast of Cumberland (see Map 1.3). CMS missionary William Cockran explained that to start a mission in such an isolated area of the Northwest, the

CMS needed a "religious adventurer" who was willing and able to perform the difficult physical labour of establishing a post and talking to potential converts.78

Budd, more than any other CMS employee at the time, had these qualities: as

76 David Jones, Journal, 17 May 1837, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M2/1. 77 HBCA, E.4/la fo. 163 cited in biographical sheet of Henry Budd, prepared by HBCA. 78 William Cockran to Secretary of the CMS, 7 August 1839, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2. 59

Cockran explained to a superior in England, "we appointed him [Budd to

Cumberland] because he is a Native of that quarter, and understands the language, he will therefore act as Interpreter to the Missionary."79 Two years later Cockran elaborated on Budd's suitability for Cumberland, explaining that besides his language skills, Budd had the physical ability needed to carry-out the necessary work of "building houses, making farms, rearing cattle, and managing all their concerns prudently...." These were all skills Budd would need during his ten year posting to Cumberland as a schoolmaster. On departing for the Cumberland

Q 1 district in the summer of 1840, Budd, accompanied by his wife and mother, was given instructions to "collect some children for instruction and to speak to the

Indians on the subject of our Mission." Budd's own interests were similar: he wanted to bring the CMS to the "Natives of that quarter" by making Christianity relevant to their lives. Once at The Pas, Budd set up a day school for children, held church services, ran a school for adults every Sunday, and began cultivating a small farm near his home.83 The day school, operating four hours a day, taught children English and scripture. To attract and retain students, Budd - with the help of his wife, mother and supporters in Britain - provided the children with clothing and two meals a

79 William Cockran to Secretary of the CMS, 6August 1840, CMS A, Mission Book 1834- 1842,CCl/M/2. 80 William Cockran to Secretary of the CMS, 9 August 1842, CMSA, Mission Book 1842-1845, CC1/M/3. 81 William Cockran to Secretary of the CMS 17 Junel840, CMSA, Mission Book 1834- 1842, CC1/M/2. See also, Beaumont, "Origins and Influences: The Family Ties of the Reverend Henry Budd," 172. 82 William Cockran to Secretary of the CMS, 6 August 1840, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2. 83 John Smithurst, Report of Cumberland House, August 1841, CMSA, Mission Book 1832-1842, CC1/M/2. day. While most students lived with their parents, and were thus removed from school periodically during hunting and trapping seasons, some 13 students were

"lodged" at the school, although Budd wished more students could be separated from their parents and live fulltime at the school: "if they [the children] were kept

Of from their parents they would be manageable," he wrote in 1841. While the school targeted the children, Budd's farm was used to attract the parents to the mission and its message. Budd reported he had two cows at the mission and enjoyed a harvest of 20 kegs of potatoes and four bushels of wheat.86 By 1844 he was planting barley and using an ox to plow the fields. While fishing and trading with Indians supplemented Budd's diet, he continued to emphasize farming in his daily mission work, using his farm both as a source of food and a way to model a lifestyle he hoped the Indians would follow. The activities on Sunday were used by Budd to teach children and parents alike about scripture and the ideology of original sin. A typical Sunday in the early 1840s at The Pas began with morning prayers before breakfast followed by a public service and a Sunday school for parents and children; later in the day there was an evening meeting followed by hymn singing for the children; the day ended with "religious conversations with the old."87

Henry Budd Answers to Questions relative to Cumberland House Station, August 1841, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2 85 Ibid. 86 Henry Budd Answers to Questions Relative to Cumberland House Station, 1843, CMSA, Mission Book 1842-1845, CC1/M/3. 87 Henry Budd Answers to Questions Relative to Cumberland House Station, August 1841, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2. 61

Map 1.3 The British Northwest c. 1860

_Note the Red River Colony in the bottom right of the map, and Nipowewin (Nepwewin) and Devon missions in large print. Most of the Catholic and Protest mission stations were situated in or near the Saskatchewan River Valley. Source: based on The Church Missionary Atlas: Containing an Account of the Various Countries in Which the Church Missionary Society Labours and of Its Missionary Operations. 8th ed. London: The Church Missionary Society, 1896 62

Even if children and adults were resistant to some aspects of Budd's message, it was difficult for them to ignore all his methods. Each person at The

Pas responded to Budd's mission with their own interests and needs in mind; some saw material benefits in having Budd at The Pas, while others identified with the spiritual and educational benefits of the mission. Parents, for example, sent their children to school for diverse reasons. As Budd explained,

I think that most of them [the parents] are really desirous of having their children instructed because they wish to be instructed themselves, though there are others who are willing to send their children to school, who do not manifest a wish to know, and serve the living and true God. Of these I cannot say whether they are induced to send them [their children] to school because they get food and clothing for them. My opinion is that some of them do because they do not send them as regular now... when they can find their food every where.88

On the whole, convincing the Cree at The Pas to accept all the messages of

Christianity and a settled agrarian lifestyle proved difficult for Budd. Most of the people were comfortable following a mixed-economy migratory lifestyle, combining work on the HBC boats in the summer and various hunting and trapping activities during the rest of the year. Skeptical of the benefits of a sedentary life and of Budd's ideas about individual sin and redemption, several

Cree at The Pas ignored Budd's message while others actively tried to have Budd removed from the area. In 1844, for example, Budd was forced to deal with complaints lodged against him by Indians (and likely the HBC) that he was "not feeding the school children properly." While Budd acknowledged that the people complained that he did not give them enough, only a minority of people

1U1U. Henry Budd to John Smithurst, 2 January 1844, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 63 actively resisted his mission.90 Budd speculated that the HBC was inciting some

Natives to resist the mission: "there must be some slander influenced by the

HBCo" wrote Budd, "that has been trying to prejudice the minds of the Indians respecting us, with regard to putting their children to the school."91 In his defense,

Budd explained that the schoolchildren are "as well provided for as ever I was when I was a school Boy like themselves even at R.R. where plenty could be had...."92

More often, Budd complained that while some Indians listened to his teachings, many were "still halting between two opinions [of Christianity and

"heathenism"] not knowing which to pursue." On the whole, Budd struggled to build a robust community of Native Christians at The Pas in the early 1840s.

Years later, he recalled that at first his only ally at The Pas was a freeman named

John Turner.94 As Budd remembered, Turner "kindly sheltered me & my property from the Indians."95 These memories suggest Budd initially had little success at

The Pas, and even felt threatened by the Indians he was meant to serve. As Budd wrote to John West in 1843, "the Lord is pleased to bless me and mine, though we are quite alone.. .no body but Indians around us."96

90 Ibid. 91 Ibid. 92 Ibid. 93 Henry Budd Answers to Questions Relative to Cumberland House Station, August 1841, CMSA, Mission Book 1834-1842, CC1/M/2. 94 Budd Journal, 2 April 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 95 Ibid and Budd, Journal, 26 June 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 96 Budd to John West 13 August 1843, ERL, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, P337 - 1002. 64

The 1840s: Supervised Translator

Budd worked for 10 years as schoolteacher at The Pas/Devon mission before being ordained in 1850. Although he was alone at Devon for the first four

of these years, by 1844, James Hunter, later a leading figure in the CMS in the

Red River, became missionary-in-charge of Devon. With Hunter's arrival Budd

lost a degree of independence. Immediately after Hunter's arrival, Budd's school

teaching was curtailed and he was put to work sawing wood for the building of

the mission house for the Hunters.97 In 1846, Budd, and the other Native teacher

at the station, James Settee, were still doing manual labour having collected "3000

planks and boards" by the summer of 1846.98 Neither Budd nor Settee enjoyed this work. Settee was sharp in his complaints, stating the Indians of The Pas were

missing out on schooling because he and Budd were forced to collect wood.

The Indians is [sic] complaining on me and Henry, but what can we do, not even Saturday but must be devoted to labour and leave our Heathen brethren uninstructed.. .is this [wood cutting] what the Church Missionary Society wishes us to do, and be employed about [?].. .The Indian remarks 'we have been taught by the fur trader how to use an axe, and the use of other utensils but we want to be taught the word of God.' ... .Henry and I are advocating for Saturday [schooling] but without speed as yet...99

Budd was more diplomatic in voicing his complaints. As Budd wrote to a

superior, "...we hope this winter will do a great deal toward getting all the wood

y' James Hunter to Secretary of the CMS, 23 July 1845, CMSA, CCl/O/35. 98 James Hunter, Report of the Cumberland Station for the year ending August 1 1846, CMSA Mission Book 1845-1850, CC1/M/4. 99 James Settee to James Cook, 7 October 1846, CMSA Mission Book 1845-1850, CC1/M/4. 65 required for the Church and then it is to be kept that we shall have more time to keep school more regularly."100

What Budd, and Settee to a lesser extent, gained from Hunter was the practice of creating accurate Cree translations of religious texts. From the moment he arrived at The Pas, James Hunter was obsessed with making translations101 and finding a way to "fix the language" by creating an orthography for Cree words that followed the rules in the "The Standard Alphabet of the Society" published by the CMS.102 By 1850, Hunter was making detailed comments on the complexities of the language: "The Cree is a verbal language" he wrote to CMS secretary Henry Venn, "abounding in particles and compound words. The whole turn of a sentence in many ways depends upon the inflected part of the verb...."

Furthermore, he added, "There is an element in the language which is expressed differently by different tribes of Crees, some expressing it by th others by n, y, I, and r.. .Among the Plains Indians which I believe is the pure Cree y is used."10

Hunter's understanding of these subtleties depended to a large extent on Budd's willingness to help him learn the language. Hunter recognized that Budd ".. .is a very good interpreter and Indian Speaker, perhaps the best in the country [whose skills]...greatly aid me in my work."105

Possibly in response to his own discomfort with English-language religious services as a child, Budd was happy to devote vast amounts of his time

100 Henry Budd to William Cockran, 31 December 1847, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 101 James Hunter, Report of the Cumberland Mission for the year ending August 1 1845, CMSA, Mission Book 1842-1845, CC1/M/3. 102 James Hunter to Henry Venn, 30 July 1850, CMSA, Mission Book 1850-1855, CC1/M/5. 103 Ibid. 104 Ibid. 1 James Hunter to Henry Venn, 9 August 1849, CMSA, CC1/M/4. to helping Hunter translate sermons, psalms, prayers, religious books and portions of the New and Old Testaments.106 By the 1850s, Budd was telling superiors that the lack of translations was, in Budd's words, the "greatest obstacle" to the growth of the church in the Northwest, and his journals from the early 1850s are scattered with remarks about the need to translate and use Cree in mission work.107 In February 1851, for instance, Budd recorded his success in "praying with them [the Indians] in a language they understand," and that entire weeks were "devoted altogether to translations."109 Also in 1851, Budd began conducting services with commentary in an attempt to teach his followers the meaning of the prayers. Budd's hope was that, "though they [the Indians] are not able to read our translations in the Cree language, they will at the least be able to repeat the responses with the Ministers according [to] the Rubric in the Common

Prayer Book."110 Translation and teaching the services, Budd felt, were vital ways to make Christianity more relevant for his Cree congregations. Because he could speak Cree and English, he realized he was particularly well-placed to produce these translations and teachings and encourage people to join his community at the mission.

While his tutelage under Hunter was important, it was always framed by a

CMS hierarchy that positioned the Native schoolteacher below the European missionary. Hunter happily accepted Budd's help in this work but he also limited

106 Budd, Journal, 1850-2, and Budd to John Smithurst, 8 August 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 107 Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 December 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 108 Budd, Journal, 11 February 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 109 Budd, Journal, 12 July 1851, and 26 July 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 67

Budd's independence at the station and dismissed Budd's ability to complete accurate translations, explaining at one point that "Mr. Budd is a great help to me in my translations but unfortunately he does not understand much of the Grammar

[of Cree]....""' Although Budd's ordination gave him some standing in this CMS hierarchy, he would never be considered an equal by men like Hunter. What his ordination did give Budd was a better opportunity to attain his main goal of making Christianity and the CMS more relevant to Cree-speakers.

Ordination

The CMS initiated Budd's final move to ordination. By the late 1840s, as

Budd worked under Hunter's instruction, proponents of the CMS's new Native

Church Policy in England eagerly sought candidates for the Native ministry in the

Northwest. Henry Budd fit their needs perfectly and in the summer of 1850 he was hand-picked by the Bishop of Rupert's Land, David Anderson, to be one of the six "free students" attending the newly established St. John's Collegiate at

Red River. The Bishop's Collegiate was meant to serve all residents of Red

in

River and train Aboriginal schoolteachers for the priesthood. Enrolled in a course of divinity studies at the college in 1850 along with Budd were several other Native schoolteachers, including Robert MacDonald, Peter Jacobs and

Budd's eldest son.114 Henry Budd was clearly the leader in the group. The oldest

111 James Hunter to Henry Venn, 30 July 1850, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 112 Bishop Anderson to Henry Venn, 22 November 1849, cited in CMS, Information Just Received from the Lord Bishop of Rupert's Land, CMSA, circular VI, Pamphlet 58, GA/Z/1. 113 CMS, Information Just Received from the Lord Bishop of Rupert's Land CMSA, circular VI, Pamphlet 58, GA/Z/1. 114 Frank A. Peake, "Henry Budd and His Colleagues" Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society (April, 1991): 31. 68 student, he was chosen as the college's first librarian and quickly moved through the program, becoming, in December 1850, the first of the students to be ordained.115

For Budd, attending St. John's and becoming ordained marked a continuation not a change. These events signified what he had known since at least the mid-1830s: the Church and the CMS was the central feature of his life, and he wanted to spend his life in this Church-based community and encourage others to join this community. Writing to a London-based CMS administrator in

1851, Budd explained his gratitude at being "singled out from my race of pagan countrymen" for ordination. As Budd observed, "scarcely another of the Society's converts" had been as intimately connected with the CMS "for upwards of 30 years. ...""6 Recording the ordination in his journal, Budd recognized the responsibility that came with this place in the Society.

I cannot well describe what I felt, indeed I have no language to express it fully. I felt willing to do anything, or even endure any trial, if I may but win my poor countrymen to the knowledge of Christ and his great Salvation. If ever I felt anything like one who really feels his responsibility, I did feel it there and then.117

While Budd reveled in his connections to the CMS and his responsibilities to "my poor countrymen," he also knew that his language skills made him different from the European CMS missionaries in the Northwest. Three days after his ordination, for instance, Budd gave a sermon at the Upper Church that "brought a

115 J. M. Bumsted, St. John's College: Faith and Education in Western Canada (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2006). 116 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 6 August 1851, CMSA, Mission Book 1850- 1855, CCl/M/5. 117 Budd, Journal, 22 December 1850, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 69

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Used with permission 70

large number of people together, Indians, halfbreeds, and even the Scotch

[Presbyterians] to witness the preaching of the gospel of Christ for the first time in

110 that Church in a Native language." After the service a Christian Indian was

waiting for Budd outside the church. The man told Budd that "he had come from

the neighbourhood of The Rapids, hearing that there were to be a sermon

preached here this afternoon in a language that he could understand and that

he felt thankful he came because he feels that he has not come here in vain."1'

While Budd enjoyed notoriety in Red River, he was challenged, and often

resisted by most Indians he would visit across the Northwest. At the heart of these

challenges was the reluctance on the part of many Aboriginals to accept

Christianity and settle in agricultural communities. Budd felt strongly that

Aboriginal people had to change their economic practices, particularly their

dependence on a migratory hunting-trapping lifestyle. Not only would this change

in economy help them convert to Christianity, it would also give them a stable

lifestyle. While Budd's own journey from band to church-community was a

reason Budd felt so strongly about the need for economic changes, the new

context of the Northwest after the 1850s also convinced Budd of the need for

Aboriginals to change their economic practices.

"Teach them to get their livelihood from the soil"

Beginning in the 1850s a constellation of events, including inter-tribal war, disease, the trade of liquor, and the depletion of the buffalo, irrevocably

Budd, Journal, 25 December, 1850, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 71 changed the Aboriginal communities of the Northwest. Sometimes referred to as the "Great Transformation" by historians of the British Northwest, these changes represented one of the most rapid examples of the industrial revolution in human history. While the landscape was generally a pre-industrial Aboriginal-controlled

"commons" until the 1840s, by 1890 it was a space increasingly defined by private property, controlled by the settler-society government of Canada and wedded to the industrial economies of eastern North America and Europe.120

While this period of dramatic change was beneficial to the Canadian nation that eventually absorbed the Northwest in 1870, the changes were detrimental to many of the Aboriginals who lived through it.

Recalling this period of change, Henry Budd's nephew, Peter Erasmus, remembered a conversation he had with Indians in which he was asked to express an opinion about the reasons for the changes in the West during the late nineteenth century. As Erasmus recalled,

[I] emphasized [to the Indians] the weakness of intertribal wars that had decimated their people over the years, the devastating effect of the smallpox, their helplessness in fighting against such unknown diseases, and the debasing effects of the American whiskey traders who had victimized the once-strong people of the southern tribes. [And that] the gradual extinction of the buffalo was caused by their slaughter in the thousands just for their hides in our neighbouring country.121

Erasmus rightly saw the change as a result of a combination of factors. The state of war, maintained between Blackfoot groups and the more easterly Plains Cree

See Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, 3-5.; Irene M. Spry, "The Great Transformation: The Disappearance of the Commons in Western Canada.," in Man and Nature on the Prairies, ed. R.A. Allen (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1976), 21-43 121 Erasmus, Buffalo Days and Nights, 227. 72 since the late 1700s, reached a height in the post-1850 period. Fueled by contestation over resources, first for horses and later for buffalo, these wars created an intense instability within both Blackfoot and Cree bands that only slowed after the Battle of Oldman River in late 1871 .122 Meanwhile, the periodic outbreaks of disease (particularly smallpox, scarlet fever, measles, influenza and whooping cough) combined with a growing use of liquor as a commodity of trade in the 1860s led to mass fatalities and social break-down within many Aboriginal bands.123 The most significant event of this period was the depletion of the buffalo, a staple resource for the Blackfoot and Cree. The dwindling size of the plains herds had been noticed by outsiders as early as 1846 when Father De Smet, a Roman Catholic missionary, confirmed that,

The plains where the buffalo graze are becoming more and more a desert, and at every season's hunt the different Indian tribes find themselves closer together. It is probable that the plains of the Yellowstone and Missouri and as far as the forks of the Saskatchewan.. .will be within the next dozen years the last retreat of the buffalo.124

By the early 1870s the situation was dire. Recalling one of his last hunts, Henry

Budd's nephew, Peter Erasmus, remembered that in 1874, "the buffalo were getting so scarce that it was doubtful if we could come back with full carts or half

122 See John S. Milloy, The Plains Cree: Trade, Diplomacy and War, 1790 to 1870 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1988). 123 See Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade; Ted Binnema, ""With tears, shrieks, and howling of despair": the smallpox epidemic of 1781-1782," in Alberta Formed, Alberta Transformed, ed. Catherine Anne Cavanaugh, Michael Payne, and Donald G. Wetherell (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006), 127. 124 Father De Smet, cited, Milloy, The Plains Cree, 99. 73

loads. There was not the choice we once had." By 1879, the buffalo were

extinct from the Canadian prairies.

The situation further east, amongst the Woodland Cree north and east of

Lake Winnipeg was less dire, although there were still important changes

unfolding during the 1865-75 period. Disease in the area was less common than

on the plains, Buffalo had never been part of the economy or diet, and there was

no protracted inter-tribal war. Yet, there were factors causing instability. Budd's journal entries in January and February 1871-3, for instance, suggests fish stocks

were failing; as Budd noted on January 28, 1873,

I fear the Indians have not caught fish enough for their dinner tomorrow. They have now done with all the whitefish they laid up at the Lake. Their only resource is to fish in the Saskatchewan [River]. The fish in this river do always fail about this time, and all the next month.127

Along with these fish failures, the arrival of free traders at The Pas brought a

steady supply of liquor into the area, although not in the same quantities as

American whiskey traders had succeeded in introducing on the plains. Moreover,

the credit system used by the HBC created a Native economy somewhat

dependent on the HBC, tying the trapper to a particular post and, according to

Frank Tough, making the Indian directly entangled in the global economy of

international fur prices. While the full extent of these changes was still ahead as

Erasmus, Buffalo Days and Nights, 226. 126 Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, 150. 127 Henry Budd, Journal, 28 January, 1871, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 128 Using a system of credit, the HBC outfitted the trapper with the necessary equipment to trap during the fall - thus "crediting" him - in the expectation that the same trapper would return to the post in the late winter with enough furs to pay-off that credit. See Frank Tough, As Their Natural Resources Fail: Native Peoples and the Economic History of Northern Manitoba, 1870-1930 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1996), 17. 74

Budd began his career as a missionary in 1850, Budd was certainly aware that the number of buffalo was shrinking and the livelihoods of Aboriginals both on the plains and in the woodland areas were on the verge of a significant change.

Budd's passionate arguments with a Plains Cree man in 1851 reveal

Budd's awareness of these issues and his desire to use missions to create a better situation for Aboriginals. As Budd explains in his journal, the man voiced skepticism about Christianity and missionaries. The man charged that,

the whitemen are not doing them [the Indians] any good, but rather harm, the best way for them to do [sic] is to prevent the Company from trading on their land, and also the Praying people [missionaries], for they would soon kill and eat up their animals, for they are already getting few, and leave nothing for their children after them....129

Budd's reply was clear. Arguing that missionaries were the solution, not the cause of these economic challenges, Budd told him,

[that] it was not the missionaries that was killing up their Buffalo and their Moose but it was themselves, that it was evident they cannot always last, and as to their children having nothing after them to live upon the only remedy for that was to farm and cultivate their fine and extensive soil so when the Buffalo and the Moose fail, they will have something to depend upon as the means of their support.130

Budd explained that the missionary "would teach them to get their livelihood from the soil, [and] keep domestic cattle...."131 Budd also stated that, regardless of the man's opinion, Indians were powerless to stop the spread of Christianity and the missionaries.

I told him also it was not in the power of the Indians to prevent the Gospel from spreading among them for it is God's work, and He is

Budd, Journal, 23 August 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Ibid. Ibid. 75

Almighty.. .He hath said that the knowledge of God shall cover the earth, even as the waters covers the sea, so whatever men may do to prevent and oppose the Gospel of God, it will still grow.I3

Twinning the secular and the sacred, Budd made a powerful argument in support of missionaries and of the need for Indians to convert to Christianity and create a new kind of Cree community that engaged with agriculture and the doctrine of original sin. Informed partly by his awareness of the impending changes in the Northwest and partly by his own journey from a band to an agricultural settlement, as a missionary Budd was determined to help this Cree man, and others like him, change their religion and economic practices. Creating this religious and economic change would define Budd's work as a missionary, just as it had defined his own transformation from a so-called "orphan" to a missionary.

Home

Budd's journey to ordination started with his mother and her relationship, through her father, to the HBC. Budd's brief separation from his mother and resulting ties to John West and the CMS was likely the most crucial stage in his life. Forming a strong identification with the CMS in the 1820s was what prompted him to leave the HBC in the 1830s and enter employment in the CMS.

From this moment forward Budd's motivations are clear: he wanted to be connected to the CMS, make Christianity relevant to Cree people, and encourage the adaptation of Cree band lifestyles to church-centered communities. Two things framed this journey to ordination. First, the fluidity of the Northwest 76 frontier allowed Budd to change his understanding of Home and make

Christianity part of his life and sense of identity without feeling he had separated himself from his Aboriginality. While his language reminded him how he was different from British-born Christians, on the whole Budd saw Christianity as a way to create connections and interactions between the peoples of the Northwest.

Second, because the CMS was such an integral aspect of his life, Budd developed a fairly institutionally controlled meaning of Christianity. Budd's Christianity was not yet an indigenized Christianity; he would spend much of his life pioneering ways to adapt Christianity to the needs of the Cree context, weaving together the sedentary lifestyle of the mission with the migratory economies of the band societies with which he had grown-up. The fluidity of his frontier, his strong ties to the CMS, and his use of language as a way to retain a sense of Creeness would remain crucial forces guiding the way Budd adapted Christianity and modernity to his local context and lived as an indigenous missionary. While Budd made these adaptations, he would began to change his understanding of Home. While the

CMS was his childhood Home, his adult life was marked by a search to create a comfortable sense of Home that recognized his Cree language and his

Christianity. 77

Chapter 2

"For the elevation of your... down-trodden people": Tiyo Soga's Journey to Ordination

In 1870, a year before his death, Tiyo Soga sent his sons to school in

Scotland. Before they left, Soga gave the boys advice about school, Scotland and their responsibilities to their community. Reflecting on his own visits to Scotland in the 1840s and 50s, Soga emphasized that the boys must not waste their education; they must use their schooling, he told his sons, "for the elevation of your degraded, despised, down-trodden people."1 This need to serve and lead the

"down-trodden people" of southern Africa was the guiding principle in Soga's life. Soga developed this sense of service because, unlike Budd, he identified with a Home that was indigenous and Christian; this community - referred to here as

"Ntsikana's people" - remained his Home throughout his life. Ntsikana's People, and especially his own mother, pushed Soga to become literate, to enter mission schools, to attend a seminary in the Cape Colony and, in the 1840s at the age of

18, to go to school in Scotland. Soga's decision to return to Scotland in 1851 to complete his training for the ministry, moreover, was not guided by an overt spiritual conversion, but rather by his desire to use his position as a missionary to improve the lives of Ntsikana's People. In short, Soga, unlike Budd, did not change his sense of Home; rather he used Christianity and ordination to serve his

Home. While both Budd and Soga spent their life serving their "countrymen,"

Soga approached this service from a very different starting point than Budd.

1 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 433-4. 78

As with Budd, Soga's early association with Christianity was thanks in large part to his family's influence and his initial years of mission schooling.

Unique for Soga, however, was the fact that his years of education did not change his sense of Home but rather encouraged him to incorporate literacy, British modernity and friends in Britain into his established Home amongst Ntsikana's

People. Soga's belief that he could use his mission education to serve and modernize this Home is what ultimately led him to seek ordination.

Wars and the Prophets, a Xhosa Family, and Scottish Missionaries

Soga's family, unlike Budd's, had a strong identification with Christianity.

Both Soga's parents were early and faithful followers of the Xhosa prophet

Ntsikana, one of the two principal prophets to emerge in the eastern frontier zone of the Cape around the time of the 1812 frontier war. Combining informal training from missionaries and Xhosa cosmologies that emphasized reverence for the ancestors, Ntsikana and the other prophet, Nxele, provided answers to Xhosa followers about the powers of the white invaders and how to respond to this invasion.3

Initially, Nxele was the more successful of the two prophets. Appealing to the military-minded leaders of the Ndlambe Xhosa, Nxele told his followers that the world was a battle ground between Thixo (the God of the Whites) and

2 Peires, The House ofPhalo, 11. 3 Ibid, 75. 79

Mdalidiphu (the God of the Blacks);4 Nxele argued that he had been sent by

Mdalidiphu to tell the Xhosa that the ancestors, through the slaughter of cattle, would be resurrected to help the Xhosa defeat the Europeans.5 Ntsikana, the prophet Tiyo's family chose to follow, articulated a very different message.

Emphasizing the need to adopt Christianity and aspects of modernity, Ntsikana argued that the Xhosa must pursue peaceful interactions with the white invaders and adopt useful aspects of British-introduced technology (like irrigation). Above all, Ntsikana argued that the Xhosa must submit completely to the will of God to

seek salvation for their sins. Although Ntsikana's message was obviously more conciliatory toward the British than Nxele's, Ntsikana did not submit completely to the white invaders. As he built-up his following (a very small community compared to Nxele's army of over 10,000 that attacked Grahamstown in 18197),

Ntsikana resisted attaching himself or his people to a missionary or a mission station; he wanted his followers to be Christian, to adopt aspects of modernity, but not live within the structure of the mission context. One of his last messages to his followers was to remain united: using Xhosa symbolism he told his followers to be like the ball of scraping from a tanned hide that becomes, as historian Janet

4 Peires, The House ofPhalo, 72-88; J. B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7 (Bloomington: Indiana University press, 1989), 1-5; Hodgson, "Battle for Sacred Power," 72-88. 5 Pieres gives a very heroic vision of Nxele, while Hodgson gives a more balanced evaluation of Nxele. See Peires, The House ofPhalo, 77-88; Hodgson, "Battle for Sacred Power," 71-3. 6 Janet Hodgson, "Soga and Dukwana: The Christian struggle for liberation in mid-19th century South Africa," Journal of Religion in Africa XVI, no. 3 (October 1986): 187-208; Janet Hodgson, Ntsikana's Great Hymn: A Xhosa Expression of Christianity in the Early 19th Century Eastern Cape, Centre for African Studies Communications No. 4 (Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1980). 7 Peires, The House ofPhalo, 83. 8 Hodgson, "Soga and Dukwana: The Christian struggle for liberation in mid-19th century South Africa," 188. 80

Hodgson paraphrases, an "inseparable mass when dry."9 During the lead-up to

Nxele's attack on Grahamstown in 1819, Ntsikana continued to place himself and

his message in opposition to the more militant prophet, pressing his followers to

submit to God's will and adopt the practices of the British farmers and

missionaries as a path to modernization. Although Ntsikana died in 1821, his

legacy of establishing a Xhosa interpretation of Christianity flourished through

the small group of followers he led and his "Great Hymn" which, according to

Hodgson, "epitomizes the Africaness in Ntsikana's expression of Christianity."10

Soon after Ntsikana's death, his followers, threatened by colonial authorities and

Xhosa alike, sought refuge near the Tyhume mission station run by John

Brownlee of the London Missionary Society. Tiyo Soga's father led the relocation

of Ntsikana's followers to Tyhume (see Map 2.1).11

Tiyo's parents each took different approaches to living near the mission

station at Tyhume. Jotello, Tiyo's father, an important councilor to Xhosa chief

Sandile, was careful not to become too closely integrated with the missionaries at

Tyhume. Living outside the mission station where he maintained his own

homestead with eight wives, Jotello only entered the station to attend church,.12

Jotello did, however, adopt many of the European technologies introduced by

missionaries: by the 1830s he was a successful farmer, using irrigation technology, metal plows and conducting a lucrative cross-frontier trade with the

9 Ibid., 189. 10 Hodgson, Ntsikana's Great Hymn: A Xhosa Expression of Christianity in the Early 19th Century Eastern Cape, 11. 11 Hodgson, "Soga and Dukwana: The Christian struggle for liberation in mid-19th century South Africa," 189. 12 Ibid., 190. 81

British military posts along the frontier.13 However, Jotello remained on the fringe of missionary and European settler society, this fringe status is evident in his decision to fight with Xhosa troops against the colony during frontier wars in the

1830s, 40s and 50s.14 Jotello's ambivalent relationship with British colonialism meant he was somewhat reluctant to have his children absorbed into the mission environment. Tiyo's mother, Jotello's "great wife," Nosuthu, on the other hand, was eager to connect Tiyo with the mission station and the education it offered.

Originally a member of the Dyani Tshatshu's Amantinde tribe, which had strong connections to the London Missionary Society, Nosuthu, like many of Ntsikana's followers by the 1820s, favored a close relationship with missions.15 In the late-

1830s, she started a school near Jotello's homestead with her eldest son, Festiri, as teacher, and herself and Tiyo as students (Festiri had been taught some basic literacy and scripture by Scottish missionaries).16

From this point on, according to missionary records, Nosuthu became estranged from Tiyo's father who was still skeptical of the mission station and its teachings.17 According to one mission report, sometime in the early 1840s as

Nosuthu grew closer to the missionaries at Tyhume, Jotello, on the advice of some witchdoctors, accused Nosuthu and Festiri of bringing illness into the family because of their interaction with missionaries. Jotello apparently "forbade [Festiri] to sing the white man's hymns, and he accused the mother with bewitching the

13 Ibid. 14 Ibid., 189. 15 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 9. 16 United Presbyterian Church (of Scotland), The Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian Church, August 1848, 119 (hereafter cited as MRUPC). Festiri likely had some informal training from the Scottish missionary John Brownlee. 17 MRUPC August 1848, 120. 82

Map 2.1 The eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony, c. 1840s

Soga was born at Tyhume, just east of Lovedale. He later worked at Uniondale and Emgwali (Umgwali). Until 1865, the area of British Kaffraria was a British Crown colony, nominally administered by London. Important settler towns were Somerset, Grahamstown and King William's Town.

Source: Adapted from The Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian Church, October 2, 1871. 83 children."18 Nosuthu managed to evade the accusations of witchcraft and became a candidate for baptism at the Glasgow Missionary Society (GMS) station at

Gwali.19 During these events, Nosuthu and Jotello grew apart, she turning closer to the missionary station, he retaining his independence from missionaries and his leadership amongst the Ngqika Xhosa. Tiyo fell into his mother's care and his father agreed not to interfere in Tiyo's Christian life. Tiyo did not undergo the normal Xhosa custom of male initiation, for example, including the normally required circumcision. While Jotello disliked what he saw as Nosuthu's entanglement with missionaries, it is unclear whether he actually accused her of witchcraft. Jotello was a devout Christian and never showed any signs of resisting

Tiyo's later decision to go to Scotland. Either way, the result of the tension between Jotello and Nosuthu was that, like the Budd's family move to Red River,

Nosuthu, Festiri and Tiyo (and some other siblings) moved out of Jotello's homestead and onto the Tyhume mission station, by then run by the GMS missionary William Chalmers.21 Once at the station, Nosuthu turned Tiyo over to the care of Chalmers marking the beginning of Tiyo's formal mission education.

Chalmers, believing the boy "capable of far loftier pursuits than herding his father's goats and calves," arranged for him to attend the Lovedale Seminary just west of the station at Tyhume. With his entry to Lovedale in 1844, Soga began his in-depth education to be a Xhosa leader in a British-Christian mold.

18 MRUPC, August 1848, 120. Original emphasis. 19 MRUPC, August 1848, 120. 20 See Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 20-1. 21 Robert Johnson, Grahamstown Journal, August 25, 1871. 22 MRUPC, August 1848, 120. 23 Lovedale, Lovedale: Past and Present. (Lovedale, South Africa: Lovedale Press, 1887), 345. 84

Drinking at "English fountains"

The Lovedale Seminary, the first stop in Soga's career in higher education, was opened in 1841 explicitly to make people like Soga into Christian,

Anglicized, and African leaders. The first seminary in the eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony, Lovedale was established to train African converts and children of European missionaries to be schoolmasters and catechists.24 The institution prided itself on its interdenominational and multi-racial student body. While

Lovedale would grow into one of the premier institutions of African education in

South Africa by the late 1800s, when Soga attended in the 1840s, Lovedale was a small, unstable institution, hardly able to enact the "coercive agency" over students some scholars have recently argued of Lovedale.25 Lovedale in the 1840s was also unique from the later versions of the school because of its emphasis on a classical education, rather than a curriculum focused on industrial skills. While

Lovedale under James Stewart in the late 1800s trained students to be farmers, mechanics and telegraph operators, the curriculum in the 1840s used a curriculum taught in elite British schools in the hope of creating Anglicized African elites that were Christian, literate and able to lead other Africans.26

Subjects taught at the school included rudimentary agricultural techniques, scripture, English literature, Greek and Latin. Lovedale also impressed on Soga as

John West's school had on Budd, the importance of clock-time: by the 1840s, the

24 Robert H. W. Shepherd, Lovedale, South Africa: The Story of a Century, 1841-1941 (Lovedale, South Africa: Lovedale Press, 1940), 89. 25 Graham A. Duncan, Lovedale—Coercive Agency: Power and Resistance in Mission Education (Pietermaritzburg: Cluster Publications, 2003). 26 M.J. Ashley, "Features of Modernity: Missionaries and Education in South Africa, 1850-1900," Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 38 (March 1982): 56. 85

Seminary followed a careful schedule that started with morning scripture readings at seven, followed by study from eight a.m. until one-thirty in the afternoon, after which "grounds work" was done; the evening was spent preparing for the next day's study. This curriculum and schedule were designed, as one Lovedale teacher recalled, to teach African students like Soga to "drink at the English fountains of literature," and use that experience to become a "Native teacher among his countrymen."

The multi-racial environment of the school also encouraged the assimilation of Africans into an Anglicized worldview. When Soga attended the

Seminary the enrollment was probably similar to what it was when the school opened. At that time there were nine European students (seven of whom were sons of missionaries) and 11 African students (all related to John Balfour, an early convert who worked as a general labourer for the Seminary). While the students attended classes together, black and white students lived in separate dormitories and ate at separate tables in the dining hall.30 The teachers and administrators designed this multi-racial (yet sometimes segregated) environment with two goals in mind. First, it was a way to educate the sons of missionaries without sending them away to Britain, and second, it provided the African students with a way to assimilate into the public world of the classroom while still maintaining enough separation that racial difference was maintained. An implication of the policy was that the African students were encouraged to follow the example of their white

27 Shepherd, Lovedale, South Africa. 28 See MRUPC, August 1848, 120; Hodgson, "Battle for Sacred Power," 80. 29 Shepherd, Lovedale, South Africa, 100. 30 Ibid., 98. 86 classmates, even if they ate and slept in different settings. A Lovedale teacher explained how the policy was supposed to create some equality while still maintaining white superiority so as not to upset the racial assumptions of the Cape

Colony: "The African, like the rude country lad who goes to a city to mix with young gentlemen at college, learns civilized usages from the Europeans, while the latter, separated as the British officer from the private by strict regulation of Mess, loses nothing by contact." In short, the African - but not the white student - would change while at Lovedale.

Despite the different eating and sleeping quarters, the relative racial harmony of Lovedale, its insistence "that Europeans must accept [Africans] as fellow-citizens," made it unique in the context of the eastern frontier zone of the

Cape Colony. In 1846, less than two years after Soga began at Lovedale, another frontier war erupted in the frontier zone between Xhosa and British colonial troops. This war forced the temporary closure of Lovedale. Fleeing the violence of the frontier, Soga followed the Lovedale teachers to a British stronghold at Fort

Armstrong. Realizing the Seminary was beyond repair and fearing Soga would be unable to complete his training as a teacher, Lovedale's principal, William Govan, offered to take Soga back to Scotland where he could finish his schooling.

Soga's mother was instrumental in allowing him to go with the missionaries to Scotland. Nosuthu had followed Tiyo and the Lovedale teachers to

Fort Armstrong at the outbreak of the war and reportedly spent her days

"collect[ing] and preparing] sneezewood splinters for a fire on the long winter

31 Andrew Smith cited in Ibid., 99. 32 Andrew Smith cited in Ibid., 98. 87 evenings, so that her boy might see to read his books." Given this commitment to his education, it is little surprise Nosuthu was willing to send her son to

Scotland: "My son is the property of God," she reportedly told the missionaries when they asked to take Tiyo to Scotland, "if my son is willing to go I make no objection, for no harm can befall him across the sea...."34 The decision left to him, Tiyo apparently agreed to go to Scotland.

Leaving the Cape Colony in July 1846 as the frontier war continued, Tiyo arrived in Glasgow in October. Over the next two years he completed his

schooling to become a teacher and was baptized at the John Street United

Presbyterian Church. Combined with his brief attendance at Lovedale, his visit to

Scotland in the 1840s provided a crucial building block in his later decision to use his training to become a new kind of Xhosa leader.

Scotland One: "a stranger, a sojourner, and a foreigner"

During his first trip to Scotland, Soga was generally a happy and eager

student; "I had always a great desire for learning and improvement," Soga wrote years later, and "to my superiors, to my instructors, and ministers...I yielded implicit obedience."35 His classmates respected Soga's humility. As Bryce Ross, a classmate at Lovedale and traveling companion in Scotland, remembered, Soga was not "top-heavy" or "puffed up with conceit," but "was possessed in an eminent degree of the docility of such men as Nathaneal and Timothy.. .."36 Able

33 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 36. 34 Ibid, 39. 35 Ibid., 431. 36 Ibid., 29. 88 but not arrogant, to Ross, Soga was an ideal example of the African convert transformed by mission schooling.

Besides pleasing his teachers and classmates, during his first trip to

Scotland, Soga developed new abilities and confidence in his literacy skills.

Although evidence about Soga's schooling in the 1840s is slim, it is clear that by

1846 he was able to repeat from memory half of the Scottish catechism and in

1849, on returning from Scotland, he was confident enough in his use of English to write a letter to John Ross, a senior missionary in the frontier zone.37 The letter, although not as fluid as his later writing, is evidence of his growing abilities to use written English as a mode of communication.38 Over the next 15 years, these

English literacy skills would improve dramatically to the point that Soga was able to write newspaper articles and speak convincingly to white Cape Colony congregations in English.

A more significant feature of this first trip to Scotland was Soga's developing understanding of "Britishness." In Africa, Britishness had been represented to Soga most clearly in the concept of the racial equality found at

Lovedale, which in word (if not in fact) argued that whites and blacks were equally capable as students. When he arrived in Britain, Soga developed a more nuanced understanding of Britain. Remembering his visits to Scotland and

England he later told his sons that "the more that I know of good English people, the greater is my admiration of them as a race. There beat within their breasts the warmest hearts under heaven I believe. I know nothing of the justice of other

Ibid., 30. See Tiyo Soga to John Ross, 2 March 1849, Cory Ms. 3471. 89 nations; but I know something of the 'fair play' of an Englishman."39 While he maintained this position throughout his life, he also recognized Britain was not perfectly Christian. As he observed, there was no true observance of the Sabbath in London, there was poverty in cities, and thieves existed in Britain, just as in the

Cape Colony.40 Soga also saw Britain as a modern technological marvel. Visiting

St. Paul's Cathedral in London in the 1840s Soga apparently asked in amazement,

"Did man make this?"41 Seeing the metropole of the empire as a nation of

Christian 'fair play' in sentiment (if not in fact), and as a technological leader, continued to shape Soga's understanding of Britain and its imperial responsibilities after he returned to the Cape.

During his brief stay in Scotland, Soga also developed a sense of connection between his Home, Ntsikana's people, and his new friends and mentors in Scotland. Of these Scottish friends, the members of the John Street

Church and its minister, William Anderson, were the most significant. Anderson baptized Soga at the John Street Church in May 1848 and was an advisor to him throughout his life. Remembering his first encounter with Anderson, Soga reflected how "the Doctor [Anderson] took possession of my soul and feelings. It was not by anything he said that he impressed me.. .at that time I but imperfectly understood the English language. It was [rather] his exceeding fellow-feeling towards a strange boy that won my heart."42 During Soga's second

Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 433. 40 Ibid, 43-5. 41 Ibid., 43. 42 Original emphasis. Letter from the Rev. Tiyo Soga cited in The Celebration of the Ministerial Jubilee of the Rev. Williams Anderson, LL.D., Glasgow (Glasgow: Aird & Coghill, 1872), 139. 90

Image 2 Tiyo Soga as a student (n.d.)

Source: Amatole Museum, photographic collection. Used with permission. 91 trip to Scotland in the 1850s, this relationship with Anderson became closer and

Soga increasingly looked to Anderson as a mentor, particularly for theological advice. Reflecting on Anderson's influence on him, Soga recalled that the doctor

"made an indelible impression upon me who was a stranger, a sojourner, and a foreigner among them."4

The influence of Anderson and the John Street Church, however, did not replace Soga's Home, Ntsikana's People. Throughout his short visit to Scotland in the 1840s, Soga remained extremely homesick and lonely. His limited English abilities and the inevitable culture shock of living in heavily industrialized

Glasgow must have created an intensely isolating experience for Soga.44 Within a few months of his arrival in Scotland, a missionary who knew Soga at the time reported that "feelings of Home longing had become discernable."45 Eager to return home, in early 1848 Soga decided to accept an opportunity to go to the

Cape Colony. Although this visit to Scotland was relatively short, Soga returned to Africa with new knowledge about Britain and literacy, and recognition that there was a broad network of friends and family in Scotland and Xhosaland that was eager to support him and other Christian Xhosa. Within four years, this knowledge and these networks would encourage Soga to return to Scotland.

43 Ibid, 139. 44 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 29 suggests there was a West African student at the same Glasgow Normal school at about the same time as Soga. 45 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 47. 92

Returning and Returning

George Brown, Soga's traveling companion during his return trip to the

Cape Colony, described the happy reunion of Soga and his brother Festiri in 1848:

"Festiri had been dispatched, and met us on Saturday a few miles before entering

Graham's Town, and full was the joy of the two brothers, Tiyo and he, on meeting."46 A few days later, Brown, Festiri and Soga arrived at Tyhume. It must have been a happy day for Tiyo as he renewed acquaintances with the friends and family. Brown was impressed with the spiritual commitment of the converts at

Tyhume: "To Chumie," wrote Brown, "the people are ardently attached; and little wonder,-it is not only the place of their nativity, their home, it is the place where most of them have been 'born again'...."47 Despite the 1846 war, the congregation that had initially formed under the leadership of Ntsikana maintained a strong attachment to each other and to Christianity.

Soga quickly settled into Tyhume, working there as an evangelist, interpreter and teacher for the next six months, likely living with his mother and siblings.48 While Tiyo's family welcomed his return, not least because he was a source of money and manufactured clothing, some Xhosa were skeptical of the new schoolteacher, seeing him as little more than a well-dressed Xhosa-speaker who was unable to bring back the valuable land they had lost to the Cape

Colony.49 Soga's reception in the frontier zone would continue to be characterized by a mixture of welcome and skepticism.

46 MRUPC, November 1849, 187. 47 Ibid., 187. 48 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 49. 49 Ibid., 48-50. 93

Skepticism about Soga and missionaries generally reached a new height in

1849-50 while he worked at the Uniondale mission. Situated at the meeting of the

Gxulu and Keiskamma rivers east of the Cape Colony, Uniondale was a new station established by the GMS to serve a Xhosa population that had little previous contact with missions. Living in a house he shared with one of his sisters, Soga worked at Uniondale as a teacher, spending his leisure time writing

Xhosa-language hymns.5 Because he was not circumcised and thus not initiated into manhood, Soga faced strong opposition from many of the pupils he was charged with teaching at Uniondale. As Miss Ogilvie, a teacher at the station recalled, "at Uniondale Mr. Soga experienced something of those Kafir prejudices... Strong feeling was excited against him on account of his not having conformed to the heathen rite of initiating manhood. His life was endangered..."51

By December of 1850, Soga's difficult reception at Uniondale took on a greater urgency as a new prophet movement took hold in the frontier zone.

Building on the model of Nxele, this new prophet, Mlanjeni, argued that the white man's God was dead while the powers of the Xhosa God were alive in Mlanjeni; these powers enabled him to heal the sick and wounded, and turn the bullets of the

British troops into water. Mlanjeni's vision was reminiscent of Nxele's earlier prophesies: he foretold that the ancestors of the Xhosa would rise from the dead and drive the white invaders into the sea. Mlanjeni's prominence in the frontier zone increased throughout the last months of 1850, creating excitement in both

50 Ibid., 54-5. 51 Miss Ogilvie, cited in Ibid., 59. "Miss Ogilvie" was later a teacher at Emgwali. It appears that John Chalmers collected this statement from her after Soga's death, likely while he was working on his biography of Soga. 52 Hodgson, "Battle for Sacred Power," 80-1. Xhosa communities and the Colony. By December, colonial troops were sent up the Kieskamma River in a show of force against the movement. While passing through a gorge of the Keiskamma River these troops were ambushed by Xhosa forces, effectively starting the Seventh Frontier War, "Mlanjeni's War."53

After the ambush the troops quickly retreated to Uniondale mission, the nearest non-Xhosa settlement in the area. On arriving at Uniondale on Christmas

Eve, the troops advised the missionary at Uniondale, Robert Niven, to move his family westward into the Colony. The next day, Niven and his family left for the

Colony. While Soga remained briefly at Uniondale in a futile attempt to protect the mission's property, he soon joined Niven at the Tyhume station, arriving there soon after Christmas. Describing Soga's arrival at Tyhume, Miss Ogilvie remembered, "Mr. Soga did not say much of his adventures [at Uniondale]; but one of his fellow-travelers reported the destruction of the family Bible, which some young men ripped up with their assegays, saying, 'There's the thing Niven always troubles us with!'"54

The 1850 war would continue for another three years. By 1851, several groups of Khoi from the Kat River Settlement in the Colony launched attacks on settler-towns further east; although the Khoi military campaign was independent of the Xhosa movement, the timing of their attacks was shaped by Mlanjeni's rise and the events of December 1850.55 By the first months of 1851, settler newspapers were instructing whites of all political persuasions to unite against what was seen as a combined Khoi-Xhosa threat to the colony; to rally white

53 Peires, The Dead Will Arise, 10-1. 54 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 61. 55 Elbourne, Blood Ground, 345-52. 95 readers, these same newspapers declared the events of 1850-51, a manifestation of

"race warfare" on the frontier.56 Elizabeth Elbourne and Clifton Crais agree that the war marked a turning point in race relations in the Cape, signaling the beginning of an era of heightened racism where race, instead of either religion or

en class/occupation, became the marker of difference between groups of people. If we examine Soga's experience during the critical events of the 1850 war, another image of the conflict arises: that of a concerted attempt by Ntsikana's People, including Soga, to remain neutral during the conflict.

When war reached Tyhume, Ntsikana's People, led by Ntsikana's son

Dukwana, worked to gain assurances from the Xhosa chief Sandile that the converts would not be attacked by his troops as long as they remained at the station. Making similar appeals to Gaika Commissioner, Charles Brownlee,

Dukwana was told that the government would give the converts full protection so CO long as they moved to the LMS mission at King William's Town. Dukwana and the other converts, following Brownlee's instructions, left Tyhume in 1851 and remained at King William's Town for the majority of the war. Soga followed the example of his Home-community and sought neutrality during the war.59 While living at Tyhume after his escape from Uniondale, Soga was asked several times by the Ngqika Xhosa chief Maqoma to translate letters taken from dead colonial troops. Soga refused these requests, explaining he did not condone the violence

56 Ibid., 347, 352-4. 57 Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa, ch. 10; Elbourne, Blood Ground, 346-7. 58 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 65. 59 See Alexander Somerville to Tiyo Soga and Robert Johnson, 7 April 1857, RUPC, Ms. 7640. 96

Maqoma and his troops had inflicted on the villages and missions of the frontier.

Months later, Soga likewise declined an offer from the Cape administration to be a Government interpreter. '

Before the war ended, Soga had fled the frontier, accepting an offer to return to Scotland and complete his training for ordination. This return trip to

Scotland signaled Soga's commitment to become a missionary. Scottish missionaries welcomed the opportunity to have Soga return to Scotland. Several missionaries believed the war threatened to undo the progress made in the education of Soga. "He could not be left behind without the danger of losing what he had gained," remarked Soga's biographer and colleague John Chalmers about the decision that faced missionaries in 1851,62 Soga's own reasons for going back to Scotland included a desire to escape the war and a belief that a Scottish education would better prepare him to help Ntsikana's People during future frontier conflicts. Interestingly, Soga was not motivated to go to Scotland by spiritual reasons. As he wrote 10 years later, "I fear that I decided to be a preacher while I was yet aware of not being fully converted."63 Soga left for Scotland in mid-1851.

Scotland Two: "a zealous, preserving, and successful student,"

Upon arriving in Glasgow, Soga re-established contact with his friends at the John Street Church. While the Church agreed to support his education and

60 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 58. 61 Ibid., 67-8. 62 Ibid., 66. 63 Soga, Journal, 19 October 1862, Williams, Selected Writings, 35. 97 training for ordination, William Anderson renewed his position as mentor to

Soga. Over the next five years, Soga went to two schools: during the winter he attended the Arts classes at the University of Glasgow, and in the autumn he attended the Theological Hall of the United Presbyterian Church in Edinburgh. By

1852 he was also taking bi-monthly examinations from the Presbytery of

Glasgow. While he was generally successful at his studies, there was a definite tension in Soga's life during these years. On the one hand he was insecure about his faith and his reasons for returning to Scotland, while on the other he was forced to meet demands from Scottish friends to "speak at Sabbath school soirees" and perform the role of "ideal African convert."64

Soga's spiritual insecurity was something he wrote about in his journal.

Remembering his stay years later, Soga reflected, "What a great thing self- confidence is! . .. When I entered the Glasgow University I had very little of it."65

A notebook Soga kept during the 1850s, cited at length in John Chalmers's biography, hints at Soga's insecurity, particularly about his own conversion and abilities to maintain his faith. "Though life is sweet, were it a matter of choice, I would much prefer to die now than twenty or thirty years after this, and die then an unforgiving sinner!" he wrote in one passage.66 In another passage he asks,

"What assured me that I shall see next year? I hope I shall. Well, but hope is not certainty.. .My life hangs by the feeblest and most attenuated thread which the

The "ideal convert" would included a person like Soga that was Christian and civilized" and able present themselves as such to British society. 65 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 432. 66 Ibid., 74. 98 gentlest breath may sever."67 This depression and insecurity about his faith remained a theme in Soga's life until at least the early 1860s. It is difficult to know what to make of these anxieties and self-examinations. In his analysis of missionary writing in the Eastern Cape, Leone de Kock argues that these trials represented a severe tension in Soga's life between his loyalties to both African and missionary ideas and language; John Chalmers suggests these passages are evidence of "trials [which] sent his thoughts inwards, and drew him closer to the

Divine fountain for strength."68 It is possible that Soga's spiritual insecurity sprang from a fear that he was becoming a missionary for the wrong reasons.

After all, Soga had traveled to Scotland in part to escape a war that had left his family and friends scattered throughout the Cape frontier.

As Soga dealt with these internal anxieties about his faith and need to serve his Home, he was also forced to perform the role of the "Ideal Kaffir" for his Scottish friends. As was the case during his first visit to Scotland, Soga performed this role with considerable success. He was respected by professors and church leaders for being "a most punctual and diligent student."69 Classmates, as in the 1840s, appreciated his humility: "He was never bashful, "wrote one, "but had the natural ease and manners of a born gentleman." Robert Johnson, a classmate who later traveled to South Africa to work as a missionary alongside

Soga, painted a picture of Soga as an extremely focused student committed to learning and returning to South Africa: Soga was "a zealous, preserving, and

67 Ibid., 75. 68 de Kock, Civilising Barbarians, 182-4; Chalmers, Tiyo, Soga, 278. 69 Rev. Professor John Eadie to John Street Church, 28 September 1852, cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 77. 70 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 79. 99 successful student," wrote Johnson, "Invitations to pass the evening with friends, or to speak at Sabbath school soirees, were constantly pouring in upon him; but to a very large extent he declined them."71 Remembering the warm reception Soga was given during one of these tours, another classmate, Henry Miller, later wrote,

Tiyo and I had a grand trip to Campbelton in connection with the Students' Missionary Society in the summer of 1855. At Campbelton we were received like apostles. Provost Galbraith entertained us as if at a public banquet. The ministers of the town, the medical men, and other leading people were present. Soga had the seat of honour in the dining-room. God's grace had made my African brother a Christian, as scholar, and a gentleman, whom the best men in the community were proud to honour.

When he completed his education, there was a renewed demand that Soga speak to churches throughout Scotland. "It was strongly felt," noted the minutes of the John Street Session meeting in 1856, "that it would be good for the cause of missions if Mr. Soga could be licensed to preach the Gospel after the ensuing session of the Hall, and thereafter be sent through the churches for six months, to excite an interest in the Kafir [sic] mission."73 Thus, "On the Sunday after his ordination, Mr. Soga was occupying the pulpit of the Rev. Mr. Niven," the missionary who had brought Soga out of Africa in 1851. Henry Miller, Soga's companion during many of these tours, accurately concluded that, "these visits had doubtless a formative influence on Tiyo's mind."74 While Soga disliked aspects of these visits, the experiences taught Soga how to act as a spokesperson for the Xhosa and the African mission as a whole.

71 Cited in Ibid., 78. 72 Ibid., 79. 73 Ibid., 86. 74 Ibid., 79. 100

While he attended these soirees and struggled with his spirituality, Soga committed himself to improving his literacy skills. His lost notebooks, which seemed to double as an early journal, shed light on the growing importance of literacy in Soga's life. According to John Chalmers, the notebook contained lists of books and carefully recopied passages from theological and historical texts.

Histories, particularly T. B. Macaulay's work, were a favourite of Soga's;

Longfellow's poems and Boswell's Life of Johnson are also listed. Most important amongst the books Soga read was John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, a text Soga would later translate into Xhosa.75 While it is unclear from Chalmers's discussion of the notebooks what Soga thought of these books and poems, the influence of these works (and of written texts generally) is evident later in Soga's life, particularly in his passion for using notebooks and journals to think through ideas, and his commitment to translating Xhosa oral histories and English- language theological texts into Xhosa-language written texts.

Complementing his literary turn, during this second visit to Scotland, Soga also became more intimate with what he called British "fair play." Through the

John Street Church he reportedly joined the Young Men's Mutual Improvement

Society, served in the Church's urban mission to Glasgow's slums, and was clearly impressed by William Anderson's argument that, as Soga later recalled,

"though a minister of the Gospel has no call to seek political honours and distinctions, yet, as an important member of society.. .he is bound to attend in

Ibid., 74-5. 101 some measure to the public movements of his own and other countries."

Anderson was noted by contemporaries for his animated sermons and strong ideas in support of inter-denominational cooperation, abolition of slavery in the United

77

States and the need to support domestic and foreign mission work. In 1856, at

Soga's ordination, Anderson condemned British colonialism directly, giving a sermon described by one eye-witness as a "tirade against the colonial policy of

England [in the Cape]," during which Anderson attacked several prominent members of the British government. The arguments made by Anderson, noted this eye-witness, "seemed to bristle with scathing satire against Her Majesty's

Government and the Premier, and the Colonial Secretary's name rang throughout the church.... In marked contrast were the supplications presented for 'the noble 78

Kafir chieftain, Sandili.'" Anderson's influence left a lasting impression on

Soga's sense of individual self-sufficiency, and his understanding of his role as a missionary to both help the poor and involve himself in political affairs.

Complementing Anderson's emphasis on the Christian duty of missionaries to bring peace to the frontiers of the empire was Soga's perception of Britain as a relatively peaceful place. Commenting on Soga's response to the World

Exhibition he encountered on arrival in 1851, John Chalmers surmised that in

London Soga found not war and racial conflict but a "nation at peace, and jubilant

Letter from the Rev. Tiyo Soga cited in The Celebration of the Ministerial Jubilee of the Rev. William Anderson, 141. 77 The Celebration of the Ministerial Jubilee of the Rev. William Anderson, 30 and 126- 27. 78 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 89. 102 over a thing called 'Crystal palace'....What a contrast to the chapters in the history of his Native land, which was then being written in blood."79

Throughout his time in Scotland, Soga continued to think about his family and friends in the Cape. Since being forced to flee to King William's Town,

Nitskiana's People had been lobbying people in Scotland for protection and help.

Writing to the Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian sometime in early 1851, Dukwana explained that "The war is still continuing, and we do not yet know who will continue to the end of the war.. .1 see that the people have great hunger, because they have no way to purchase food from the English."80

"There are many amongst us" Dukwana continued, "who are grieved because they are separated from their teachers [i.e. the missionaries]."81 Although the Foreign

Mission Committee were anxious to give temporary assistance to the salaried agents (including Dukwana and Festiri) affected by the war, they hesitated to do so because of reports that the Dukwana and others had fought against the colony.

Replying to these charges, Dukwana explained that the community was forced to fight by Old Soga (Tiyo's father). Feeling satisfied that Dukwana and the other converts were no longer a threat to the colony, the secretary of the Foreign

Mission Committee agreed to give financial help to Dukwana and Festiri on the understanding that the money was used to "attend to the spiritual interests of the members of the mission."82

79 Ibid., 68-9. 80 Dukwana to Rev. Renton, cited in MRUPC October 1851, 172-3. 81 Ibid. 82 By 1854, the Foreign Mission Committee had agreed to take the case of Dukwana and the other converts to the British House of Commons. According to a minute from a committee meeting that August, a member of parliament known to the Committee was asked "to put a question in the House of Commons to the Government with regard to dispatches or In the mid 1850s, the converts, by then living at the Peelton mission station, used Tiyo Soga to bring forward further grievances to the Foreign

Mission Committee in Edinburgh. In an 1854 petition translated by Soga,

Ntsikana's People requested that "the Board still regard [the converts] as under their protection and to provide for them a location and the means of spiritual instruction." While it is unclear if Soga had translated the earlier letters and petitions from the converts, this 1854 petition suggests Soga had found a way to become a spokesperson for his community even as he traveled throughout

Scotland. This sense of engagement with his Home likely brought a degree of comfort to Soga as he struggled with his spirituality and the expectations of

Scottish society.

Married, Ordained, Ready to Serve

Soga's second trip to Scotland ended with two significant events: his ordination in December 1856 and his marriage in February 1857. While the ordination ceremony marked the end of his formal education, his marriage to

Janet Burnside, a yarn weaver from the relatively poor Saltmarket district of

Glasgow, represented Soga's ability to integrate, in very intimate ways,

Britishness into his understanding of Xhosa society.84 It seems very likely that

correspondence relative to the removal from their locations of converted Caffres, not involved in the war..." There is no evidence that this issue was ever brought before the parliament. Minutes of the Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, 2 November 1852, Records of the United Presbyterian Church, Dep. 298 (63), National Library of Scotland (hereafter cited as RUPC). 83 Minutes of the FMCUPC, 1 November 1854, RUPC, Dep. 298 (62). 84 George McArthur, "Soga, Janet Burnside," New Dictionary of South African Biography, 1995. 104

Image 3

Tiyo Sogac. 1857

Source: Amatole Museum, photographic collection. Used with permission. Soga was encouraged by church authorities to take Janet as a wife, just as Budd had been expected to marry Elizabeth Work. His Scottish friends, and particularly the Foreign Mission Committee, wanted Soga to marry a suitable wife before taking up full time work as a missionary. All of the Scottish missionaries, indeed

all missionaries in the mid-century, were advised to go to their chosen mission

field with wives so that they could reproduce an ideal Christian Home. John

Chalmers, for instance, was only deemed ready to leave Scotland for the field after he had chosen a wife. Moreover, given the problems he encountered because of his lack of circumcision in the 1840s, Soga was probably very

sensitive to the fact that he would have trouble finding a wife when he returned to

Africa.

Janet's motivations in marrying Soga are less clear. Her parents were weavers and although the family lived in a relatively poor area of Glasgow that experienced outbreaks of cholera following the city's rapid urbanization in the

1830s and 40s, Janet and her siblings were likely fairly well educated.86 Either as a participant or recipient of urban mission work, Janet's family was associated with the Relief Church, one half of which later became the United Presbyterian

Church. It was certainly through her church membership that Janet met Tiyo

Soga. Her decision to marry Soga was very likely connected to her own, as well as her parents', perception that marriage to a missionary, even an African missionary, was a chance to escape the slums of Glasgow while maintaining links with their church community. Interestingly, Janet's brother and sister both

85 Cox, The British Missionary Enterprise Since 1700, 112-3. 86 McArthur, "Soga, Janet Burnside." 106

• 88 followed Janet to southern Africa, arriving there sometime in the 1860s. That her siblings also went to Africa suggests that the Burnside family saw in Janet's marriage to Soga an opportunity to escape the urbanization of industrial Glasgow.

While the marriage did not cause any notable protest either in Scotland or from missionaries, unlike the Budds' situation, the couple faced significant prejudice from settler society in the Cape when they landed there in 1857. "We were," Soga later wrote about their arrival in the Cape, '"a spectacle unto all men!' In walking through the streets, black and white turned to stare at us, and 80 this was the case as often as we went out." As will be shown in chapter five,

Cape society in the 1850s and 1860s would question the Sogas' mixed-race marriage, although missionaries around them never seemed to complain.

With his marriage and ordination completed, Soga and his new wife prepared to return to the Cape. He had already requested that the United

Presbyterian Church employ him as a missionary in South Africa, and in

September 1856 the John Street Church agreed to pay for Soga's costs to return and establish a new mission.90 Leaving Glasgow in April 1857, Soga and his new wife traveled first to London and from there to Port Elizabeth.91 Soga took with him a detailed list of instructions from the Foreign Mission Committee of the

United Presbyterian Church. Outlining "directions with regard to your conduct in

Caffraria," the instructions told him what he knew better than the committee: the 88 The obituary for Janet's brother appears in King William's Town Gazette and Kaffririan Watchman, 25 May 1867; Janet's Sister is listed as a teacher at Tutura in 1871: see MRUPC, 1 June 1871,553. 89 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 131-2. 90 Minutes of the FMCUPC, 4 March 1856, RUPC, Dep. 298 (62); John Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 87. 91 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 97 and 131. 107

i

Image 4 Janet (Burnside) Soga (c. 1857)

Source: Amatole Museum, photographic collection. Used with permission. 108

Ngqika Xhosa would be the main target of his mission and the converts at Peelton

(Dukwana, Festiri and others) should form the main population of his new station. The instructions also made an explicit statement about the politics of the frontier, stating that the missionary must not do anything "which may be construed into political interference." In contrast to William Anderson's mentoring, the Committee wanted Soga to bring only spiritual change to the people, not to involve himself in politics; Soga would have trouble following these orders.

The Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing

In July 1857, the month Soga arrived back in southern Africa, the Xhosa in the Cape frontier zone was under severe pressure; more than 40,000 Xhosa were dead or dying from starvation and another 30,000 had or were about to migrate from British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony in search of food and work.94

Like the "Great Transformation" in the British Northwest, the landscape and economy of Xhosaland was undergoing radical change. As was the case in the

Northwest, the loss of a primary resource - cattle - played a critical role in creating this demographic and economic change. By 1858, The "Great Cattle-

Killing Movement," a millenarian movement in the tradition of Nxele and

Mlanjeni, had led to the ritual destruction of thousands of Xhosa cattle and

Xhosa-owned crops. Encountering the Cattle-Killing, Soga was faced with the

92 Alexander Somerville to Tiyo Soga and Robert Johnson, 7 April 1857, RUPC, Ms. 7640. 93 Ibid. 94 Peires, The Dead Will Arise, 242 and 267. 109 immediate problem of how to rehabilitate a Xhosa community that had, within a

15 month period, killed most of its cattle and become deeply divided over the validity of these killings.

The Cattle-Killing Movement was driven by a prophesy that called for all

Xhosa to slaughter their cattle and destroy their crops in order that the ancestors would return from the dead and drive the white invaders out of Xhosaland.95 The movement began in part because of an outbreak of a bovine lungsickness in the

1850s during which as many as 5,000 Xhosa cattle in Xhosa territories died. In response to the outbreak, a number of prophets and witchdoctors put forward explanations for the lungsickness.96 In April 1856, a girl named Nongqawuse put forward one such explanation: she claimed that the ancestors had come to her and told her that the lungsickness of the cattle was evidence that the animals were contaminated and needed to be slaughtered. Furthermore, explained Nongqawuse, once the contaminated cattle were killed, the ancestors would arise from the dead and drive the white invaders into the sea.97 Nongqawuse's message of slaughtering and destroying crops in order to create a new Xhosa hegemony in the eastern frontier zone formed the basis for a Cattle-Killing Movement. Not all

Xhosa participated in the movement, and deep divisions developed in communities and families between "believers" who faithfully followed

Nongqawuse's instructions and "unbelievers" who ignored the message or actively campaigned against it. J. B. Peires, the leading scholar of the Cattle-

Killing, suggests that for the most part, "unbelievers" were typically people who

95 Ibid., 79-80. 96 Ibid., 72-3. 97 Ibid., 79-80. 110 benefited from "the new opportunities offered by the colonial presence," while

"believers" were skeptical and resistant to missionaries, traders and other

i • 98 representatives of modernity.

After the ancestors failed to appear on the expected days in August 1856 and February 1857, many "believers" felt the slaughter had not gone far enough.

Stepping-up their efforts, the "believers" killed any remaining cattle they had, before turning to the cattle and crops of "unbelievers," forcing the slaughter of still more resources. The mass killing of cattle and destruction of crops, and the deep divisions within Xhosa communities between "believers" and "unbelievers" accelerated until June 1857 when a mixture of starvation, colonial interference and Xhosa disillusionment brought the movement to a slow end.

Just as significant as the killing of cattle and destruction of crops was the way Cape governor George Grey used the movement as an opportunity to expand the Cape Colony into the region of British Kaffraria. To achieve this expansion,

Grey first created a system of labour contracts that transported Africans from

British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony where they were given food and shelter in exchange for their labour on white-owned farms. As a result of this policy, by

1858 as many as 30,000 Xhosa had migrated into the Colony seeking work. Next,

Grey offered Sandile and other Xhosa leaders the opportunity to receive food in exchange for sending their children to school in Cape Town. Although the chiefs initially resisted this offer, Sandile and other "believers" did eventually agree to

Peires, The Dead Will Arise, 181. Ibid. 151, 164,209-10. Ill send their children to Cape Town.100 Finally, Grey dealt with the more militant chiefs by transporting them to a prison at Robben Island near Cape Town, and/or relocating them to new territories.101 With British Kaffraria cleared of all but

3,000 Xhosa, Grey began reorganizing the region by replacing scattered Xhosa homesteads with a mixture of Xhosa and European villages. Grey had always hoped to pacify the Xhosa by forcing them to intermingle with whites; the new system of villages gave him a way to achieve this goal.10

The Cattle-Killing, and Grey's response, effectively broke the power of the Xhosa chiefs, drained British Kaffraria of its Xhosa inhabitants, and transformed the region into a territory more-or-less controlled by white settler interests. The economic, political and demographic losses associated with these changes would be felt throughout Xhosaland for decades. Just as the decline of the buffalo would dramatically change the economy of Henry Budd's Northwest, the Cattle-Killing marked an era of great economic and political change for the

Xhosa.

"I think I see the future salvation of my countrymen"

Soga's first reaction to the Cattle-Killing Movement was dismay and despair at the disintegration of Xhosa society. Writing to William Anderson, within months of returning to South Africa, Soga explained, "we have come at a most critical period of the Kafir nation.. .My poor infatuated countrymen" are in a

10 Ibid., 249-50, 267. 'Ibid., 230-1. 2 Ibid., 53-4. 112 state of crisis; "they have actually committed national suicide." Soga was particularly distressed by the hysteria the movement had caused. He recounted how "believers" waited by the graves of their ancestors in anticipation of their rising from the dead, and how the wife of one long-dead chief, "for days toiled in attempting to obliterate her wrinkles, and to put herself in the most favourable and attractive condition for meeting" her dead husband.104 The death precipitated by starvation likewise left an impression on Soga.

The appalling sights are making our hearts bleed.. .1 assisted to dig the grave of a Kafir mother and two young children who had died from starvation.. .It appears, from the position in which we found them, that exhausted with hunger and fatigue the mother sat down and composed herself and her little ones to sleep.105

Soga was particularly distraught by the starvation of the children, exclaiming that,

"I am sometimes disposed to say that the grown-up people are well chastised for their infatuation; but who can think of the suffering innocent little ones without deploring their misery, and as reaping the fruits of that which they had no hand in sowing?"106

Soga also recognized the demographic crisis precipitated by the migration of people out of British Kaffraria. "Thousands [of Xhosa] have taken refuge in the

Colony," Soga wrote to William Anderson, "Some have thrown themselves among the Native tribes beyond, others have crossed the Orange River, distant from Kafirland, I think, two or three hundred miles...The proudest people on the face of the earth have been compelled by severity of the present distress, to do

103 Chalmers, TiyoSoga, 137. 104 Soga to John Henderson of Park, 2 September 1857, cited in Ibid., 142. 105 Ibid., 142-3. 106 Ibid., 145. 113 things at which they would formerly have shuddered."1 7 Lamenting the effect of this out-migration from British Kaffraria, Soga observed to another Scottish friend that, "Kafirland is nearly devoid of the interest which it once possessed.

The greater part of it has been emptied of the inhabitants... ."' 8 As he explained to Anderson, the longer-term results of this depopulation could be disastrous for the Xhosa.

The continued existence of the Kafirs, as a nation, has become problematical. There is no doubt that many of those who have left Kafirland will never return. But upon those who may return after they have recruited their means in the Colony.. .various influences will have been brought to bear, tending to modify their habits and customs as a people.. .1 fear that in the course of time, the chiefs will have nothing but the name of that authority.1 9

And yet Soga also saw the Cattle-Killing as an opportunity to create long- term changes in Xhosaland.110 Outlining this opportunity in the same lengthy

letter to William Anderson cited above, Soga wrote the following:

In the present calamities I think I see the future salvation of my countrymen, both in a physical and moral point of view. The destruction of their cattle will make them more extensive cultivators of the soil than they have ever been. Then in a more point of view, in some places to which they have fled [like mission stations], they will no doubt be brought under the influence of the truth.. .1 need not tell you that the multitudes, who are flocking to missionary stations, will have all the advantages of such institutions.'11

Soga explained how he would seize this opportunity.

Our object then, is to push on now to Kafirland to commence the work of building up a station... Some of those [Xhosa] who have

10 Soga to William Anderson, 7 August 1857, cited in Ibid., 138. 108 Ibid., 145. 109 Ibid., 139. 110 Ibid., 138. 111 Ibid., 140. 114

gone from [British] Kaffraria will, no doubt, after they have improved their circumstances, return to their own land. By selecting.. .the parts likely to be largely populated in Kaffraria we are sure of getting those who return.''

Like Grey, Soga perceived a benefit in the resettlement of the British

Kaffraria into villages, and like Grey, Soga felt the missionaries would play a critical role in the transformation of British Kaffraria. Soga, however, differed

from Grey over the nature of this new Xhosa village system. While Grey hoped these new villages would spell the end of the Xhosa as a united entity and the

establishment of British Kaffraria as a pool of inexpensive African labour for white farms, Soga saw in these villages (and missions) a chance for a new kind of

Xhosa community that was Christian, that recognized individual land tenure but was also independent, and that could be treated as an equal by the Cape government. Soga wanted to use his skills and education to help lead this new

Xhosa community.

Soga's journey to establish himself as a leader started where his own journey to ordination had begun, with the small group of Ntsikana's People originally from Tyhume. By 1857, Ntsikana's People, including Tiyo's siblings and parents, lived at Peelton. A centre of "unbelievers" during the Cattle-Killing,

Peelton had become a kind of refuge for other "unbelievers" seeking security and protection from "believers"; Soga's arrival at Peelton in 1857 "caused unspeakable joy" amongst his friends and family. Having spent nearly a decade as refugees first at King William's Town and then at Peelton, the converts were eager to follow Soga to a new, more permanent, village site. After negotiations

1,2 Ibid., 140-1. 113 Tiyo Soga, cited in Ibid., 150. 115 with Sandile and the Cape government, the United Presbyterian missionaries settled on a site for a new station for Ntsikana's People on a height of land along the Mgwali River about 50 kilometers northeast of King William's Town.114 This new site, Emgwali, would be Soga's first mission station and the new center for

Ntsikana's People. Soga praised Emgwali as "a land of Milk and corn; and certainly to our eyes it gave the promise of abundance of the good things of this life."115 Soon after arriving at the site, Soga built a temporary church. Soga described the first service at the church in a lengthy letter to the Foreign Mission

Committee in Edinburgh. "The whole scene was deeply solemn, devout, and impressive," wrote Soga.

We concluded by singing the hymn of Untsikana [Ntsikana]...The effect which it produced in our little assembly was thrilling. It must have awakened in their minds the memories of the past. No doubt some of these would be pleasant - others again sad & melancholy in their nature. I saw many an eye bathed in tears & many a strong frame shaking & trembling from the intensity of mental emotion.11

For the members of the church, the singing of the Great Hymn signaled the continuity of Ntsikana's legacy in Xhosaland, despite the difficulties of the

1850s and it marked the beginning of a new phase in the history of Ntsikana's

People, this time under the leadership of its own minister, Tiyo Soga. For Soga, the church opening signaled the start of his long sought-after role as a leader of this specific group of Christians, and the beginning of more deeply felt convictions about his own faith as a Christian. If there had been insecurity before

""Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 152 and 158. ,15Ibid., 153. 116 Soga to Somerville, 16 April 1858, cited in Williams, The Journal and Selected Writings of the Reverend Tiyo Soga, 78-9. 116 about his conversion, by the early 1860s, after the Cattle-Killing and back amongst his family and friends, Soga set aside the spiritual insecurities he expressed in Scotland to become a committed Christian eager to convert others to his faith. Combining his training as a missionary with his association with

Ntsikana's People, Soga would spend the rest of his short life searching for ways to lead his "down-trodden people" towards stability and a better relationship with the Cape Colony.

Ordained to Modernity

Although family and a sense of Home were crucial in guiding both Henry

Budd and Tiyo Soga toward ordination, they each became missionaries for different reasons: Budd to be closer to the CMS, Soga to serve Ntsikana's People.

By the time they were ordained, each man had distinct hopes for how their lives as missionaries would change their countrymen. While Soga saw Christianity as a way to help his "down-trodden" countrymen protect themselves from the trauma caused by internal divisions and external pressures on Xhosa lands brought to a head by the Cattle-Killing, Budd saw the new religion as a way to create economic and religious change amongst an Aboriginal population under threat from the environmental challenges of the Great Transformation. These local motivations guided how each man approached their ordination and would continue to shape their respective understandings of Christianity.

The men did share two things: first, they identified with an evangelical

Christian theology that emphasized the a belief in original sin, and relief from this 117 sin through faith in the resurrection of Christ; second, they expressed a belief in the rationalism, individualism and progress that was offered by modernity, or what they would have called "civilization." As recent scholars of conversion have argued, changing religious affiliation, especially in the context of the nineteenth-century colonial world, represented a shift not only in religion but in one's relationship to modernity.117 For Budd, his new relationship to modernity meant he believed that the progress Cree communities depended on a transformation of their economy toward one that was sedentary, literate and

Christian. For Soga, while the progress associated with modernity likewise meant the economic transformation offered by sedentary agriculture, it also meant the creation of a modern Xhosa politics that could mend the internal conflict and external pressure from British colonialism. Although the above discussion of their conversion shows that they were introduced to missions from different Homes and used missions for somewhat different purposes, in modernity and Christianity

Budd and Soga shared a common language and faith in progress.

117 Peter van der Veer, ed., Conversion to Modernities: The Globalization of Christianity (New York: Routledge, 1996), 7. 118

Chapter 3

"Placed in very special circumstances": A Stranded Identity

The difference between the ways Tiyo Soga and Henry Budd used their positions as indigenous missionaries was particularly apparent by 1865. In March of that year Soga, giving evidence to a government commission looking into

"Native Affairs" in the Cape Colony, at once explained the legitimacy of the

Xhosa political system and asked for more government involvement in education.

A few weeks later, a letter by Soga, critical of the racial prejudices held by Cape

Colony settlers, was published in a settler newspaper. The letter, prompted by suggestions made in another newspaper that "the Kaffir Race was doomed to extinction," was both an attack on racial prejudice and an articulation of African nationalism.1 The letter challenged the argument of extinction by referring to the divine right of Africans to live in Africa ("Africa was of God given to the race of

Ham"), and to the fact that other "Negros" throughout the world, in places like

Spain, Portugal and America, were still surviving despite the "wreck of empires" and various forms of enslavement.2 Henry Budd never wrote this kind of a treatise on Native rights or settler prejudice. In 1865, as Soga penned this now-famous article, Budd was in a period of deep depression and isolation. Stationed at

Nipowewin on the edge of the western plains and cut-off from the politics of the

Red River Colony, Budd struggled to come to terms with the sudden loss of three family members to scarlet fever, the lack of "Christian friends" around him, and

1 Tiyo Soga, King Williams Town Gazette and Kaffrarian Banner, May 11,1865, cited in Williams, Selected Writings, 178. 2 Ibid., 180-1. 119 the difficulty of serving a migratory Cree community reluctant to settle at a mission station.3 Unlike Soga, Budd displayed no signs of proto-nationalism and was actually quite accommodating to the diverse people of his frontier; by 1865 he was openly preaching to Roman Catholics and Protestants of European, metis and Indian origins.4

These differences between Soga and Budd were not always so stark.

Because both men identified with Christianity and modernity, in the years immediately following their ordination, Budd and Soga actually constructed a remarkably similar sense-of-self; made up of three overlapping strands of identity: they saw themselves as part "missionary," part "trans-frontier figure," and part

"modern indigenous man."5 This chapter emphasizes the importance of this shared identity during the earliest phase of their careers as both men attempted to synthesize their different positions as "missionary" and "Native." While differences would later emerge in the way the men used this three-part identity and the commonality between their identity suggests there was a degree of connection, by the late-nineteenth century, in the way indigenous Christians, and especially indigenous missionaries, understood themselves and constructed a sense of modern indigenaity.

3 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 15 January 1862 and Henry Budd to Major Straith, 18 January 1865, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 4 Budd records preaching to fur traders from Quebec and French-speaking Metis he describes as Roman Catholic at several different moments in the 1850s and 1860s. 5 This interpretation is informed by Homi Bhabha's description of how nations and communities - like indigenous missionaries - are formed at the meeting place, the "in-between," of various narratives. See Bhabha, The Location of Culture, 1-3. 120

Missionary

Soga's and Budd's sense-of-self as missionaries is the meta-narrative shaping their early journals.6 These journals reveal how the indigenous missionaries felt connected with a mission society in Britain and charged with transforming their "benighted countrymen."7 Soga's journal begins in London as he began his return trip to South Africa in 1857: "Monday - Left London this day

o for Gravesend where we rejoined 'the lady of the Lake' bound for Algoa Bay...."

The next two months of journal entries detail Soga's journey to South Africa and his first articulations of a missionary identity. Wrestling with seasickness and boredom, Soga comforts himself, not with thoughts of returning home to South

Africa but by explaining that it is "pleasant to know, that our good friends in

Scotland, were not forgetting us this day."9 Soga also finds comfort by comparing his voyage to those of missionaries in the past, suggesting at one point that

"properly considered, sea sickness is one of the first trials thro wh[ich] the missionary must pass to his destined field of labour."10 On arrival in South Africa, the journal strikes another chord: Soga celebrates a new era in his life as a missionary while struggling with insecurities about his worthiness for the job. The first entry on arriving in South Africa records both sentiments:

6 Peel makes a similar observation about the CMS journals kept by missionaries in West Africa. See Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba, 15-6. 7 Tiyo Soga, The Journal and Selected Writings of the Reverend Tiyo Soga, ed. Donovan Williams (Cape Town: A. A. Balkema, 1983) The original copy of Soga's journal is stored at the Howard Pirn Library, University of Fort Hare, Alice, South Africa. Williams' transcription is an accurate rendering of the manuscript version and is thus used in this chapter to reference Soga's journal and most of his letters. 8 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 20 April 1857, Journal and Selected Writings, 11-12. 9 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 26 April 1857, Journal and Selected Writings 12. 10 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 25 April 1857, Journal and Selected Writings 12. 121

Glenthorn, S. Africa - October 17th, 1857. A new era in my ministerial and missionary history - This Lord's day I admitted into my church by the rite of holy Baptism ten individuals.. .The services - solemn and deeply interested - How unworthy was he who was called to preside -! may the blood of Xt wash him from the sins of holy things."

The entries that follow focused squarely on reproducing the meta-narrative of self-as-missionary. Within a few months of arriving, after Soga established his station at Emgwali, two kinds of entries dominate the journal - descriptions of

Sunday Church services and other church events (like baptism), and records of visits to outstations within a few days horseback ride of Emgwali. While the entries about the station confirm Soga's role and identity as a missionary, the descriptions of journeys to outstations detail how Soga reconciled his identity as a missionary with his Xhosa background. For example in July 1860, during a visit to a homestead under the leadership of a headman named Sakela, Soga argued that his ethnic identity as a "Kaffir"12 gave him common ground with Sakela, while his religious identity set him apart. "I am one of you" he told Sakela,

a Kaffir as well as you - One of your own tribe & nation - Why is it, that I have not a painted blanket like you - or have not my ankles & wrists ornamented with those tinkling chains that ornament your own? Simply because, I have been taught to see the utter uselessness of such things to immortal beings.13

Referring to his belief in original sin, Soga told Sakela that "I would not for the world exchange positions with you - bec[ause] I know that to live like you are

11 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 17 October 1857, Journal and Selected Writings 15. 12 "Kaffir" as used here by Soga refers to "Xhosa," the largest Nguni language-group in the Cape Colony. 13 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 24 July 1860, Journal and Selected Writings, 27. 122 now living, is sure and certain ruin..." Employing this religious identity and ethnic connection, Soga engaged Sakela and his people in "one of the most interesting meetings I have had with my poor benighted countrymen."15 Soga told his audience to be inquisitive about "these strange news [i.e. Christianity] that have come to us"; to Soga's delight, the people responded by presenting "some theological Knuts [sic] to crack." The journal records some of these "knuts." As

Soga wrote:

One man - for the first time in my itinerating experience - put forward the case of infants... what wd God do in their case - would he punish them?...He [then] went on to perplex me still further - He said some Sin deliberately - some more - others less - some for a Shorter & others for a longer time - Then to render the question more pertinent - he said - 'A young person dies, who has not sinned as long as I have - will the punishment of such be forgiven - ?17

Although Soga struggled to give answers to these questions, he ultimately relied on his identity as a missionary to conclude that, "there is to me a satisfactory answer, to all questions I can never comprehend, nor explain - God can never do wrong....''''

Budd's journal is framed by the same meta-narrative of self-as-missionary.

Beginning just after his ordination, Budd recorded his journey to his mission field and his feelings of excitement and "unworthiness." Within days of his ordination he wrote: "I felt my utter unworthiness for such an honour [of preaching], as well

tuiu. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid. as my own insufficiency for the work before me."1 Over the next few years the journal settled into a predictable pattern, recording general events at Devon

Mission, encounters Budd had with various Natives during his trips outside

Devon, and comparisons with Biblical missionary-figures like Paul. Written for a specific audience (superiors in Red River and Britain), and following a specific formula, Budd's journal comprises long narrative entries often including extensive Biblical passages. Training in the CMS, particularly under John

Smithurst and James Hunter in the 1840s, had a strong bearing on how Budd wrote his journals and why his journals differ so little from those of

Euromissionaries. Using a flowing narrative style with near-perfect English,

Budd made each entry into a short story about the day, noting important information that might be useful to superiors in London. A typical entry for

Sunday reads as follows:

Sept 17th [1854] Lord's day. At our usual time for the morning prayers I went over to the school and found some women already waiting and the rest of the Indians was putting their canoes in water to come over to the morning prayers. We had a full congregation in the Morning prayers. I read the prayers and preached from the words of St. John the Baptist, Luke I. 29 "Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world." In the afternoon we had the same number at the Evening Service. The Indians when they come out of the church, whether after the Morning or after the Evening Service, they assemble in parties in one of their own houses or even outside if it is a warm day, talking about what they have heard, and asking each other questions what they remember of the sermon, this way many of them are taught and edified.

As with Soga's journal entries, Budd's writing reveals that it was during encounters with people away from his station that he engaged with other Indians,

Henry Budd, Journal, 25 December 1850, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Henry Budd, Journal, 17 September 1854, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 124 emphasizing his role as missionary. In an entry about one of his many discussions with a Cree man named Walluck Twatt, Budd records how he tried to convince

Walluck that Indian religious practices were the only reason differences existed between "Indians" and "white people." Budd explained to Twatt that Indians could overcome these differences - as Budd himself had done - by simply changing their religion: "He [God] has given us [Indians] his Word to teach us the right way. He desires that all men whether whitepeople or Indians to [sic] worship

Him in his own way...." Walluck Twatt remained skeptical of Budd's religion throughout the 1850s. As has been the case in Soga's encounter with Sakela, the self-as-missionary narrative would continue to frame his encounters with

Walluck, even as Budd's sense of "Nativeness" informed their discussions.

Aside from the content of the journals, the practice of writing missionary journals is evidence of Soga's and Budd's self-identification as missionaries.

Keeping a journal was one of the first instructions given the indigenous missionaries when hired. Soga's intended audience was his Scottish superiors who often advised Soga to send home extracts from the journal for publication in the Church's missionary newsletter. The resulting journal is a relatively short document (less than 100 pages) which is incomplete, Soga made no entries when he traveled away from his home to Cape Town (1860 and 1866) and Basutoland

21 Ibid. 22 Alexander Somerville to Tiyo Soga and Robert Johnson, 7 April 1857, Letterbook of Foreign Missions Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, Records of the United Presbyterian Church, Ms. 7640, National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh (henceforth RUPC). Robert Johnson accompanied Soga to South Africa in 1857. See also, CMS, Regulations Explanatory of the Relations between the Church Missionary Society and the Students. Missionaries, and Catechists Connected with it, CMSA, Circulars, Vol. I, GAZ/1. 125

(1863). Moreover, it is written in an idiosyncratic style wherein each entry is not a coherent narrative but a jot-note list of events that occurred during the day (a kind of disjointed chronicle of the day's events). Despite this style, the keeping of the journal and the choice to record mainly "missionary activities," meant that each time he made an entry Soga was forced to remember that he was a missionary in the United Presbyterian Church, even if he spoke to Sakela's about being "a Kaffir as well as you." Budd's practice of journal-keeping provides even more compelling evidence of how journal-writing was a force creating identity.

Budd's journal, a more formulaic document than Soga's, differed little in style and substance from those of Euromissionaries; it was submitted twice annually to the CMS's London Committee. Budd's faithful use of the journal makes for a very long document, stretching to more than 500 handwritten pages covering 25 years. What makes Budd's journal interesting is the consistent style of each entry.

This recurring style suggests Budd internalized the CMS's approach to language and writing; every time he sat down to write, he drew on his missionary identity.

Winona Wheeler has suggested the texts of Native catechists in the Northwest were primarily examples of "impression management" written to "convince

[CMS] superiors that the mission field was ripe and that he [the Native catechist] was conducting his work according to their standards and desires."26 While this is accurate in some instances, and is likely the case in letters by Native catechists

24 For entries explaining the gaps in the Journal due to these travels see Tiyo Soga, Journal, October 13, 1860, Journal and Selected Writings, 29; and, Journal, July 17, 1863, Journal and Selected Writings, 36. 25 Soga may have used the journal of John Cumming's as a model. Like Soga, Cumming used dashes and a jot-note form of journal-keeping. See Cumming Journal, J. F. Cumming Collection, MSB 139, 2, National Library of South Africa, Cape Town (henceforth Cumming Collection). 26 Wheeler, "The Journals and Voices of a Church of England Native Catechist.", 247-9. that make specific requests, Budd's consistent use of the same language and style

in the over 500 pages of his journal suggests the "missionary" had penetrated his

sense of identity, shaping his life and approach to writing.

Trans-frontier

While clearly identifying as missionaries, both men recognized they were

not the same as their Euromissionary colleagues. Budd noted this difference in a

letter to a superior in London,

I am as you observe placed in very Special circumstances wherein I can glorify God by preaching the Gospel of His dear Son. Possessing as I do the Native language and thereby able to address the Native with ease. Acquainted with their habits and superstitions, and can enter into all their feelings, answer all their objections. I say this is a great talent that I have to occupy till my Lord's coming. 7

Soga was even more aware of his "special circumstances." When he arrived in

South Africa, he noted how, to Africans, he was "the object of wonder and

astonishment" because of his ability to "bridge over the apparently impassable gulph [sic], fixed between their degraded condition and that of their pre-eminently distinguished white neighbours." Crossing this bridge made Soga uneasy and very aware of the racism around him. As he explained to a Scottish friend, "[my]

Scotch [sic] education, not my black face, has been my passport into places where that face would not be permitted to enter."29 This sense of being in "special circumstances" because of their ability to bridge between and move across

Henry Budd to Major Hector Straith [Lay Secretary, CMS, London], 6 August 1852, CMS A, CCl/O/12. 28 Tiyo Soga to Alexander Somerville, 6 October 1857, cited in Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian Church, 1 March 1858. 29 Tiyo Soga to William Anderson, 7 August 1857, cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 135. cultures (or "races" in Soga s case) was only reluctantly welcomed by both men.

Budd's 1852 letter about his "special circumstances" was mainly an act of mimicry written to appease a superior who told Budd that he was indeed "placed in circumstances wherein you can glorify God by preaching the Gospel of His salvation." And Soga, tired of being a curiosity at numerous church gatherings in Scotland, was not eager to continue being "an object of wonderment" in South

Africa.3I Both men rarely commented on this aspect of their life. Regardless of this reluctance, their ability to move between cultures was an inescapable reality of their lives. I use the term "trans-frontier" to describe the strand of identity both men developed as they made these movements.32

Budd relied mainly on his language skills to construct his trans-frontier identity. He realized that Cree allowed him entry into intimate conversation with potential converts in Cree camps he could use, as he wrote, the "hook" of conversation instead of the "net" of preaching to attract possible converts one at a time.33 As he explained, regardless of whether he was "in the pulpit, or in the fishing tent, or in the sawing tent...A missionary [like himself] acquainted with the Native turn of mind, and knowing the language, can easily turn any subject in conversation to the benefit and instruction of these Indians."34 In line with this approach he advocated for an informal method of evangelization, using daily discussion and contact to gain converts. He outlined this idea in his journal as

30 Hector Straith to Henry Budd, 15 March 1852, CMSA, Northwest Canada, Individual Letter Books, 1852-1856, CC1/I/1. 31 Chalmers, TiyoSoga, 91. 32 This concept is informed by John Peel's observation that indigenous missionaries "were quintessential cultural middlemen, adapting Christianity and transforming Yoruba identity in a single seamless process." See Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba, 8. 33 Henry Budd, Journal, 1 September 1856, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 34 Henry Budd, Journal, 20 October 1856, CMSA, CC1/0/12. 128 follows: "If these Indians would only learn to work, they would not only get some assistance for themselves and families, but it would also make them familiar with

if us, as well as put them in the way of attending prayers etc. daily." Only in one instance is it clear that Budd's ethnicity, not his language, won him a convert.

Visiting Lac La Ronge in 1856, Budd explained how a Dene man "came over and begged that I should baptize him." Budd told the man that the resident missionary

- an Englishman, Robert Hunt - should perform the ceremony. The man, however, "would not be put off but entreated more earnestly than ever that he should be baptized by myself." Giving into the Dene man's request, Budd eventually performed the baptism, naming the man after himself. Aside from this event, Budd recorded no instance where his ethnicity helped him win converts and support amongst the Native population. Budd's "special circumstances" - his ability to move between Euromissionary and Cree contexts - rested almost entirely on his language abilities.

While Soga used language to move between cultures, his trans-frontier identity was mainly based on his ability to act as a bridge between the Xhosa and the Colonial political elite. This political use of his trans-frontier status was linked directly to the colonial context around him. Unlike the relatively fluid, peaceful and co-operative context of the fur-trade frontier around Budd, the space in which Soga found himself was charged with the political (and often military) maneuverings of Africans and Europeans and the ongoing contest to secure and maintain territory. It was in this context that Soga developed his politically

Henry Budd, Journal, 2 June 1853, CMSA, CC1/0/12. Henry Budd, Journal, 29 December 1856, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 129 informed trans-frontier identity. Before arriving back in South Africa in 1857,

Soga used his church elders to secure support from Sandile, the highest ranking

Xhosa west of the Kei River.37 When Soga himself arrived, he turned to his friends in government, particularly Native Affairs Commissioner Charles

Brownlee, for help. By the late 1850s, Brownlee launched a campaign to secure land title for Soga's station at Emgwali, writing several letters to the colonial government in Cape Town demanding title on behalf of Soga and noting the "high esteem I feel for Mr. Soga."38 The campaign was strengthened in September 1860 when Soga managed to get permission for title from Cape Colony Governor

General, George Grey. Soga was introduced to Grey in August of 1860 during

Prince Alfred's royal tour of South Africa. The Prince, accompanied by Grey, had stopped in Port Elizabeth to meet several Xhosa leaders including Sandile. After the meeting, Sandile was invited to accompany the Prince back to Cape Town, and Grey asked Soga to stay with Sandile and act as interpreter. Suspicious of

Grey's motives and unable to speak English, Sandile welcomed Soga's inclusion in the party. From August 30 to mid-September 1860, Soga, Sandile, Grey,

Brownlee and Prince Alfred, along with several other dignitaries, shared passage on the ship bound for Cape Town.39 During the voyage Soga mobilized his trans­ frontier credentials, moving between Sandile and Grey to secure title for the

Emgwali station and support for his mission. From Sandile he won continued trust

37 Minutes of Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, 27 May 1856, RUPC, Dep. 398(62). 38 Charles Brownlee to Maclean, 6 November 1860, Archives of British Kaffraria 72, Gaika Commissioner (Brownlee), National Archives of South Africa, Cape Town (henceforth BK 72). 39 For full discussion of Soga's 1860 trip to Cape Town with Sandile, Grey and others, see Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 206-19. 130 as an important advisor in dealings with the government; from Prince Alfred he received a Bible and the moral support of the British royal family; and, from Grey he secured personal support for his mission at Emgwali and even a donation of

£50 for the building of a new church at the station.40 If Soga had been unclear about or reluctant to use, his trans-frontier position, this voyage clarified things; he would use his trans-frontier identity to promote the goals of his mission by securing support from the political elite on both sides of the frontier. While his religion and "scotch education" won him supporters in the Cape government, his links to Sandile, through his father, assured him at least some support in

Xhosaland. Emgwali was eventually granted 4,000-5,000 acres for the "use of

Natives in connexion with station."41 The constant movements across linguistic, cultural and political frontiers gave indigenous missionaries access to both sides of the colonial project.

Modern Indigenous Man

Although Budd and Soga identified as " Natives" theirs was a

"Nativeness" altered by their familiarities with modernity, their goals as missionaries and their trans-frontier identity. To begin with, unlike their

"benighted countrymen," Budd and Soga believed that sin was an inherent part of the human condition that expressed itself in an array of forms (from blasphemy to stealing to practising heathen rituals); they also believed these sins could only be overcome through conversion to Christianity. This concept of sin was perhaps the

40 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 213-4. 41 Charles Brownlee to Mclean, November 6 1860, BK 72. 131 most crucial difference between the Christian theology Budd and Soga identified with and established Xhosa and Cree spirituality. In most indigenous cosmologies, sin was a cause-effect relationship: bad actions, like murder, would create bad results for the murderer, although the murderer himself was not inherently sinful.42 Neither Cree nor Xhosa cosmology, unlike evangelical

Protestantism, saw sin as a defining feature of self.

During an itinerating trip in 1852, Budd's distinct vision of sin is apparent:

'"what do you call sin?'" Budd asked a man named Mahnsuk; "when an Indian murders another do you call that sin?" '"Yes"' answered Mahnsuk. Budd then asked, "but when an Indian steals, speaks bad words, and commits fornication, is that not sin?" To this, Mahnsuk replied,'" No,' we say of such a man, 'numnu ah ejinnessu [illeg?],' he is not nice, but we do not call that sinning." Budd then said to Mahnsuk: "everything that the Indian does which breaks the holy law of

God...is sin" and all humans have "committed more sins than the hair on their heads."43 Budd reported that Mahnsuk was surprised by this statement: "he did not reply," noted Budd, "but looked quite astonished wondering how he could be such a sinner."44 Soga had similar discussions about sin and sinfulness with people like Sakela who asked Soga several questions about whether infants sin and whether young people sin less than old people.45 All these discussions reveal how Budd and Soga had a vision of self which, in its emphasis on individual

See Janet Hodgson, The God of the Xhosa: A Study of the Origins and Development of the Traditional Concepts of the Supreme Being (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1982); Brown and Brightman, The Orders of the Dreamed", 132. 43 Henry Budd, Journal, 3 October 1852, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 44 Ibid. 45 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 24 July 1860, Journal and Selected Writings, 27. 132 responsibility, was expressly informed by evangelical Christianity and modernity and differed significantly from the established cosmology of the Cree and Xhosa.

While their view of sinfulness may have restrained Budd and Soga from participating fully in indigenous society, it was also a liberating force enabling them to think and live somewhat outside the traditional social and religious structures of their respective indigenous societies. Unlike others of his age, Budd did not have to participate in rituals paying respect to the pawakan, and was able to control his own spiritual destiny without the help of conjurors who usually sold their services to those in need of medical or spiritual help.46 Budd constantly complained about the sale of medical and spiritual advice by conjurors, describing how a man, shot in the leg, was forced to pay two conjurors a gun and a kettle in exchange for help.47 Soga likewise, did not have to look to the ancestors to intervene in his spiritual life as did other Xhosa around him. The mixture of secular and religious freedoms that accompanied their recognition of sin liberated both men from several indigenous structures, leading them, in turn, to see indigenous rituals as superstition.

Budd and Soga also felt themselves to be different from other Cree and

Xhosa because they identified with a new form of indigenous masculinity. They emphasized male's role - especially the literate, mission-educated male - as the self-sufficient leader of the "public sphere" and necessary protector of females from the dangers of "heathen" society. Each man educated his own children to reflect this notion of masculinity and of gender more generally. Sending one of

46 Brown and Brightman, "Orders of the Dreamed," 174. 47 Henry Budd, Journal, 22 August 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 48 Johnston, Missionary Writing and Empire, 1800-1860, 8-9. 133 his youngest daughters Eliza, to a school at Red River in 1865, Budd explained to the teacher Matilda Davis, that he hoped the schooling would protect his daughter from the influences of the Indians: "I fear you will find her [Eliza] a wild little girl," wrote Budd, "but when kept under proper restraint, & away from home, I trust, she will soon lose the habit of running about which she acquired from the

Indian."49 Elizabeth Budd, one of Henry's favourite daughters, exemplified

Budd's hopes for Eliza: not only had Elizabeth attended Miss Davis' school and worked as a schoolteacher at Nipowewin and Devon missions, she also married the Rev. Henry Cochrane, an indigenous missionary ordained in the 1860s. For

Budd, this marriage represented the ideal "Christian Home."50

While Soga's daughters' lives are less well documented, it is clear that although he wanted them to be familiar with the Xhosa language he did not necessarily want them to stay in South Africa. Within a year of Soga's death,

Janet Soga explained that one of the main reasons she needed to return with her family to Scotland was that she had children, "that three of them are girls," and that they were best, and more inexpensively, raised in Scotland.51 A friend of the

Soga family concurred with Janet, arguing that the girls should go to Scotland and once there, "the three girls.. .should never return to Africa."52 Soga was more specific about his hopes for his sons. He wanted them to be educated in Scotland and work in Africa as leaders to "their countrymen." As he wrote to a friend,

49 Henry Budd to Miss Matilda Davis, 3 July 1865, Matilda Davis Papers, P2342 #15, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg. 50 Henry Budd, Journal, 11 October 1873, CMSA, CC1/0/12. 51 Minutes of Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, 29 October 1872, RUPC, Dep. 298(65). 52 Minutes of Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, 30 July 1872, RUPC, Dep. 298(65). 134

"they [the boys] go to Scotland to obtain an education to benefit their own countrymen. They are not needed in Scotland, and are much required in

Kaffirland."53 Budd likewise differentiated his hopes for his daughters from those for his sons. While hoping his daughters would follow Elizabeth's example and marry a Christian Native, he prepared his boys to be leaders in the "public sphere" of the church and mission work. Unfortunately for Budd, the premature deaths of all his sons prohibited this visioning. While all Budd's sons attended schools at

Red River (at either St. John's or St. Peter's Parish) only one, Henry jr., lived long enough to attend the famous Islington College in London and gain ordination.54

Also setting Budd and Soga apart from other indigenous people was their shared perception of history as a linear event wherein the arrival of missionaries and Christianity was a key phase in the progress of their respective indigenous societies. For Budd, identifying with linear history placed him at odds with the

Cree vision of history as a place-specific set of events or stories that created a

"collective memory in terms of space rather than time."55 Budd's vision of history is revealed in his encounter with Walluck Twatt: God "made only one man, and one woman, all the white people and all the Indians have their origins from them"; Indian religion "is the invention of men, men who had lost the right way of worshiping God"; missionaries were brought to the Northwest to put the Indians back to the right way of living and worshiping.56 Budd's sense of history thus celebrated the arrival of missionaries as a key stage in the rightful and inevitable

53 Tiyo Soga to Mr. Bogue, 10 January 1870, cited in Chalmers, Soga, 413. 54 Henry junior died in 1865, two years after his return to the Northwest. 55 Neal McLeod, Cree Narrative Memory: From Treaties to Contemporary Times (Saskatoon: Purich Publishing Limited, 2007), 6. 56 Henry Budd, Journal, 10 September 1852, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 135 return of Aboriginals to a Christian God. While some Indians feared "they would soon all die" if they began praying to the Christian God, Budd saw nothing to fear in adopting Christianity, believing instead that Christianity needed to be absorbed by Indians as quickly as possible.57 Soga also records how he "met with...instance[s] of kaffir cautiousness" whereby people were reluctant to accept a religion that was new; yet, because Xhosa leadership was organized on complex systems of tribal lineage, the concept of linear history was not completely new to Xhosa society. Moreover, the longer history of Christianity in

Xhosaland, and the devastation wrought by the Cattle-Killing made Xhosa society more familiar with the Christian view of history.

Along with their belief in original sin, a new masculinity and linear history, both men stood-apart from the majority of Cree and Xhosa societies because of their faith in written texts. Budd's complaint that Indian religion was

"the invention of men" suggests he saw Indian rituals as false because they were not recorded in stable texts like the Bible. Budd was likewise skeptical about the way dreams, a central feature of Cree spirituality, were valued by Indians, explaining in his journals that "in their [the Indians'] heathen state they make their dreams a part of the object of their worship and veneration."59 Budd spent most of his early life translating texts into Cree syllables and repeatedly stated that creating Cree texts was the way to deeply root Christianity in Cree society.60

While Soga likewise translated scripture, he also saw a much broader use for

57 Henry Budd, Journal, 26 September 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 58 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 9 July 1858, Journal and Selected Writings, 20. 59 Henry Budd, Journal, 7 August 1856, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 60 Henry Budd, Journal, 7 October and 2 November 1855, and March 16 1856, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 136 written texts. In 1862 Soga began publishing articles in the missionary-run newspaper Indaba. Produced at the nearby Lovedale mission, Indaba was one in a

string of mission papers published in the eastern Cape in the late-nineteenth century. Soga's contribution to the paper was several articles in Xhosa about history and the ways Xhosa society should continue to modernize. His first article outlined how he hoped the newspaper would become a written form of the lively discussions and storytelling common in Xhosa communities. This article, translated here into English, began as follows:

So we are to have a National Newspaper! The news will come right inside our huts. This is really welcome news. We Xhosa are a race that enjoys conversation. The sense of well-being among us is to hear something new. When a man who has things to relate come to a home a meal is cooked in a tall pot because the people want him to eat to his satisfaction so that the happiness which is the result of a good meal will open his heart and the sore parts will heal. As soon as that happens there will be a stream of news flowing out of the mouth. The listener will continually assent. So will the narrator be encouraged. Silence will at times reign all ears listening. The damsel will constantly replenish the fire in the fire­ place. When the news-retailer finishes there will be a general hum, expressing agreement, rejoicing and acceptability of the visitor.61

Soga goes on to explain how the newspaper would correct the "half-truths" spread by travelers and act as a "beautiful vessel for preserving the stories, fables, legends, customs, anecdotes and history of the tribes."62 Part tool of national unity, part sermon and part historical text, Soga's articles in Indaba revealed how he was playing with written texts, borrowing from Christian and Xhosa traditions

61 Tiyo Soga, "Ipepe le-Ndaba Zasekaya [A National Newspaper]," Indaba, August 1862, trans, by J.J.R. Jolobe, in Williams ed., Journal and Selected Writings, 151. 137

to make what he called a "Native literature." For both men, written texts were

part of the progress modernity and missionaries brought to their people and a key

method for ensuring the continuation of this progress.

Despite their strong identification with sin, a new form of masculinity,

linear history and written text, Budd and Soga still identified as Cree and Xhosa

respectively. For Budd, land and language formed concrete links to his sense of

"Creeness." At the end of a lengthy discussion with Indians at Nipowewin about

whether missionaries should pay to establish a station in the Northwest, Budd said

the following:

whatever Indians may expect of a foreigner to pay for the ground belonging to the Indians, it would not be easy to get me to pay for the spot I occupy here, because I am myself a Native of the soil, and claim my right and privilege to establish myself in any part of North America without paying the Natives for the soil.64

Budd never again commented on his land rights as a Native. This brief statement,

however, suggests that land and his sense of "Native title," was a key component

to the way Budd constructed his sense-of-self as a Cree and subsequently linked

himself to Aboriginals.

Language was the other way he reached across this divide. Although he

saw English as the way toward more rapid modernization and progress, informed

by his own childhood, Budd constantly campaigned for the use of Cree in

religious services, arguing that by using Cree he was more able to connect with his congregation. As he explained in one journal entry, it was "much more

63 Tiyo Soga to John Cumming, 18 September 1862, dimming Collection, MSB 139, 5 (137). 64 Henry Budd, Journal, 15 May 1853, CMSA, CC1/0/12. interesting to the Indians since we made a custom of reading wholly in their own language."65 Several years later, he admitted that while English-language services made him feel "a degree of distrust or diffidence in myself preaching in a foreign tongue," at Cree services, he "felt.. .on my own ground & in my element."66

Grounded in language and territory, Budd established a new way of defining

"Nativeness" and "Creeness" in the Northwest. Instead of locating

Creeness/Nativeness in lifestyle and economy, as was typical during the fur-trade era, Budd constructed a new kind of Creeness that combined aspects of Christian modernity, that is to say individualism and literacy, with land rights and language.

Like Budd, Soga saw land and language as tangible links to his

"Xhosaness." Explaining his arrival at Emgwali in 1857, Soga stated that he and his Xhosa followers were "taking possession of our inheritance" after the war and loss of land in the 1850s war. Soga worked tirelessly to acquire full title to that land, as witnessed in his trans-frontier exchanges in the 1860s. Soga was just as protective of the Xhosa language; his meticulous work on translations is apparent in the several letters he wrote to fellow missionaries.68 In one from 1870, Soga explained how some "old Kaffirs" corrected him on several words:

"Refeblezo [they said]... is not the Kaffir word for falsly - They gave four different words for it but said the Most well known are uGexo and umjingo. Take either of the two... The Kaffirs say Gudeva will not do - it is the broken shell of an earthen pot. Not in any sense an is[illeg?] - No European dishes could.. .be rightly called Gudeva - unless those that are not whole."69

65 Henry Budd, Journal, 14 December 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 66 Henry Budd, Journal, 29 December 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 67 Tiyo Soga, [ca. 1857] cited in MRUPC 1 February 1858. 58 See Tiyo Soga to Bryce Ross, 11 March 1859 and 26 June 1870, Bryce Ross Papers, MS 10663 and 10661, Cory Library, Grahamstown, South Africa (henceforth BRP). 69 Tiyo Soga to Bryce Ross, 26 June 1870, BRP, MS 10661. 139

Besides his focus on preserving language and land rights, Soga's interest in history also connected him to Xhosa society. Unlike Budd, Soga spent much of his free time recording the myths and stories of the Xhosa, compiling a catalogue of information on Xhosa customs and history.70 Although most of this information remained largely unpublished in Soga's lifetime, some of it appeared in Indaba, it seems very likely that Charles Brownlee's publications on "Kaffir Life and

History" drew on Soga's ethnography and collected Xhosa histories.71

Aside from land, language and history, Soga also used the ongoing tensions with white settlers to construct his sense of "Xhosaness." While Budd never commented that he, as a Cree, faced racism or prejudice, Soga often noted how racism was something he faced on a nearly daily basis in the Cape Colony.

He considered himself powerless to stop it: "knowing the prejudices existing in the Colony against colour, I had resolved never to break forcibly through these prejudices." To land, language and history Soga was thus forced to add

"Blackness" to his identity as a Xhosa.

Like their journey to ordination, the modern indigenous masculinity of

Budd and Soga was shaped by the way evangelical Christianity interacted with their local contexts and life experiences. First, the Xhosa hierarchical tribal society allowed for the establishment of more stable forms of "community" than

Cree band structures; this made Xhosa society more able than the Cree band

70 For full discussion of Soga's work as an ethnographer/historian see Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 344-58. 71 Charles Pacalt Brownlee, Reminiscences of Kafir Life and History and Other Papers (Lovedale, SA: Lovedale Press, 1896). 72 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 132. structures Budd was familiar with to adopt and appreciate a national, political identity. Second, Henry Budd had few kin connections with his converts and the people he worked with; Soga, conversely worked at a station populated by brothers, sisters and his own mother. Third, Soga, unlike Budd, lived through three major wars between Xhosa and British forces in the 1830s, 40s, and 50s, and in a frontier zone shaped largely by racial-tensions. Without ongoing interference from white settler populations and a military contest for land, there was, it would seem, little need for Budd to write about the same kind of "national newspaper" or nationalize his "indigenaity." It was because of these different local frontiers that Soga tended to define Xhosaness as a national identity, while

Budd saw "Cree" as a linguistic-based identity that was loosely defined and not a basis for a "national" or political movement.

Indigenized Modernities

Budd's and Soga's close relationship with evangelical Christianity changed their sense-of-self and their understanding of indigenaity. While seeing themselves as missionaries and trans-frontier figures, they embraced an indigenaity - a Creeness and a Xhosaness - that combined sin, new assumptions about masculinity, linear history and written texts with a sense of land rights, language and history. This multiple identity was fluid and Budd and Soga likely moved between each strand of identity throughout their daily lives, emphasizing one or the other as the circumstances dictated. Most significantly, this identity 141 reveals how conversion and ordination changed Budd and Soga and led them to create Indigenized versions of modernity and Christianity. 142

Chapter 4

Locally Anxieties and Global Connections: The Worlds of Indigenous Missionaries

With their hybrid identity, Budd and Soga felt increasingly alienated from the places and people that had initially motivated them to seek ordination.

Although Soga's initial Home, Ntsikana's People, provided a fairly stable

Christian community with which Soga could relate and live with his stranded identity, within a few years of returning from Scotland, divisions began to emerge in the community that threatened Soga's authority and emotional security, thus challenging Soga sense of well being and connection to that Home. This division came to a head in early 1862 when several boys at the Emgwali mission station decided to become circumcised as part of the Xhosa male initiation ritual. Soga was furious about the circumcisions and ordered the boys to leave the station and not to appear in public.1 While this trouble at Emgwali threatened to destabilize

Soga's position as a leader to his Home at Emgwali, the growing racism in the colony reminded him that Cape Town, Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown were also not Home to him.

Henry Budd expressed similar anxieties about his relationship to his initial

Home. While Budd still identified strongly with the CMS, the Society was never interested in assimilating Budd and his stranded identity into the main body of the

1 Brownlee to Brownlow, 16 April 1862, BK, 73. It is important to remember that Soga had not been circumcised and had already been alienated from another Xhosa community because ofthisinthe 1840s. 2 This observation that indigenous missionaries lived in-between communities has been made by many scholars. See especially, Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing, 146-7; Brock, "New Christians," 133; Wheeler, "The Journals and Voices of a Church of England Native Catechist," 237-57; Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba, 8. 143

Church; rather the hope of the CMS was that Budd would establish and lead their own "Native church" that would provide Budd and others like him a viable Home that was Christian, aboriginal and independent of the CMS. Budd, however, had trouble creating this kind of Home. While he was warmly received by a few of the

Aboriginal people he tried to convert, more often Budd was threatened, harassed and challenged, particularly by those Aboriginals from the plains. By mid-career,

Budd faced the same challenge as Soga: how could he create a new Home that would accept him and his hybrid identity.

Even as Budd and Soga struggled to cope with these local tensions, they were becoming increasingly familiar with the global world. Through their ongoing correspondence with "friends" and superiors in Britain, and their readings of various published and unpublished texts about mission projects elsewhere in the world, Budd and Soga built for themselves a vision of the world beyond their local region. While this global world could not make up for the tensions and anxieties of living locally between communities, both men would increasingly turn to their own sense of the global world as a way to understand the reasons for the different races of people in the world. Locally alienated from what had been their Homes and globally connected, Budd and Soga experienced the world in unique, and sometimes stressful, ways.

3 Portions of this chapter will be published in Bradford, "Global Visions: 'Native Missionaries,' Mission Networks and Critiques of Colonialism in Nineteenth-century South African and Canada." 144

Homeless Outside Indigenous Worlds

Budd and Soga were never completely accepted by non-Cree and non-

Xhosa communities. European missionaries perceived Budd and Soga as culturally exotic because of their unique position between the "civilized" and

"uncivilized" worlds. Within a few months of his ordination, Budd expressed his gratitude to the CMS and recognized that he was considered unique by the society: "Scarcely another of the Society's converts" had received the same privileges, wrote Budd.4 A year later he received a letter from the CMS in London that reminded him that "a missionary [preaching? Illeg.] the Native language as you do [will reach? illeg.] the people with ease.. .you are.. .placed in circumstances wherein you can glorify God by preaching the Gospel of His salvation."5 At Cumberland station, where he was employed by James Hunter in preparing translations, Budd was likewise forced to recognize that his value as indigenous missionary revolved mainly around his bicultural and bilingual skills.

Budd recognized that his special status in the CMS meant he was treated differently than British-born missionaries. Three years after his ordination,

Budd's journal was still being reviewed by Hunter.7 While Soga's journal was not scrutinized by fellow missionaries and he was not subject to the same hierarchy

Budd faced in the CMS, Soga's time in Scotland made him more intimate with the way missionaries and their British supporters exoticized the indigenous

4 Henry Budd to Knight August 4 1851, CMSA, C1/M5. 5 Hector Straith to Henry Budd, 15 March 1852, CMSA, Northwest Canada, Individual Letter Books, 1852-1856, CC1/I/1. 6 James Hunter, Report on The Cumberland Station, August 1 1851, CMSA, CC1/0/35. 7 See James Hunter to Knight July 28 1853, CMSA, CC1/M/5; Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1869, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 145 missionary. In a particularly striking example of the "sheer curiosity" Soga apparently faced in Scotland, a Scottish acquaintance of Soga recounted how, during one of Soga's sermons, a young boy looked at Soga and mistaking him for a slave, "blurted out in something more than a whisper... 'Is that a new catched ane [sic]?'"8 Encounters like these made Soga very aware he was upsetting traditionally discrete categories of "missionary" and "black man." Soga continued to be aware of this awkward status when he returned to South Africa in 1857.

Missionaries and their supporters had high expectations for Budd and Soga. Both men were charged with using their "special circumstances" to advance the mission cause and embody the successful transformation missions could create.

They were an exotic example of the transformed "heathen." As a member of the

United Presbyterian Church wrote in a letter to Cape Colony Governor George

Grey, Soga's return to the Cape was a circumstance "full of promise to the tribes of Southern Africa... ."9

White settler-societies, meanwhile, responded more harshly to Soga than to Budd. In Soga's case, his race - his blackness - remained a stumbling block to being accepted by whites in the Cape Colony. While liberal whites including missionaries received Tiyo Soga with the same kind of praise and curiosity he experienced in Scotland, in most parts of the Cape Colony Soga faced racial prejudice from a settler society that saw Africans as both a threat to the security of

Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 92. 9 Minutes of Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church, 7 April 1857, Records of the United Presbyterian Church, Dep. 298 (62), National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh (henceforth: RUPC). white settlements and a source of inexpensive labour.1 Soga faced particular challenges from white settlers because he was a black man performing what was assumed to be a white man's role." Writing to a Scottish friend he contrasted the friendly environment in Scottish churches where "I was sure of the sympathy of many" to what he faced in South Africa where "I could calculate on the sympathy of few... I have no doubt that some came with the object of hearing and laughing at the ridiculous blunders and nonsense of a Kafir preacher." Outside the churches on the streets of the Cape Colony's towns, Soga, "with a white lady leaning on his arm," faced more curiosity and racism: "It was really amusing, and to speak the truth, sometimes annoying, to see the crowds that turned out to stare at us, in every street we passed in Algoa Bay.. .1 would not be surprised if, to some, there was something absurd in the fact of a black man walking side by side with a white lady."13 This reaction to his marriage clearly caused Soga some stress, although Janet, in Tiyo's words, was able to "evince far more indifference to these prejudices.. .than I can do."14 As in other settler-societies after the 1830s, mixed-race unions were increasingly opposed by the white establishment in the

Cape, given the interest in preserving the dominance of white males through the institutionalization of monogamous same-race unions.15

10 Elbourne, Blood Ground, ch. 10; Lester, Imperial Networks, ch. 6. 11 Jeremy C. Martens, "Settler Homes, Manhood and 'Houseboys': an Analysis of Natal's Rape Scare of 1886.," Journal of Southern African Studies 28, no. 2 (June 2002): 379-400. 12 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 136. 13 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 137. 14 Ibid., 132. 15 Adele Perry, ""Fair Ones of a Purer Caste": White Women and Colonialism in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," Feminist Studies 23, no. 3 (Autumn 1997): 501-524. It should be noted that Soga's marriage to Janet was not opposed by missionaries in Scotland. Indeed, it seems his marriage was a necessary part of his preparation for mission work. 147

Budd's marriage, conversely, fit the norms of Red River society; his metis wife ideally suited him in ethnicity and rank. Moreover, because of his close ties to the community at St. Andrew's and the small number of European-born women in Red River before 1850, Budd was comparatively well received in the predominantly Metis settlement at Red River. For these reasons Budd did not face the same kind of racial prejudice that Soga encountered. Rather, St. Andrew's, where Budd owned land, was where he felt most comfortable and secure. While

Soga admitted he felt like a "stranger"16 in the settler-colony of the Cape, Budd was always eager to visit Red River, seeking it as a source of conversation and friendship where he was even referred to as a "settler" in a census.17 However, given that Budd only visited Red River every five or six years, even that community was foreign to him, especially after the growing number of settlers

i R from Ontario moved into the settlement in the 1860s and 70s.

Homeless Within Indigenous Worlds

Indigenous peoples' rank, gender and religion shaped how they responded to Budd and Soga. Elite males, although valuing the literacy, wealth and bilingual skills of Budd and Soga generally resisted the involvement of indigenous missionaries in the affairs of the community. Medicine men and band leaders in the British Northwest, for instance, had spiritual reasons to resist Budd's

Christianity; for them the new religion was a spiritual change they perceived

16 Chalmers, TiyoSoga, 137. 17 See Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 15 January 1862, CMSA CCl/O/12. See also Biographical sheet of Henry Budd, HBCA. 18 By the early 1870s, after the colony became part of Canada, many people from Ontario migrated to Red River. would be detrimental to their lives and would break their ties to their ancestors.

Within a few months of his ordination, Budd encountered Two Nails, a medicine man from the area around The Pas. In rebutting Budd's pleas to follow

Christianity, Two Nails explained that "I have not been able to think of Xianity, I cannot set my mind to it. Whenever I try to think of your religion, I fancy there is someone that stops me, and hinders me from thinking if it. And the same spirit tells me, that if I embrace Xianity I am sure to die soon."19 The band attached to

Two Nails articulated similar reasons for resisting Christianity: "They [the band members] were all ready one after the other to say, that they did not wish to become Xtians," wrote Budd; "they preferred being heathens. They would not forsake the ways of their fore fathers to embrace a foreign religion." Just over a year later, as Budd prepared to travel to Nipowewin, a mission site up the

Saskatchewan River from The Pas, he received a message - a warning - from a

Cree leader, Mahnsuk, that echoed Two Nail's resistance. The message, explained

Budd, was that "I had better not come up [the river] as I intended, for he

[Mahnsuk] would oppose my landing in any part of the Nipowewin." While

Mahnsuk did welcome Budd when he arrived at Nipowewin a few weeks later, he remained reluctant to accepted Budd's ideas about sin, Christianity and the need to follow a sedentary lifestyle. "When we at once opposed their drunkenness their polygamy, their fornication, their theavishness [sic], and their conjurations,"

19 Henry Budd, Journal, 15 June 1851, CMSA CCl/O/12. 20 Henry Budd, Journal, 15 June 1851, CMSA CCl/O/12. 21 Henry Budd, Journal, 24 August 1852, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 22 Examples of Mahnsuk's positive reaction and interactions with Budd appear throughout Budd's 1852 journal, see Henry Budd, Journal, 8 and 15-16 September 1852, CMSA CCl/O/12. 149 wrote Budd, "the interested men among them [like Mahnsuk] begin at once to say that we being stronger ought not to be allowed to propagate among them a new system of living, for that would change the customs they were brought up in, and their fathers died in." Leading men like Mahnsuk and Two Nails also feared loosing influence and authority to the missionary, especially once the missionary began using western medicines. As Budd observed early on, missionaries willing to give out medicine at no cost to the sick would undermine the influence of these chiefs and medicine men. "It is on account of their [the Crees'] love of medicine, that the chief men among them possess such power as they generally have," noted

Budd in 1851.24

Soga faced similar resistance from the male Xhosa elites. The chiefs and counselors were especially reluctant to allow their daughters to be educated at

Soga's schools. After Sandile's eldest daughter, Emma, was deemed unable to marry a neighbouring chief because she was too Christian, Sandile's councilors rushed to remove other girls from the school. As Emma's experience showed, girls that were "too Christian" and thus rejected by potential husbands would not help their family accumulate cattle through the process of lobolo. In 1864, the year Emma was rejected by the potential husband, Sandile removed his only other daughter, Victoria, from the school at Emgwali. A year later, Soga explained the removal of Victoria this way:

Because the elder daughter, Emma's, proposed marriage with the Tambookie chief came to nothing, in consequence of her

23 Henry Budd, Journal, 2 October 1852, CMSA CCl/O/12. 24 Henry Budd, Journal, 22 August 1851, CMSA CCl/O/12. 25 For the complete history of Emma see Janet Hodgson, Princess Emma (Craighall [South Africa]: Ad. Donker, 1987). 150

Christianity and her European habits, the tribe were disappointed in the matter of cattle, and they were afraid they might lose the other daughter [Victoria] altogether if she made a profession of Christianity.26

Worried about losing the wealth that came with marrying-off Victoria, Sandile's

councilors successfully removed the girl from the station.

There is some evidence that women were more accepting of Budd and

Soga than men. Historians Natasha Erlank and Adrian Hastings have each

documented how Christian missions offered a way for women to free themselves

from the parochial structures of their communities. Erlank, in particular,

explains how colonialism posed a threat to established patterns of gender relations

in Xhosaland as early as the 1830s, and how the conversion of women to

Christianity represented "the adoption of an ideological package which called for

the dismantling of Xhosa gender relations and the power it afforded men."

Throughout the 1860s Soga was clearly eager to continue changing many of the

"traditional" gender relations in Xhosa society. In several instances, Soga noted

how, on encountering "heathen" Xhosa, it was the wives of the important men - more than the men themselves - who expressed an interest in learning about

Christianity. In the meeting at Sakela's homestead, for instance, Soga was particularly struck by the interest a woman at the meeting showed toward

Government of the Cape of Good Hope, Commission on Native Affairs, 1865, Evidence, Line 1486. 27 Adrian Hastings, "Were Women a Special Case?," in Women and Missions: Past and Present: Anthropological and Historical Perceptions, ed. Fiona Bowie, Deborah Kirkwood, and Shirley Ardener (Providence: Berg, 1993), 109-24; Natasha Erlank, "Gendered Reactions to Social Dislocation and Missionary Activity in Xhosaland 1836-1847," African Studies 59, no. 2 (2000): 205-227; Natasha Erlank, "The Spread of Indigenous Christianity in British Kaffraria after 1850," Missionalia 31, no. 1 (2003): 19-41. 28 Erlank, "Gendered Reactions to Social Dislocation and Missionary Activity in Xhosaland 1836-1847," 223. 151

Christianity. "I have her earnest look vividly impressed in my memory while I write - One of her remarks made in the course of our animated talk was - 'We really sometimes do feel the force of what the people, who go about with the word of God say...."29

Budd likewise seemed to enjoy a positive response from women. This was partly because he had more contact with women than with men, particularly during the summer when most of the men were away from their families working on York boat brigades. Budd also found women more eager to have missionaries or teachers posted with their community, ' and described the women he met during his itinerating trips as "more docile" than men and more likely than men to attend church services.32 One family at The Pas was representative of the gendered response Budd received. Recording the baptism of a boy named Henry,

Budd explained how the boy's siblings and mother - but not his father - were baptized and regular church attendants. "This Oskinnekew," the boy's father, wrote Budd, "is one of the very few Indians who remain here, without having embraced Xtianity but who has given up 4 of his children to be Baptized to the

Xtian faith, as his wife was already baptized...." It may have been the case that husbands, interested but unsure about Christianity, wanted their wives to convert first before they agreed to become Christian. This seemed to be the case with the

Plains Cree man Budd met at Nipowewin in August 1851; that man, intrigued

29 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 24 July 1860, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 30 See Henry Budd, Journal, 13 and 27 July 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 31 Henry Budd, Journal, 20 January 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 32 Henry Budd, Journal, 19 September and 10 October 1852, CMSA CCl/O/12. 33 Budd, Journal, 30 June 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 152 with Budd's ideas but also worried about the change the missionaries would bring, said that his wife, but not himself, wanted to be baptized.34

Although Cree and Xhosa men and women generally offered indigenous missionaries a mixed reception, the communities of Christian converts at The Pas and Emgwali, provided some sense of community and stability to the indigenous missionaries. However, Soga's trouble with the aforementioned circumcisions suggests even at these relatively "Christian" sites the reception was less than positive and Soga was only ever partially "at Home." Budd, likewise, admitted that he and his family felt quit isolated from the Christians they served. Budd's wife seemed to feel this isolation particularly acutely. During the summer of

1862, while Henry made a three-month visit to Red River, Elizabeth Budd was left at Nipowewin to care for the house and children. In a letter to the CMS, Budd described the scene and Elizabeth's isolation at Nipowewin on his return:

It seems that about a month after my departure from my family, one of our little girls, the youngest we had, was taken ill of which she died shortly. Poor Mrs. Budd was all alone with the younger members of our family. No Christian Friends to soothe her sorrows, only a few of the Christian Indians with her who could only help her to mourn & weep.35

Soga and Budd, and their wives and children, clearly had a strained relationship with the indigenous people they served, the white missionaries who trained them and the settler society around them. While each man struggled to live within this complex environment, each also used his British-based mission organizations and "friends" in Britain to establish a new sense of community with

Henry Budd, Journal, 24 August 1851, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Henry Budd to the Secretary of the CMS, 15 January 1862, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 153 people living outside their immediate region. Through letters sent to them by

British superiors and in the published pamphlets and other texts they received from Britain, Budd and Soga, like indigenous missionaries elsewhere, gradually constructed for themselves a sense of the world beyond their known local space.

While this global world did not displace their sense of being stranded between local communities, it did give them another context in which to place their own experiences and the events of their particular frontier.

Noah's World

The global consciousness Budd and Soga constructed relied heavily on the

Biblical story of Noah and his extended family. According to the Book of

Genesis, after the Great Flood, all of Noah's sons dispersed across the earth, each becoming the ancestors of the different races of the world, Black, Red, and White.

The significance of Noah's story for people like Budd and Soga was that it provided proof that, despite the racism of the colonial era, all people were historically connected, and that differences between Europeans and Crees and

Xhosa (between the descendants of Noah) were not due to racial or biological

This discussion of the global networks is informed by the growing literature on "transnational networks" in the British Empire. See especially, Zoe° Laidlaw, Colonial Connections, 1815-45: Patronage, the Information Revolution and Colonial Government (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005); Elizabeth Elbourne, "The Sin of the Settler: The 1835-36 Select Committee on Aborigines and Debates over Virtue and Conquest in the Early Nineteenth-Century British White Settler Empire," Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 4, no. 3 (2003), http://muse.jhu.edu.login.ezproxy.library.ualberta.ca/journals/journal_of_colonialism_and_colonia l_history/v004/4.3elbourne.html; Lester, Imperial Networks; Elizabeth Elbourne, "Indigenous peoples and Imperial Networks in the Early Nineteenth Century: The Politics of Knowledge," in Rediscovering the British World, ed. Philip Buckner and R. Douglas Francis (Calgary: Calgary University Press, 2005), 59-86. 7 Gen. 9-10. See also Stephen R Haynes, Noah's Curse: The Biblical Justification of American Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 5 Haynes suggests Genesis 9-11 was interpreted as a story of dispersal and differentiation of the human family. 154 differences but to recent access to Christianity and modernity. As Soga explained to Scottish superiors,

Europeans are, I think, apt to consider that the finest types of humanity, both for intellectual and physical development, are to be found among them alone. A great mistake. God has his nobility of humanity everywhere. All that Europeans have to thank him for is, that he has given them, before other races of men, the inestimable blessings of the gospel, and the privileges of civilization. In the first of these respects, at least, they are to modern nations what the Jewish commonwealth was to ancient nations.38

In this vision of the human family, the world was connected through the family of

Noah and only divided because some people had access to Christianity. If

Christianity and modernity could be spread throughout the world, all people would enjoy the same standard of material and spiritual wealth.

Budd's mentor, John West, was likely the first person to tell Henry Budd the story of Noah. West believed that the Aboriginals of North America were

"descendants of Noah, without a written language." While Budd never directly cited the story of Noah in his own journals, he did make a strong statement about the monogenesis of the human family. Emphasizing the connectedness of the Cree and the European, Budd told Walluck Twatt, a Cree hunter, that:

God did not make them [Indians] different from white people, He made only one man, and one woman, all the white people and all the Indians have their origins from them; and God did not give the Indians their religion and mode of worship, [rather] it is the invention of men, men who had lost the right way of worshiping

3 Tiyo Soga cited in MRUPC 1 February 1868, Journal and Selected Writings, 131. 39 Rev. John West, "The British North American Indians with Free Thoughts on the Red River Settlement, 1820-1823," cited in Higham, Noble, Wretched & Redeemable, 202. 40 Henry Budd, Journal, 10 September 1852, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 155

Almost certainly using Noah's story as a source of knowledge, Budd argued that the "Indian's" religion, not his race or biology, made him different from the

"white people." People like Walluck Twatt were related, through Noah, to all people argued Budd.

Soga used the same story of Noah to construct his sense of human history.

During a discussion with the paramount Xhosa chief Sarhile, Soga was asked by him "whether there was any other colour than white and black among the nations of the earth." Soga replied by drawing on his Biblical word view: "We gave them, in answering the question in the affirmative, the names of such nations as the

Chinese, the Malays, the Turks, the Egyptians, Persians, etc. etc."41 Soga explained to Sarhile that the Xhosa had a different explanation for the origins of the humans than did the whites: "Here, then, our scriptural history of the creation of man was unfolded to them," recalled Soga, "till we came to the three sons of

Noah, the representative heads of the existing races of the earth."42 For all of his adult life, Soga used the story of Noah and his descendants to develop an understanding of world history that supported the idea of monogenesis and validated African struggles against slavery and oppression.43

The story of Ham, Noah's son who was said to be the first African, was particularly important to Soga. In the mid-1800s Ham's story was a crucial piece of ammunition in debates over slavery and abolition. The nub of the debate centered on the interpretation of Genesis 9:25, a verse in which Noah cursed

41 Tiyo Soga to Somerville, n.d. cited in MRUPC, March 1 1867, Journal and Selected Writings, 124. 42 Ibid., 124. 43 Haynes, Noah's Curse, 5. 156

Canaan, one of Ham's sons, to be the '"lowest of slaves'" or '"a servant to servants'."44 In 1400, as European countries began using Africans as slaves, the story of Noah's curse on Canaan to be a "slave" was used to justify the slave trade and the enslavement of Ham's descendants. This interpretation continued to be used by defenders of slavery in Britain and the United States until the end of the nineteenth century, by which time counter readings of Ham's story were articulated. These new interpretations argued, among other things, that the curse was a prediction of the slave trade and not a God-given prophecy that justified the trade.45 During his time in Scotland in the 1840s and 50s, Soga almost certainly became familiar with the contested meaning of Ham. By the 1860s, as Soga reached mid-career, moreover, African and African-American Christians were articulating their own interpretations of Ham's story and the Curse of Canaan. In

1862, Alexander Crummel, formerly an enslaved American, published a pamphlet titled "The Negro Race Not under a Curse: An Examination of Genesis ix:25" in which he argued Noah's curse was against Canaan, not Ham, and thus Africans, as descendents of Ham, were not subject to the prophecy. In the same year, in

West Africa, Edward Wilmot Blydon, an American-Liberian thinker, celebrated the promise and potential of Africa by re-reading the story of Ham and combining it with a passage from Psalm 68 that predicted the Christianization of 'Ethiopia'

(the Biblical term for Africa). The establishment and growth of the new colonies of former slaves in West Africa (Liberia and Sierra Leone) likely gave Blydon

New Revised Standard Version uses "lowest of Slaves." The New King James Version translates the passage as "a servant to servants." See Gen. 9:25. 45 Haynes, Noah's Curse, 182. 157 reasons to foresee a great change for Africa. "The Promise to Ethiopia, or Ham," wrote Blydon,

is of a spiritual kind. It refers not to the physical strength, not to large and extensive domains, not to foreign conquests, not to wide­ spread dominions, but to the possession of spiritual qualities, to the elevation of the soul heavenward, to spiritual aspirations and divine communications. 'Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto God'[ps.68:31].46

Although there is no evidence that Soga read Blydon or heard of Crummel's pamphlet, he may well have been aware of their existence through mission publications. Certainly he was aware of the popular passage from Psalm 68 and the story of Ham.47 These counter readings of Ham's story would eventually find their way into Soga's own writings about race and Blackness.

"I feel a true brother hood [sic] with them"

Aside from using Noah's story to explain the races of the world, Budd and

Soga used their global consciousness to build imagined connections between themselves and people living around the world. Budd felt a particularly strong connection with other indigenous missionaries who, like him, were struggling to minister to their countrymen. The CMS actively encouraged this sense of connection. An 1852 article in The Church Missionary Intelligencer, for example, directly linked Budd to the West African missionary (later bishop) Samuel

Crowther. The article states:

Edward Wilmot Blydon, "The Call of Providence to the Descendants of Africa in America," in Negro Social and Political Thought, 1850-1920: Representative Texts (New York: Basic Books, 1966), 121. 47 Scottish missions used this passage throughout the nineteenth century to predict the evangelization of the African continent. See, MRUPC, June 1850, 81. 158

A Yoruba boy [Crowther] trained up in our schools at Sierra Leone.. .became our first ordained African; and a Cree boy [Budd], one of two Indian boys, the first ever committed by Indian parents of Rupert's Land to the care of a Protestant Missionary, became our first ordained Indian.

Both Crowther and Budd, the article states, "have been engaged in ministering with acceptance to their countrymen. The one - the African - has proved invaluable as a translator; the other - the Indian - is following him in the same path."49 These kinds of connections were repeated in the Intelligencer throughout the 1850s as the publication promoted its Native Church Policy and the utility of indigenous missionaries in its various mission fields. Explaining the success of indigenous missionaries in Sierra Leone, New Zealand, and the British Northwest, for example, the Intelligencer used the metaphor of seeding to frame its narrative:

"This naturalized seed [i.e. the 'indigenous missionary'], however, unlike the foreign seed [i.e. the European missionary] from whence it has been derived, germinated surely, and proved to be abundantly productive."50 The CMS hoped these kinds of comparisons and linkages would not only excite support for the mission in Britain but also encourage missionaries like Budd to learn from and feel connected to their CMS colleagues in other parts of the world. As a CMS circular stated,

It is profitable for working Missionaries to read in the fullness of detail the experience of brother Missionaries, and thus to have kept before their eyes the true standard of Missionary work and its principles. The less successful labourers in the Mission field are encouraged by reading the Missionary triumphs in other quarters,

Church Missionary Society, Church Missionary Intelligencer, October 1852,237. Ibid., 237. CMS, Church Missionary Intelligencer, June 1851,261. 159

and are made to feel the humblest efforts are a part of that work which is on the whole a great success.51

Although Budd never commented on the Samuel Crowther comparison, he did feel "encouraged by reading [of] the Missionary triumphs in other quarters."

In 1851, within a few months after his own ordination Budd wrote to the CMS in

London about the sense of connection he felt with indigenous missionaries newly ordained in India. "It rejoiceth my heart to hear of two ordinations you speak of which has [sic] recently taken place in Bombay, and of the five catechists in...[Tinnevelly]," wrote Budd; "I feel a true brother hood [sic] with them engaged as they are in the same warfare against the powers of darkness, under the same captain. It also gladdens my heart to learn from you that God is making the

Society to triumph through the preaching of the Cross in Africa & Asia as well as in America...." Writing to the CMS in the late 1850s, Budd likewise thanked the Society's secretary for sending him "valuable information" about the

Society's work in Africa.

I have had the pleasure.. .of receiving your communications sent by the Ships.. .which to me is truly much esteemed and highly interesting. You have kindly favoured me with much valuable information, how that the Lord is pleased to make use of our valuable Society in many regions of the world and what door He hath opened for the entrance of His blessed word into new, and he thinks unoccupied parts of Africa.53

The imagined connections Soga made through his global consciousness were slightly different than Budd's. While Soga recognized he was connected to

51 CMS, Periodical Publications of the Church Missionary Society, December 1864, CMSA, Central Records, Circular Book, 1855-1876, GAZ/1/2. 52 Original emphasis. Henry Budd to Rev. W. Knight, 4 August 1851, CMSA, CC1/M/5. 53 Henry Budd to Major H. Straith, 1 August 1859, CMSA CC1/0/12. other missionaries around the world, he made a special point of using Noah's story and the abolition movement, to create connections to people of African- descent living outside Southern Africa - especially those enslaved in the United

States. William Anderson, Soga's Scottish mentor, was crucial in enabling Soga to construct these links between himself and enslaved people in the United

States.54 Anderson's work for the abolition movement heightened Soga's

understanding of slavery, leading him to the realization that slavery was a defining feature of the identity of "all Black men," even those not enslaved.

Reflecting on this realization years later, Soga remembered, "I felt then that the blot of slavery was a reproach to all black men, however freeborn some of them may have been."55 On returning to the Cape colony from Scotland, Soga would

continue to use his knowledge of American slavery and the British abolition movement to contextualize his own experience as a "black man" in a white settler

society. Writing to one Scottish friend soon after arriving in the Cape, Soga compared the racism in the Cape colony to what he had experienced in Britain, and learned about America.

Still, I have found that only in Britain, the black man is admitted to be quite as capable of mental and moral improvements as the white man. In this colony, as in America, by a strange perversion of logic, some men seem to argue in this way in relation to the black man: 'Dark in face, therefore dark in mind.'5

With Anderson's help, Soga re-examined the racial prejudice he experienced in the Cape colony by placing it in a global context that echoed this prejudice (in

54 Letter from the Rev. Tiyo Soga cited in The Celebration of the Ministerial Jubilee of the Rev. Williams Anderson, 141. 55 Ibid., 143. 56 Tiyo Soga to Rev. Finlayson [circa 1857], cited in Chalmers, Soga, 147. 161

America) and challenged this prejudice (in humanitarian and abolitionist circles in

Britain). In this way Soga would eventually use the story of Ham to create a novel understanding of his own "Blackness." While constructing a similar world vision to Budd's, Soga was exposed to a more politicized version of the story of Noah.

As Paul Gilroy has suggested about the history of black diasporic thinking generally, people like Soga developed their visions of "Blackness" in the context of European modernity.57 Combined with Soga's nation-based understanding of

"Xhosaness," this politicized world vision of blackness as an experience linked to both Ham and enslavement, would later come to bear on the way Soga responded to the oppression of the Xhosa in the eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony.

Friends in England and Scotland

While constructing imagined ties to other indigenous missionaries and other Africans, Budd and Soga placed Britain and Europe firmly at the center of their perception of their conception of the global world. This British or Euro­ centric vision was shaped by both men's relationship with a mission network headquartered in Britain and their assumption that Britain and Europe had a responsibility to help modernize and Christianize the rest of the human family.

Never having traveled to Britain, Budd relied on the CMS to construct a view of Britain that was rather narrow and closely tied to evangelical Christianity and manufactured materials.58 Budd often received material and financial

Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), 48-9. 58 Henry Budd to Major Straith, 6 August 1852, CMSA, CCl/O/12. supporter from his namesake and sponsor, Henry Budd of White Roding, and acquired, through these same networks, various "parcels"60 and "bales" of goods,61 as well as clothing, blankets and even a bell for the church at his station at Nipowewin.62 Medicine was another important item Budd received from

Britain. In the 1860s, Budd commented twice that he received medicine from

London, and in 1865 he asked the CMS secretary,

Pray, inform that dear Servant of God The Rev. C. Hodgson that his gift to me will be much valued, and should I live to see the medicine Chest (for it is now lying at York Factory) and open it with my hands, I will think of him who gave it me... .Neither will I forget that dear Xtian Lady from Bath, tho' unknown in the flesh; who so kindly & disinterestedly sent the money by which the Medicine Chest has been fitted up and furnished... .63

In Budd's mind these material goods were proof not only that he had friends in

Britain, like the "Rev. C. Hodgson" and the "Lady from Bath," but that Britain was the center of a progressive Christian modernity, as evidenced by its production of missionaries, manufactured goods and medicine.

Budd's sense that Britain was the center of the modern, Christian world is also evident in his personal life. In September and October of 1864, an outbreak of scarlet fever swept through his mission station at Nipowewin, resulting in the death of Budd's eldest son, Budd's wife, and a daughter. Recording the third of these deaths, Budd wrote the following note in his journal: "Another of my dear family, a young promising girl, taken in the bloom of life, to blossom in the

59 Henry Budd to Bishop Anderson, 2 December 1851, CMSA CCl/O/12. 60 Henry Budd to Major H Straith, 1 August 1859, CMSA CC1/0/12. 61 Henry Budd to Major H Straith, 18 January 1865, CMSA CCl/O/12. 62 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 August 1862 and 27 June 1865, CMSA CCl/O/12. 63 Henry Budd to "My Dear Brother [Straith?]," 20 January 1865, CMSA CCl/O/12. 163

Paradise of God. Oh, my God give me the Grace to make my heart submit to this thy treble stroke in less time than two months."64 These deaths in 1864 marked the beginning of a slow decline in Budd's emotional stability. Budd continued to mourn these deaths, particularly that of his son, for the rest of his life. What comes out of his period of depression is Budd's move toward the CMS and his

"friends in England" as a way to cope with his sorrow and isolation he felt after the deaths. The passage in Budd's journal recording his son's death is written in a tone that, for Budd, suggests a deep emotional outburst driven by a mixture of anger and sorrow.

What I suffered this day language would fall far short to describe And what would I have been had I not the Word of God to run to.. .Yea, but for the CM. Society with whom I have been connected now 44 years, & of whose Kindness I have largely shared; what would I have not done to torture my body in every possible way; according to the custom of my Tribe, cutting myself with knives & lancets until the blood would gush out profusely; cutting my hair, & going about barefoot & barelegs; and ready to go into the fire, and into water, courting death rather than life. Thus, would I have been mourning for my dear son just departed. But, blessed be God I have not so learned Christ, and Tho' I mourn, and will mourn yet, I mourn, not as those who have no hope.65

Budd used the CMS and Christianity to counter his other option: the "heathen" mourning practices of the Cree around him. In days following this entry, Budd contrasted his approach to mourning (individual prayer and the solitary practices of reading and writing) with the "custom of my Tribe." In the weeks following his son's death, Budd's journal and letters became vehicles for him to reflect on death and communicate with his CMS network, eliciting prayers and emotional strength

Henry Budd, Journal, 23 October 1864, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Henry Budd, Journal, 7 September 1864, CMSA CCl/O/12. 164 from "the CM. Society." In an 1865 letter, Budd explained how "my once large

& thriving family [is] made quite a wreck" and thanked the CMS Secretary for his letter and for "the sympathies [expressed in it] of all the believing people of

God."66 Reaching out from Nipowewin, Budd used his global vision for personal means.

Soga's relationship with "friends in Scotland" was more intimate than

Budd's connection to Britain. Because of the Presbyterian insistence on voluntarism (on having people donate to charities voluntarily rather than through what were perceived as the impersonal state-collected taxes that support the state

Churches of Scotland and England), the mission organization Soga worked for, the Foreign Mission Committee of the United Presbyterian Church (FMCUPC), supported its missions by encouraging local congregations to raise money on their own and give directly to particular mission stations. Thus, most of the money supporting missions moved directly from a congregation in Scotland to the missionary in the field, often without going through the channels of the

FMCUPC; this structure differed from Budd's CMS network that fed all money through the central headquarters of the Society. While the FMCUPC drew up regulations about mission activity, invested funds in long-term projects such as establishing mission station buildings, and gathered correspondence from the field to produce a monthly periodical for sale in Scotland, Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian Church, it did not enjoy complete control of its missions.

66 Henry Budd to "My Dear Brother [Straith?]," 20 January 1865, CMSA CCl/O/12. 67 The FMCUPC outlined how it funded the construction of mission buildings in Minutes of FMCUPC, 3 July 1860, RUPC, Dep. 298 (63). 165

Compared to the Anglican CMS that employed Henry Budd, the structure of

Soga's United Presbyterian mission was less hierarchical and centralized.

Given this de-centralized structure, Soga had two main points of contact with people in Scotland. The first was with Glasgow's John Street Church and with William Anderson (minister of the church) and R. A. Bogue (member of the

/TO church and Soga's main financial sponsor during his education in Scotland).

Most of the funding for Soga's church at Emgwali, and a great deal of funding for schools and smaller projects at the mission near Emgwali, came directly to Soga from Bogue, Anderson or other members of this Glasgow community. Examples of this funding included money to support outstations;69 medical supplies "from the ladies of John Street";70 salaries for African teachers donated by the "Juvenile

Society of the Greyfriars congregation" (a Glasgow congregation);71 funding from the "Greenock Ladies Association for promoting female Education in Caffriria" for a female teacher; £100 for a Girls school from the "ladies of John Street

United Presbyterian Church"; and, donations to support the building of Soga's church at Emgawli.74 Soga's salary also came from funds donated by the John

Street Church. Soga maintained a close relationship with this Glasgow community throughout his life, writing letters to Bogue and Anderson throughout 68 See Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, Ch. 8. 69 Soga opened an outstation in 1865 supported by funds from "Mr. Miller's church - Perth." Miller was a classmate of Soga's at the University of Glasgow. See Tiyo Soga, Journal, 25 July 1861, Journal and Selected Writings, 33, and Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 79. 70 Tiyo Soga to Dr. MacLeod, 9 August 1861, cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 250. 71 Minutes of FMCUPC, 4 February 1861, RUPC, Dep. 298 (63). 72 Minutes of FMCUPC, 31 August 1869, RUPC, Dep. 298 (64). 73 Tiyo Soga to Alexander Sommerville, 10 July 1868, Journal and Selected Writings, 133. 74 Tiyo Soga to Alexander Sommerville, 4 January 1864, Journal and Selected Writings, 97. 75 Alexander Sommerville to John Cumming, 4 July 1863, Letterbook of the FMCUPC, RUPC, Ms. 7645. 166 his career and asking the John Street Church congregation to care for his sons when they were sent to Scotland for schooling in 1870.76

Soga's second point of contact in Scotland, the FMCUPC, was based in

Edinburgh. This organization took control of several, though not all, Presbyterian mission stations in South Africa in the late 1840s.77 The main topic of correspondence between the Committee and Soga concerned the overall activity of the mission field and some issues regarding salaries and general administrative

78 affairs (such as when and where to establish new mission stations). Soga, however, remained distant from the FMCUPC throughout his life. He corresponded with them on the affairs of the mission, but his letters to the

Committee are few and they lack the friendly tone found in his correspondence with William Anderson and his Glasgow friends. Although it is unlikely Soga ever met the people he wrote to in Edinburgh, viewing these contacts more as employers than friends, he did use the FMCUPC for funding and material support and he received the Committee's Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian

Church which included information about mission fields in places such as West

Africa, South Africa, Jamaica and India. Along with his friends in Glasgow, the

FMCUPC (in Edinburgh) helped Soga place Britain at the center of the modern

Christian world and as the place responsible for ensuring others, in African and

76 Tiyo Soga to Henry Miller, 10 March 1870, cited in Chalmers, Soga, 416. 77 By the 1850s, the Presbyterian mission stations, originally established by the Glasgow Mission Society, were operated by the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church. On the long history of Scottish missions in the Eastern Cape see Donovan Williams, "The Missionaries on the Eastern Frontier of the Cape Colony, 1799-1853," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Witwatersrand, 1959, and Natasha Erlank, "Gender and Christianity Among Africans Attached to Scottish Mission Stations in Xhosaland in the Nineteenth Century" Ph.D. Dissertation, Cambridge University, 1998. 78 See Minutes of FMCUPC, 1857-71, RUPC, Dep. 298 (63-4). elsewhere, were given fair access to Christianity and the changes he believed it would bring.

Unlike Budd, Soga also saw in Britain a wealth of political power.

William Anderson seemed to have impressed on Soga the importance of Britain as a major power in the world. As Soga later remembered,

The frequent reference by Dr. Anderson to the public actions of some of our leading statesmen - Sir R. Peel, Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell, Earl Aberdeen, Lord Derby, Benjamin Disraeli, &c, &c. - called my attention early to the actions of great men in the world, and the influence they exercised on the affairs of nations.79

Budd, left to see Britain through the narrow lens of the CMS and its publications, would never formulate as detailed and complex a vision of Britain. These differences aside, both men would have agreed that Britain, and the humanitarian movement especially, had a crucial responsibility to spread Christianity and modernity to all members of the human family, be they in North America, Africa,

India or elsewhere. Used to understand the human family, to connect to other members of the human family, and to gather support from British friends, mission networks were Budd's and Soga's passport to a wider world. These indigenous missionaries were not local figures, but men with a modern and global consciousness, albeit a global modernity framed in biblical terms.

Over time, the global awareness each man developed would become important in how each saw, and tried to change, his local context

Letter from the Rev. Tiyo Soga cited in The Celebration of the Ministerial Jubilee of the Rev. Williams Anderson, 141. 168

Living Outside the Fold

The challenges of living as indigenous missionaries were significant. As missionaries, Budd and Soga were, to varying degrees, exoticized or ostracized by

European missionaries and settlers, and only partially accepted by indigenous communities. Moreover, while Budd and Soga had converted in order to serve a particular Home, as their careers as missionaries progressed they had difficulty maintaining a comfortable place in these Homes (the CMS and Ntsikana's

People). It is important to recognize the strained position indigenous missionaries faced in their local context. While it may seem that Budd and Soga were

"conservative" - or "collaborators" with colonialism - because of their assumptions about the need to follow European modernity and Christianity, the fact that they chose to follow a relatively new and untried path as indigenous missionaries suggests they could also be seen as "radicals" who had moved

on

"outside the fold" of normative expectations. Interestingly, neither Budd nor

Soga commented directly on these anxieties. It is in their silences and the descriptions of how others perceived them that this anxiety is revealed.

While they struggled with these local tensions, global mission networks offered Budd and Soga a new kind of context and community that was rooted in

Biblical history. Both men used this new global awareness to frame their understanding of race, to develop a sense of connection to people around the world, and to bolster their belief in Britain and Britishness. The implication of this global awareness is that it offered Budd and Soga a noticeably broader and more

80 Gauri Viswanathan, Outside the Fold: Conversion, Modernity, and Belief (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), xvi-xvii. global vision of the world than was previously available to indigenous people.

Like their novel understandings of indigenaity as an identity rooted in land and language, this global consciousness became a crucial part of the modern indigenaity they pioneered. 170

Chapter 5

Advocate and Advisor: Strategies of Indigenous Missionaries

Henry Budd and Tiyo Soga were very aware of the multiple audiences around them. They realized, moreover, that they had to perform differently for each audience. Every morning, for example, as Budd left his house at the mission station he mobilized his identity as a missionary; once he began writing translations or interpreting the bible for a Cree listener he engaged his missionary and trans-frontier identity; in discussions with an HBC trader he became mainly a missionary; in letters to CMS superiors in London, meanwhile, he drew on his sense of the global world and identity as a missionary to describe himself and his world in language they would understand; while on returning home to his family he became a modern indigenous man that valued individual prayer and reading and the pursuit of settled agrarianism. Budd's was a life in flux being invented as he lived it, constantly shifting between different identities and between local and global audiences. In an 1864 Indaba article, Soga explained the importance of finding a way to combine the different elements of this identity. The article articulated how converts (himself included) must look to their Xhosa heritage as well as Christianity to create a complete sense of self:

A person who has become a convert should not look only in one direction [to Christianity] in his self-regard and in his actions. If he follows that method he may think he has fulfilled all the laws of God, while in fact he will have broken them in the middle into two parts. A person who does this we liken him to a lame person who 171

walks with one leg and drags the other. He is also like a one-eyed person or one who hears with one ear or who uses only one arm.1

Because they realized they could only reveal certain aspects of their identity to a given audience at a given moment, actualizing this complete sense of self was as difficult for Soga and for his readers as it was for Budd.2

By mid-career, both men had developed a strategy to live with their multiple identities and diverse audiences. The strategy was simple: Budd and

Soga presented themselves in different ways to different audiences. When interacting with Europeans they were "advocates," able to speak for and about the plight of indigenous people; when speaking to Cree or Xhosa they performed the role of "advisors" encouraging indigenous people to learn about modernity and

Christianity. In Budd's case only, a third persona as what might be called a

"pastor to proto-settler society" was used when he served the various fur traders and freemen settlements. This strategy was an effective way for Budd and Soga to deal with the anxieties of living between local communities while communicating their message of modern indigenaity. Moreover, as advocates and advisors able to use literacy skills and global connections, both men established themselves as important authorities on how their respective communities should interact with the pressures of settler colonialism.

1 Soga "Amahrestu nenkosi zelilizwe [Christians and Chiefs]," Indaba, June 1864, trans, by J.J.R. Jolobe, in Williams ed., Journal and Selected Writings, 173. 2 The argument that Soga and Budd consciously presented themselves differently in different texts is informed by the work of Mary Louis Pratt and Winona Wheeler. See Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 6; and Wheeler, "The Journals and Voices of a Church of England Native Catechist.". 3 The concept of the "self-division" of the western-educated colonial subject suggested here is explored in Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967), 17. 172

Tiyo Soga: Two Political Selves

By the mid-1860s Soga was presenting himself to British missionaries and colonial officials as an advocate for the Xhosa by positioning himself as an expert on Xhosaness and how to Christianize and modernize Xhosa society. Informed by the trans-frontier aspect of his identity, Soga used this role as an advocate to lobby for fair representation and better treatment of Africans in the Cape and on its frontier. Soga's letters to mission superiors in the 1860s are particularly clear examples of how Soga presented himself as an advocate for the Xhosa. In a letter to Edinburgh in 1868, for example, he described a man named Maki, a counselor to Xhosa paramount Chief, Sarhili, in language aimed at appealing directly to a

British audience: "Maki, the prime minister and advisor to Kreli [Sarhili], [is] without doubt the finest intellect for statesmanship.. .a man, whose fine massive countenance resembles not a little the busts of ancient Grecian sages I have seen in sculptures and in books."4 Maki's abilities, argued Soga, are proof that "God has his nobility everywhere," while the resistance Maki encountered from within

Xhosa society is proof of the complexity of Xhosa politics: "Thus, there are intrigues in the courts of the heathen, as well as of civilized potentates."5 On the topic of how to Christianize Maki and others, Soga again presented himself as an expert, speaking about the need for missionaries to be prepared to deal with the challenges of mission work and the "heathen resistance" they would encounter, while maintaining a close relationship with their converts. Soga explained that

4 Tiyo Soga, cited in MRUPC, 1 February 1868. 5 Ibid. 173 missionaries must "be prepared to identify themselves with the people, on whose behalf they leave home [to serve]."6 Missionaries, Soga advocated, needed to walk a fine line between working to change the Xhosa and recognizing the legitimacy of Xhosa customs and traditions; Soga outlined this approach to mission work in a letter to superiors in 1865. The letter stated in part,

The knot of the Kafir's prejudices and habits is not to be rudely cut, by the uncompromising knife of civilized tastes. It must be patiently and cautiously untied.. .At the same time the student of human nature can reap splendid harvest in the study of their history, prejudices, habits, and customs. In the midst of much that he cannot sympathize with, he will find much to show that there is some good in all men; that God is the common father of all, and therefore that no race should be despised.7

Soga's message of creating gradual change within Xhosa society remained his focus when he participated in the overtly political context of the 1865

Commission on Native Affairs held throughout the Cape Colony.8 The

Commission, established by the Cape government in February 1865, was mandated to "inquire into the relations of the Colony with the Native Tribes residing within and upon its borders."9 Soga's advocate persona was clearly on display at the Commission as he spoke directly to government officials about his mission, Xhosa politics, Xhosa customs and the involvement of the government in

"Native Affairs." Giving evidence to the Commission in March 1865, Soga used the opportunity to promote his specific view of how Xhosa society must be modernized in careful and gradual ways. In answering the Committee's questions,

6 Tiyo Soga to Dr. Somerville, 14 December 1865, cited in Chalmers, TiyoSoga, 314. 7 Ibid. Cape of Good Hope. Proceedings of, and Evidence Taken by, the Commission on Native Affairs (1865), (Grahamstown: Godlonton and Richards, 1865). 9 Commission on Native Affairs (1865), i. 174

Soga highlighted the same things he wrote about in letters to his mission authorities in Scotland. He argued that the Xhosa had a complex political organization whereby councilors had a strong influence on political decisions; that chiefs in turn had a strong influence over the people; and that the paramount chief had still greater influence, although not absolute authority, over all chiefs.10 He explained that missionaries must bring Christianity to the Xhosa, with the help of the government if possible, but that change should be undertaken in a careful, gradual, manner.''

The longest section of Soga's testimony dealt with "Native customs" and

Soga's views on how to suppress or accommodate these customs. Soga relied on his intimate knowledge of these customs, explaining that only some should be immediately stopped. While he agreed with the commissioners that "intonjani" (a female cleansing ritual) and "ukulobolo" (payment for brides) were ongoing concerns, Soga highlighted the need to suppress the practice oflsiko. "The custom consists of this" said Soga:

all the young girls in the district are assembled in a particular kraal [and].. .are divided among the old men.. .The girls remain in huts that are pointed out to them for a number of days, perhaps from six to ten, the old men paying their addresses to them and sleeping with them, but not holding any criminal intercourse with them.12

Soga returns to Isiko twice more in his evidence, breaking off an answer to a subsequent question by stating, "but I did not finish what I was going to say about

10 Tiyo Soga's evidence, Commission of Native Affairs, items 1503, 1513-14 and 1658. 11 Ibid., items, 1630. 12 Ibid., items, 1532. There is a detailed discussion of how the revival of this kind of custom was linked to the loss of political and economic power by Xhosa men in the first-half of the nineteenth century in Erlank, "Gendered Reactions to Social Dislocation and Missionary Activity in Xhosaland 1836-1847," 211-13. 175 the custom called Isiko...." Soga was comparatively uncritical of polygamy.

Although he explained that, as a Christian he did not support the practice, he felt that "if the government were to interfere with existing marriages, great confusion would be introduced among the Natives. After a certain time, however, Kafirs should be allowed to take only one wife."14 While Isiko needed to be eliminated quickly, polygamy was not an immediate concern. As an advocate, Soga's message to mission supporters in Britain and politicians in the Cape was clear and consistent: for peace and prosperity in Xhosaland, the Africans must be changed, but this process must be done carefully and with respect for Xhosa traditions. The knot must be untied not cut.

While his identity as a missionary and trans-frontier figure was important factors motivating Soga in this role as an advocate, the broader context of Cape

Colony politics also played an important part in shaping Soga's use of the advocate role. As a black man in South Africa he was - despite his religion - a racial and political Other. Given the long, protracted military conflict in the eastern Cape between settlers and Africans, the Xhosa, even the Christianized ones, were feared by settlers and seen as threats to their lives and their livestock.15

In this context Soga, as one of the least threatening of the Africans, was seen by many whites in government like Charles Brownlee and George Grey as an ideal advocate able to speak the languages, both linguistic and symbolic, of the colonized and the colonizer.' While this role won him support in the Colony, it

13 Ibid., item, 1539. 14 Ibid., item, 1604. 15 Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa, 129-39. 16 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 307. 176 may have been detrimental to his standing within the Xhosa community. Certainly the way he used his friends in government to crack down on circumcision at

Emgwali in the early 1860s made him unpopular with several Xhosa.17

To win support within the Xhosa community, Soga generally presented himself as something other than an advocate. Generally, Soga presented himself to other Xhosa as an advisor based in the tradition of prophet-figures like

Ntsikana. Using this persona, Soga proselytized a mixed message of Christianity, modernity and Xhosa unity. This advisor persona became particularly apparent

after he returned to Emgwali from a furlough to Basutoland in 1863. On the first

Sunday after his return Soga summarized his feelings on the trip. "I have seen

other nations; but I love my own the more..." Soga said; "I have seen other

countries; but I love our own the more. I have seen other places; but I would not

exchange the Mgwali for them all."18 This sense of loyalty to nation and

community, mixed with his Christianity, was at the heart of Soga's message as an

advisor. As in his advocate role, Soga's advisor role was a consciously political

one; he saw himself as an advisor to a nation involved in a protracted struggle

against a violent settler society and the internal divisions created by the recent

Cattle-Killing.

Soga used his persona as an advisor during his encounters with both

Christian and non-Christian Xhosa leaders. In an exchange with Ngqika Xhosa chief Sandile in August of 1863, for instance, Soga appealed to Xhosa history to

17 See Charles Brownlee to Brownlow, 16 April 1862, BK 73. This letter details how Soga requested Brownlee to intervene in the revival of circumcision and male initiation at Emgwali. 18 Tiyo Soga cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 286. persuade Sandile to accept Christianity by placing the adoption of Christianity within the context of Xhosa nation-building. Soga explained that Sandile's forefathers would have adopted Christianity had they been given the opportunity.

He told Sandile,

We [all Xhosa] must take it [Christianity], without ref. to its having been sent or not sent to out F [ore] fathers, I find all you [bound in?] a blanket - yet - our F [ore] fathers wore carosses - yet you dig yr gardens with the Whiteman's hoe & spade? Yet our f[ore]fathers dug them with wooden spades.? Yes - but these things were not sent to them - they did not get them.. .But you use them, bec[ause]you see they are good for you - you like them.. .& you have no scruples bec[ause] in the time of Palo & Tshiwo19 - these things were unknown... You must take the gospel on its own merits - on its own suitableness to your wants - on its own profitableness to you as a sinner, not to the generations of you forefathers.20

Sandile's relationship with Christianity remained ambivalent, however; Soga complained in 1865 that Sandile's younger councilors had warned him away from adopting the religion. "He has not his father's councilors," explained Soga.

Sandile's father, Ngqika, had supported Ntsikana and thus adhered to a version of

Christianity. Sandile's young councilors, however, supported neither Christianity nor Soga as the new embodiment of Ntsikana; as was the tradition of earlier

Xhosa prophets, Soga had to work to persuade the chief- and his councilors - to accept him and his message.

Soga also used his advisor persona in various Indaba articles written to appeal to the emerging Christian elite in British Kaffraria and the Cape Colony.

While advising the Chiefs to take-up Christianity, he counseled members of the

Tshiwo was Phalo's father; both were important Xhosa leaders in the early to mid 1700s. 20 Tiyo Soga, Journal, 19 July 1863, Journal and Selected Writings, 37. 178 emerging Christian elite not to forget their responsibility to their Xhosa heritage or the Xhosa chieftainship and their role in the Xhosa nation. In a short story titled "U-Gxuluwe na-Batawa [Gxuluwe and the Bushman]" Soga employed the humorous tale of a Xhosa hunter (Gxuluwe) to convince his readers that all aspects of Xhosa culture, including its fables and legends, should "be heard, known and seen if possible."21 The story of Gxuluwe, set in the pre-contact era, tells of the way in which a young Rharhabe Xhosa outwitted (and out-waited) a group of aggressive Khoi. Soga used the story to entertain his readers and instill in his Christian, literate audience an identification with pre-Christian Xhosa history. The moral of the story - to outwit your enemy - was likely also a message Soga hoped his audience, always under pressure from settlers, understood.

Soga used Indaba articles to advise his readers on how to live in a modern,

Christian, and Xhosa way. Thus, Soga wrote articles titled "Loans and Debts" and

"Intoxicating Liquors" and included passages about the need to curb the deforestation of the region: "when [will] this raid with the axe against trees...come to an end," he wrote in an 1863 piece. Many of Soga's messages as an advisor are encapsulated in the last article he wrote for Indaba. Published in

1864 the article, "Mission People and Red People," spoke directly to the new

Christian elite, explaining how it must create a spirit of co-operation in their exchanges with non-Christian Xhosa. Accusing the "mission people" of encouraging divisions between Christian and non-Christian Xhosa, Soga wrote,

21 Tiyo Soga, "Gxuluwe and the Bushman," Indaba, cited in, Journal and Selected Writings, 160-61. 179

"you who happen to read this issue of Indaba and at the same time being

Christians I say examine yourself and try to find out some ways by which you can recommend the word of God to those outside your circles." Echoing Ntsikana's prophecies about the need to maintain unity while adopting Christianity, Soga-as- advisor used these written articles, as Willem Saayman suggests, to create a pan- tribal, pan-African vision of Christianity, an argument that complemented his oral

•y-2 discussions with Sandile. Soga published most of the Indaba articles under the pseudonym of Unonjiba waseluhlangeni ("an enthusiastic enquirer into cultural origins"), suggesting he acknowledged that he was writing as someone else. Like all advisors, Soga was aware that there was an element of performance to his proselytizing.

Henry Budd: Three Selves in Search of a Community

In contrast to Soga, Henry Budd used the relatively open frontier of the

British Northwest to develop a fluid, apolitical strategy to live as an indigenous missionary; moving between three distinct selves, Budd remained relatively ambivalent about his "Creeness" and the politics of colonialism which so concerned Soga. Budd's strategy is most clearly revealed during his posting to the

Nipowewin station between 1857 and 1867. Nipowewin was a very different place than the Devon Mission at The Pas where Budd began his career. Unlike

Devon, where the mission population followed a somewhat sedentary pattern of

22 Tiyo Soga, "Mission People and Red People," Indaba, October 1864, trans, by J.J.R. Jolobe, in Williams ed., Journal and Selected Writings, 176. 23 Willem Saayman, Christian Missions in South Africa: Political and Ecumenical (Pretoria: UNISA press, 1993). 180 living that combined work for the HBC and short hunting excursions in the spring and fall, Nipowewin was surrounded by a Plains Indian and a Metis population that spent most of their time following the buffalo, often traveling as far west as the "border of Black feet country."24 While this lifestyle gave the people a stable supply of buffalo, Budd observed it made them more independent and less

•ye receptive to missionaries. On the few occasions Indians did visit his station in the late 1850s and early 1860s, Budd complained "it is very rare that the Indians will come to the Fort and not get drunk an hour or two after [arriving]." While some Cree visited Budd and invited him to their tents, Budd often complained that

"goose dances" and "conjurations" occurred at Nipowewin during the sporadic visits by the plains Cree.27 Budd gives a vivid, although dismissive, description of these conjuring practices in his 1864 journal. Recording the illness and death of a man, Budd wrote: The Indians carried on their dance all the same as if nothing had happened; but when night came on it was dreadful to hear such yelling, howling, & crying in the dancing tent and the body lying there with the face all painted red with vermillion. The whole of the night they continued to make this noise sometimes singing and at other times crying.28

Between the migratory buffalo hunts and these disruptive visits to

Nipowewin, Budd was presented with significant challenges at his new station.

Forced to deal with an Indian population openly resistant to missionaries, Budd

24 Henry Budd, Journal, 29 May 1859 and 15 July 1864, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 25 Budd makes a general observation in his letters that plains Cree were more independent and less receptive to Christianity than the Musekego Cree. See Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1859, and Budd to Rev. J. Tucker, 13 January 1853, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 26 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1859, CMSA CCl/O/12. 27 Henry Budd, Journal, 28 August, 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 28 Henry Budd, Journal, 3 August, 1864, CMSA CCl/O/12. 181 had to find a way to bring Christianity to these people despite the distribution of rum by the HBC. Because the mission consisted of only his family, he was understaffed but able to try a new missionary method his European colleagues had resisted. The central pillar of this new method was the creation of a more mobile and itinerate approach to mission work whereby Budd would visit the hunting camps rather than waiting for the hunters to come to Nipowewin. It was in experimenting with this method that Budd developed his skills as an advisor.

Drawing on all parts of his multiple identities and skills, Budd used this role to approach important Native leaders like Walluck Twatt, Mistawasis, The Fox, and

The Crane and explain how Christianity could be adapted to their lives on the plains.30 While this role was similar to Soga's advisor persona, it was more vaguely defined and created without the benefit of earlier examples (like the prophet Ntsikana).

Budd's dealings with Mistawasis (Big Child) provide the clearest example of how Budd developed and used the advisor role. Leaving Nipowewin on

February 20th 1858, Budd traveled overland by dogsled to the "Moose Woods," a hunting camp to the south with the express purpose of meeting Mistawasis, the

"Principal person" in the area.31 Arriving at Mistawasis's home four days later

Budd remarked on the heterogeneity of the hunting camp: there were HBC traders, freemen, free traders and Indians. Finding Mistawasis away, Budd held a

29 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1859, CMSA CCl/O/12. 30 See example of Budd's encounters with these men in Henry Budd, Journal, 9 December, 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 31 Henry Budd, Journal, 20 and 24 February 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 182 service attended by "a mixture of Canadian Half Breeds and Indians...," before continuing further west in search of Mistawasis. A day later, on February 26,

Budd "reached the Chiefs encampment"; here, Budd was warmly received by

Mistawasis and given a breakfast of fresh buffalo meat and tongues.34 The chief was an "elderly and intelligent man" and successful hunter, Budd noted in his journal. After their breakfast, Mistawasis and Budd returned to the village of

Moose Woods where, over the next few days, Mistawasis encouraged all the people from the village to attend Budd's evening services and discussions.

Commenting on one of these evening meetings, Budd proudly noted in his journal that "the Canadian Half Breeds [at the service], remarked 'This is the first lecture in Cree I have heard in all my life.'"35 Budd stayed at Moose Woods for another four days, holding evening services and "long conversations with Mistawasis" who he found "quite favourable and willing that his children should be taught to read &c."36 This visit to Mistawasis's camp represents one of the happiest periods in Budd's life. He was accepted by a community of people interested in his ability to preach in Cree, and he found a Native leader, Mistawasis, willing to accept him as a teacher and religious figure.

Although he was always a missionary, in this environment Budd began to take on the role of religious advisor and teacher of modernity to people at Moose

Woods. As he was leaving Moose Woods, Budd expressed interest in renewing his relationship with Mistawasis, and continuing his role of advisor and teacher to

32 Henry Budd, Journal, 24 February 1858 CMSA CCl/O/12. 33 Henry Budd, Journal, 25 February 1858 CMSA CC1/0/12. 34 Henry Budd, Journal, 26 February 1858 CMSA CCl/O/12. 35 Henry Budd, Journal, 27 February 1858 CMSA CCl/O/12. 36 Henry Budd, Journal, 28 February 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 183 him and his family. Expressing his willingness to go against CMS conventions,

Budd spoke to Mistawasis about "my coming out to them [again] and staying for a few months in the summer; [and] that I might have a better opportunity of speaking to them of the things which regard the next life; and likewise to do something toward teaching his children to read..." Mistawasis apparently agreed to welcome Budd back, saying that he would "be very glad to take [Budd] into the tent.'" Although Budd was never able to live with Mistawasis over the summer, the way Budd articulated his hope of "staying for a few months in the summer" signified he felt a new method of mission work was needed to serve the plains context, one more akin to a medicine man living and traveling with the band. According to Budd, Mistawasis was eager for Budd to take on that role.

The relationship between the two men was renewed several times over the next few years. Within five months of Budd's visit to Moose Woods, Mistawasis visited Budd at Nipowewin. While Mistawasis used his visits to Nipowewin mainly to trade with the mission and the nearby HBC post, he also sought Budd's knowledge on religion. On one occasion Mistawasis even "came over [to Budd's house] with his two wives, and pass[ed] the evening" there.39 Budd gladly admitted Mistawasis and his wives, and the next day welcomed "his whole family" into the mission house.40 Budd of course realized that Mistawasis would only visit Nipowewin when it suited him and when he had buffalo meat to trade.

To bring Mistawasis closer to Christianity and provide a feasible "modern"

37 Henry Budd, Journal, 1 March 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 38 Henry Budd, Journal, 1 March 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 39 Henry Budd, Journal, 12 September 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. Mistawasis also visited Budd in mid-July, 1858: see Henry Budd, Journal, 14-15 July 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 40 Henry Budd, Journal, 13 September 1858, CMSA CCl/O/12. 184 alternative to the medicine men of the plains, Budd knew he had to live on the plains and have sustained contact with Mistawasis throughout the summer months. In order to make this goal a reality, Budd had to perform a second role: like Soga, he had to become an advocate and use letters to CMS officials in

London to explain how the Plains Indians lived and why it was essential that the missionary adjust his methods.

As with Soga, Budd's advocate persona drew heavily on the trans-frontier aspect of his identity and his sense of duty to the Aboriginal people he served and felt connected to through language and land. Performing as an advocate, Budd wrote in an 1859 letter to London that "If we could get to the Indians at their hunting grounds, apart from the [HBC] Fort, we would, I am convinced, make more out of the Indians."41 Budd argued that not only was the HBC fort disruptive to mission work because of its "sale of ardent spirits to the Cree," but that life on the plains was healthier for Indians: of Mistawasis's camp Budd noted he "saw enough to make me wish to go again, I witnessed how they lived securely; they had plenty of Buffalo meat to live on...."42 A year-and-a-half later, Budd was still asking the London office of the CMS to employ a schoolteacher at Nipowewin and support his plans of spending more time on the plains. Again pointing to the relative health and sustainability the plains gave the Indians, Budd made his request to London in straight-forward language:

We want a teacher very much. The Indians cannot remain at the place [Nipowewin] because they have no means of living. They have therefore to go back to the woods and hunt for their living. It

41 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1859, CMSA CCl/O/12. 42 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1859, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 185

is only going out with them, following them out to the Camps that we can have any large number of them to preach to.43

Budd drove-home his request for help with an emotional plea that revealed his attachment to the itinerant mission method and interest in continuing in the role of an advisor: "I long to go out after them and remain in their Camps teaching them, and their children but this I cannot do, until some one come and keep the school

[at Nipowewin] going, and the work already done."44

Despite these appeals, the CMS never provided the schoolteachers requested by Budd. A letter to Budd from London 1869 explained that catechists could not be provided for every mission and that it was the responsibility of the

Indians to establish an independent church. The letter state in part, "it is extremely important that the Indian.. .Xtians in your districts, should be practiced in carrying on religious services and in keeping up their church life without the aid of any paid Mission agent."45 Budd should instead encourage Mistawasis to find a

Christian leader from within his own community. In the 1850s, Budd had solved the problem temporarily by using his eldest daughter and son to run the mission and school at Nipowewin while he was on the plains.46 However, throughout the

1860s, when he had few children around, Budd rarely made trips to the camps on the plains; one of the few exceptions was a visit to Moose Woods in February

43 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 August 1860, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 44 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 August 1860, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Christopher C. Fenn [CMS Secretary responsible for North-West missions] to Henry Budd, 11 January 1869, CMSA, CC1/I/1. 46 See Henry Budd to Major H. Straith, 1 August 1859, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 186

1861 when Budd felt "duty bound to go as fast as I could" to help bring medicine and provisions to the camp after a difficult winter.47

Like Soga's attempts to modernize the Xhosa elite, Budd had some success in using the dual role of advisor and advocate to bring Christianity to his

"countrymen." But unlike Soga, Budd never performed these roles within an overtly political context; Budd neither acted as advisor to Aboriginal leadership during discussions with colonial officials nor gave testimony about "Native

Affairs" to a colonial government body. Because he did not performing in this political context meant Budd never thought about his Creeness or indigenaity as a political category of identity; rather, he felt a general ambivalence about colonialism and "Nativeness" in the Northwest. This ambivalence led Budd to create a third persona, that of pastor/minister to proto-settler communities.

Performing this role made Budd's experience significantly different than Soga's.

While Soga spoke to churches in the English-speaking parts of the Cape Colony's settler society, he always appeared before them as an advocate, unable to be (and likely uninterested in being) a spiritual leader to English or Dutch-speaking congregations. Budd, however, used the missionary aspect of his identity to become a pastor/spiritual leader to congregations of British and metis HBC employees and freemen, members of what constituted a proto-settler society in the

Northwest.

By the 1840s, HBC fur-trade posts were incorporating Christian services and missionaries into their daily routine. The HBC post at Nipowewin, Fort a La

Henry Budd, Journal, 12 February 1861, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 187

Corne, was no exception: in the 1850s, informal prayers and services were held at the fort on most Sundays and despite his protests against the use of rum by the

Company, Budd happily officiated at these services. While the HBC servants

"hauled logs for Mr. H. Budd,"49 Budd returned the favour by leading prayers and performing marriages, most notably the marriage of HBC Interpreter and Post

Master James Isbister to Margaret Bear.50 At times, the relationship between

Budd and the local HBC officers extended beyond official duties. During the New

Year's celebrations of January 1859, the HBC officers at Nipowewin, a "Mr

Watson and Liet. Blakiston," visited Budd on several occasions, socializing and

"spen[ding] the evening with us... ."51 The HBC journals from Fort a la Corne noted Budd's activities but never remark on his "Nativeness" or depict him as anything other than a regular missionary and helpful pastor to the fort. Simply describing him as "Rev. H. Budd," the HBC officials at Fort a la Corne viewed

Budd as a useful member of its proto-settlement at the post. Only language made

Budd feel somewhat unable to be fully integrated into the fur-trade community:

Although there is little research on the role of Christianity in the fur trade (outside Red River), it is clear that by the 1840s hinterland posts like York Factory, Fort Edmonton and lie a la Crosse regularly held Christian services. Led by an HBC officer or a visiting missionary, these services were likely an important site of community-building for the trading post employees and their families and source of spiritual relief from the difficult and often dangerous life as a fur trader. See, for example, He a La Crosse post journals, 1847-49, Hudson Bay Company Archive, HBCA, B.89/a/24-27; Payne, The Most Respectable Place in the Territory Everyday Life in Hudson's Bay Company Service, York Factory, 1788 to 1870; some attention has been paid to the role of religion in the lives of voyageurs in Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, Chs. 3 and 8. 49 Fort a la Corne Journal, 28 February 1859, HBCA, B.2/a/3. 50 For services and weddings see, Henry Budd, journal, 31 October 1858 and 1 January 1859, CMSA, CCl/O/12. James Isbister moved in and out of HBC service until 1871 when he left the company permanently and settled near present-day Prince Albert, Saskatchewan. He was later a leading figure in the movement by Saskatchewan River settlers to bring Louis Riel back to Canada in 1883. He did not support Riel, however, during the Northwest Rebellion in 1885. See Biographical Sheet on James F. Isbister, HBCA: http://www.gov.mb.ca/chc/archives/hbca/biographical/i/isbisterJamesl 833.pdf 51 Henry Budd, Journal, 8 January 1859, CMSA, CCl/O/12. "O, that I could do more for them [the HBC employees] in English," Budd lamented in his journal. Aside from this linguistic challenge, Budd felt very comfortable as a minister and pastor to the European and metis employees of the

HBC post.

By the 1860s Budd was visiting Carlton House, a larger HBC post further west, extending his role as a pastor to the proto-settler society communities developing around that fur-trade post. While noting there was a Catholic priest at

Carlton, Budd happily remarked that, "they [the servants of the fort] will have nothing to do with him [i.e. the Priest], but have requested me to visit them to baptize their children." Comments like this suggest Budd believed that he could serve more than just people like Mistawasis, he could also be a pastor to the families at and near the trading forts most of whom were already somewhat settled and thus more willing to live as missionaries hoped they would.

Budd's decision to take on the role of pastor to HBC posts was also informed by the previously mentioned deaths of his wife and two children in

1864. As Budd struggled with the loneliness after their deaths, the Saskatchewan

River Valley around him was undergoing significant change. In the summer of

1862, James Isbister, the man whose marriage Budd had presided at in 1859, established a small settlement in the Saskatchewan River valley. Comprised mainly of freemen families from Red River, the members of the settlement were, like James Isbister, of mixed Aboriginal-European descent and interested in following the religion of their fathers (Isbister's settlement had been comprised of

Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 August 1862, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Henry Budd, Journal, 28 February 1861, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 189 mainly Protestant families).54 Settlements like this, along with the HBC posts at

Carlton and Nipowewin, provided Budd with important sources of community and companionship following the deaths of his wife and children. Having already visited what he called "Isbister's settlement" by July of 1864, Budd made more regular visits to the settlement, performing baptisms and holding services at the settlement every time he passed through.55 At the same time, Budd also developed a relationship with "Turner's Ville," another freeman community near

Nipowewin, making regular visits to Turner's Ville every Wednesday afternoon.5

Budd foresaw great opportunities for the CMS along the River Valley as

"emigrants seen now on their way from the Red River to settle along the banks of this [the Saskatchewan] River" would need somewhere to educate their children.

These settlements welcomed Budd's visits and provided the grieving husband and father with "much encouragement" offering him a way to "keep up [his] spirits" after the deaths in his family.58 Given his loneliness, it is not surprising Budd found comfort in serving these settlements. As Budd noted, the freemen and post communities were more receptive to his messages and thus more able than a mobile plains Cree band to give Budd, particularly after 1864, a stable sense of community. Not surprisingly, Budd was "mortified" that the CMS relocated him

These were families of men whose contracts with the HBC had expired, thus making them "freemen." Budd notes the families were from Red River. See Henry Budd, Journal, 21 December 1864, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 55 Henry Budd, Journal, December 21 1864 and Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 18 January 1866, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 56 Starting in November 1864 Budd's Journal notes he visited the settlement every Wednesday while he remained at Nipowewin. Henry Budd, Journal, 16 November 1864, CMSA CCl/O/12. 57 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 July 1864, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 58 Henry Budd, Journal, March 15 1865 and March 22 1865, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 190 back to the Devon Mission in March of 1867.59 Leaving Nipowewin meant not only leaving "the scene of my sorrow and affliction," but also ending his work with the growing proto-settler society in the River Valley.60 What returning to

The Pas did offer was a chance for Budd to perform the role the CMS had originally intended for him: a Native pastor of a Native church.

A Shift to Settler Rule

Budd's and Soga's roles as advisors and advocates would become increasingly significant after the mid-1860s. By that time, the British government was devolving much of its authority over indigenous people and land to white settler-society governments in areas that became Australia, New Zealand, South

Africa and Canada.61 In the British Northwest, the shift to settler-society control was clearly marked by the sale of Rupert's Land/the British Northwest by the

HBC to the newly established Canadian Dominion.62 With this sale, responsibility for administering the British Northwest was effectively transferred from the

London-based trading company to the Canadian government in Ottawa.

Parliamentarians in Ontario and Britain had long expressed interest in transforming the Northwest from a territory of trade to an area of settlement. Two separate expeditions to the region in the late 1850s, one supported by Britain and the other by Canadian expansionists in Ontario, had gathered information about

59 Henry Budd, Journal, March 21, 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 60 Ibid. 61 Evans et al, Equal Subjects, Unequal Rights: Indigenous Peoples in British Settler Colonies, 1830-1910 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 1-5. 62 The confederation of four constituencies (Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick) in 1867 formed the basis of the new Dominion of Canada. 191 the geography of the West noting the possibility for settlement and a transcontinental railway line. An 1857 parliamentary select committee in Britain set-up to inquire into the HBC's monopoly and trade license, likewise pressured the British government to recognize that the future of the Northwest lay in settlement and the eventual transfer of the land to the colonies in British North

America.63 With the creation of the Dominion of Canada, the way was opened for the transfer of the administration of the Northwest from the HBC to Canada.

Negotiations for the transfer of the Northwest to Canadian control were concluded in London in the fall of 1869.

While particular aspects of the transfer of the Rupert's Land to Canada were local, it was a process linked to changes happening elsewhere in the British

Empire. Just as the British Northwest was becoming part of Canada, Tiyo Soga's region was likewise affected by Britain's slow withdraw from areas of white settlement. The transfer of British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony in 1865 was the most significant process signaling Britain's decision to devolve authority over southern Africa to the colonial government in Cape Town. British Kaffraria had been incorporated as a British Crown Colony in 1860, following the Cattle-

Killing. At that time, then Governor of the Cape, George Grey, wanted to use the depopulation of British Kaffraria after the Cattle-Killing as a pretext to expand the

Colony eastward into Kaffraria and beyond.64 Although Grey managed to settle a small number of Germans in British Kaffraria in the early 1860s, he never

63 Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, 111; Great Britain, Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company; Together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, 1857. 64 T. R. H. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History, 3rd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 135-6. 192 realized his goal. By 1865, Britain, regretting the cost of administering the isolated British Kaffraria, abandoned Grey's plan and turned the region over to the Cape government; the territory was subsequently renamed the Ciskei.65

The Cape government soon tried to reproduce a version of Grey's eastward expansion of the frontier. When the Cape was given responsible government in 1872, the Transkei, the area further east of British Kaffraria/the

Ciskei, became part of the Cape; by 1894, all Xhosa people from Cape Town to

Natal were incorporated into the Cape Colony.66 While the transformation of

British Kaffraria from a British Crown colony to a settler-society colony was not as decisive as the 1869-70 transfer of the British Northwest to Canada, the process in southern Africa was shaped by the same devolution of powers from

London to regional capitals enthusiastic for settler-control of lands.

There were, however, important distinctions between the "Native policies" implemented by the new settler-society governments charged with administering

British Kaffraria and those administering what had become the Canadian

Northwest.67 Not only was one (the Northwest) animated by a kind of negotiated transfer of land through treaties, as opposed to a military implementation of change, but the way each settler-society parliament envisioned the relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples was different. In the Cape, white settler society sought to make Africans live in a different physical space than

65 Ibid., 135-6. 66 Christopher Saunders, "The Annexation of the Transkei," in Beyond the Cape Frontier: Studies in the History of the Transkei and Ciskei, ed. Christopher Saunders and Robin Derricourt (London: Longman Group, 1974), 185-87. 67 Joan Fairweather emphasizes the differences between the treaty-making processes in each context in Joan G. Fairweather, A Common Hunger: Land Rights in Canada and South Africa (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006), 56-60. 193 whites, while wanting them to be integrated with the Cape society as labourers.

As Alan Lester observes, this was a policy aimed at keeping Africans separate from whites while allowing them to be assimilated into the cultural and economic practices of the Colony.68 In the Canadian Northwest, conversely, the policy of the Canadian settler regime was concerned less with maintaining spatial separation between whites and Aboriginals and more with keeping Aboriginals separate only until the moment they were considered "civilized." The goal was to assimilate them into Canadian society. As Gerald Friesen notes, "the [Indian] reserve [in Canada] isolated them [the Indian] from whites in order to integrate them more effectively at some later date."69 After years of violent conflict between whites and blacks on the Cape frontier, white settler society in the Cape had constructed Africans as a threat, as inherently different because of their race, and as unable to integrate into settler society, except as labourers.7 In the

Canadian Northwest, ideas of monogenesis encouraged whites to see the

Aboriginal as connected to Europeans and thus able to be assimilated into a settler

71 society. These different understandings of race relations had always informed

Soga's and Budd's lives; with the shift to self-governing dominions, this

Lester, "The Margins of Order: Strategies of Segregation on the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1806-c. 1850," 647. 69 Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, 158. 70 Lester, "The Margins of Order: Strategies of Segregation on the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1806-c. 1850," 652; Elbourne, Blood Ground, ch. 10; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa, ch. 8. 71 The two trends - assimilationist and exclusionism - in racial discourse in the late- nineteenth century are outlined in Douglas Lorimer, "From Victorian Values to White Virtues: Assimilation and Exclusion in British Racial Discouse, c. 1870-1914," in Rediscovering the British World, ed. Philip Buckner and R. Douglas Francis (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2005), 114 194 difference became more pronounced, leading each man to create unique legacies in their respective contexts and for their indigenous communities.

Strategies of Leadership

Always conscious of the multiple audiences and the anxieties of living as religious middlemen, the strategy of performing the roles of advisor and advocate gave Budd and Soga a way to live between local communities. As with other aspects of their lives, there were differences in how Budd and Soga applied this strategy. While Soga, for instance, consciously sought a voice in the politics of the Cape, Budd had little need of, or interest in, engaging with the political elites of the Northwest or the new Canadian administration; he had experience interacting fairly easily with proto-settler societies.

Aside from enabling Budd and Soga to overcome the anxieties of living between communities, this strategy also allowed them a way to establish a new kind of authority in their respective communities. Very rarely had indigenous communities enjoyed access to people like Budd and Soga who were Cree and

Xhosa, connected to global mission networks and able to use literacy and a knowledge of modernity and colonialism to advocate for their needs. These traits, combined with their goal of spreading modern indigenaity, suggest Budd and

Soga were acting not just as missionaries but also emerging as new kinds of leaders. While they did not replace more established leaders like Mistawasis and

Sandile, by the 1860s Budd and Soga were using their influence to shape indigenous communities and their responses to white settler societies increasingly hungry for land. The outcomes of these attempts to create new communities would also proved Budd and Soga with something they had sought since their becoming missionaries: a secure Home that would provide them with a safe and comfortable place to live as indigenous Christians with a noticeably hybrid identity. 196

Chapter 6

Henry Budd's "Great Transformation": A Cree Village Community

In the fall of 1876, a year and a half after Budd's death, Thomas Howard set out from Red River to negotiate the adhesion of the Dog Head Point, Grand

Rapids, Moose Lake, and The Pas Indians to Treaty Five.1 Representing the

Canadian government, Howard was instructed to add various Aboriginal bands to

Treaty Five, thereby transferring ownership of the bands' territories to the federal government in exchange for small land reserves and other concessions. At his first stop at Dog Head Point, Howard encountered significant resistance to the treaty- making process primarily because the people refused to follow Howard's request to consolidate themselves into a singe band with only one chief. Eventually, the

Reverend Henry Cochrane, in his role as interpreter for Howard, convinced the

Indians to use an election to select their chiefs and councilors.2 After Cochrane's intervention, the negotiations were successfully completed. Leaving Dog Head

Point, Howard's party continued north, visiting Indians gathered at Berens River and Grand Rapids. Eventually, Howard arrived at The Pas where he was given a warm and celebratory reception. "Altogether," Howard later wrote, "the appearance of the place [The Pas], on my arrival, was most prepossessing. The

1 Between 1870 and 1877 there were seven so-called "Numbered Treaties" negotiated between Canada and Aboriginal communities in western Canada. These treaties were designed by the Canadian government to end Aboriginal title to lands in exchage for annuity payments, reserve lands and a number of other concessions including hunting and fishing rights and the promise of education and medical assistance to Aboriginal communities. 2 Thomas Howard and J. Lestock Reid to Alexander Morris, 10 October 1876 cited in Alexander Morris, The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories: Including the Negotiations on Which They Are Based and Other Information Relating Thereto (1880; reprint, Toronto: Prospero Books, 2000), 155. 197 banks were covered with Indians with their canoes, and immediately [after] the boat rounded the point below the Mission and came into view a salute was fired, the like which, I was subsequently told, had never been heard in the 'Ratty

Country'."3 The negotiations that followed were remarkable for their ease. Henry

Cochrane, doing double duty as interpreter for the commissioner and missionary to the people at The Pas, helped the process run smoothly. Howard explained the proceedings as follows:

Having landed at the Mission, Mr. Cochrane informed me that he had, as I requested, summoned the Indians to meet in the school- house at three o'clock that afternoon, and when the hour arrived I proceeded there and found upwards of five hundred Indians gathered. I stated the object of my mission to them, and was at once assured of their desire to accept of, and their gratitude for, the Queen's bounty and benevolence.4

In contrast to his experience at Dog Head Point, in The Pas Howard had little trouble organizing the Indians into bands: "I found" wrote Howard, "that the Pas and Cumberland bands of Indians had acknowledged Chiefs...."5 Although the negotiations hit a small glitch when the Indians asked for the same terms as a recently completed treaty further west, negotiations were completed by the end of the second day of Howard's visit.6 On the morning of the third day, the treaty was signed, treaty payments were made to the people, and medals and clothing were presented to the elected chiefs and councilors. With these presentations, the adhesion of The Pas Indians to Treaty Five was complete.

3 Thomas Howard to Alexander Morris, October 10 1876, cited in Ibid., 162. 4 Ibid., 162. 5 Ibid., 162. 6 Ibid., 162. This treaty further west, Treaty Six, gave the Plains Cree particularly favourably terms regarding size of land reserve and medical assistance. 198

During his last posting to The Pas between 1867 and 1875, Henry Budd prepared the way for the acceptance of this treaty. Using his influence as a missionary, he helped transform the community at The Pas into a church-centered village that was bound by language and able to combine a hunting-trapping lifestyle with an agricultural economy. Furthermore, he emphasized to mission authorities and people at The Pas that Britain and its representatives, like Howard, should be trusted and be trusted to bring Christianity to Indians while protecting them from the "vices of civilization," particularly alcohol. And, as he stressed to

Aboriginals and Europeans alike, Native churchmen should be looked to as advocates for, and advisors to, Aboriginal communities during the changes of the

1870s. The treaty concessions and reserve land offered by Howard were ways to continue these innovations and create a permanent village community at The Pas.

Thus, Budd's work as a missionary and advocate/advisor laid the groundwork for the adhesion of The Pas Indians to Treaty Five.

Budd's Northwest c. 1867

Budd's Cree village community at The Pas was established with an awareness that by the 1860s, Aboriginal societies in the Northwest were under significant threat from both internal and external forces. He was aware that the demographics of the Northwest were about to change as people from Red River, mainly Metis freemen, moved west and began settling in the Saskatchewan River

Valley. By 1864, Budd visited at least two of these settlements, Isbister's settlement and Turner's Ville, on a regular basis and made mention of a third, Fort Thomson's, in an 1864 letter. To Budd, these freemen communities represented the beginning of a new Northwest that would be settled, agricultural and

Christian. These settlements offered not a threat to Indian lifestyles but an opportunity for him and the CMS to establish schools and churches throughout the West. In an 1864 letter to superiors in London, Budd made an argument in favour of establishing a CMS school at the Hudson's Bay Company's post,

Carlton House, noting in particular the growing number of settlers from both Red

River and "foreign lands" expected to take-up land along the river. Budd wrote,

Four visits have been contemplated upon for Carlton House, and the neighbouring Posts - 'Fort Thomson's', & 'Isbister's Settlement' during the year, tho' three only have been realized. In each of these visits I have been more & more convinced of the necessity for a school to be at Carlton and more so now that there are parties of emigrants seen now on their way from the Red River to settle along the banks of this [the Saskatchewan] River; and other parties from foreign lands expected to flock in to the Kisiskatchewan: this will always increase the population all along this mighty river, and Fort Carlton may be among the first thus taken up & settled.7

With the transfer of the Northwest to Canada in 1870, this demographic change would escalate, leading many people, particularly a group of mainly Catholic,

French-speaking Metis in Red River and the Saskatchewan Valley, to launch rebellions against Canada in 1869 and 1885.

Budd was also aware that Aboriginal lives were being changed by problems happening in the Northwest. Scarlet fever had killed his wife and daughter, and Budd knew that other diseases had spread across the plains; as he noted in 1867, "The last summer [the summer of 1866] has been one of much

7 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 July 1864, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 200 sickness among all the Indians at these parts, and the desaese [sic] which carried many of them to their graves is still lingering among them still. They are still

Q dying off."° Budd was likewise conscious that the buffalo were scarce. In

February 1860, he wrote the following observation in his journal: "Bad news from the plains. The buffalo are far away, and exceedingly scarce, many camps of

Indians are reported to be quite starving."9 On arriving at Moose Woods in

February 1861, Budd was struck by the weakness of many people at the buffalo hunting camp. "One James Dreaver a freeman, who with an Indian boy he had, appeared to me to be on the last stage of weakness," lamented Budd; "Their ghastly appearance was too much for me, it struck my mind with the thought that certainly death had welnigh [sic] preceded me."10 Meanwhile, when he remained at the mission station, Budd had to deal with the use of rum in the fur trade.1'

Budd's son, in a letter to the CMS in 1864, was particularly vitriolic in his attack on the rum trade, claiming that "the chief attraction to the encampment [at

Nipowewin] is the mighty rum," and that rum was "soul-ruining, dangerous and pernicious in the extreme." While Henry senior was never this pointed in his criticism of rum, he was aware that as long as rum was traded, it would be hard to convert and settle Indians during their visits to the Nipowewin.

Moreover, Budd was sensitive to the fact that with the increasing number of Canadian and Metis settlers in the Northwest the CMS wanted to speed-up the

8 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 18 January 1866, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 9 Henry Budd, Journal, 11 February 1860, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 10 Henry Budd, Journal, 19 February 1861, CMSA CCl/O/12. 11 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 10 January 1859, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 12 Henry Budd Gunior) to Secretary of CMS, 16 January 1864, CMSA, CCl/O/12. This is the only piece of writing by Henry Budd junior I was able to locate. 201 process of creating independent "native churches." With the arrival of Bishop

Robert Machray in 1865, the Anglican administration in Red River increasingly focused its energy on creating a self-sufficient Native Church that was not only independent of the growing Colonial congregation in Red River but also economically independent of the CMS. A report by the "Bishop and Clergy of the

Red River Settlement" published in 1865 summarized the key tenets of this reorganization. The report's main critique was that in the 15 years since the establishment of a Native ministry, Native churches had not achieved any level of economic self-sufficiency. "Indeed," noted the report, "it is impossible to see how, whilst the circumstances of their country remain as they now are, they [the

Indians] can ever even appreciably sustain the means of grace amongst them."13

As the report explained,

the heathen Indians posses absolutely nothing in the world but their tent, blanket, gun, and kettle, and these they almost always have in advance from the Company. In some cases the Indian converts in the stations...possess cottages, farming implements, and a few cattle. But in those uncultivated wastes... the possession of these articles rather gives a more comfortable livelihood to the possessor, than means for giving to others.14

Aside from this lack of support from Indians for their church, the report lamented

"the difficulties of.. .carrying on the work of a missionary among such a scattered people are almost inconceivable to those who have not been in the land."15 The

Northwest, because of its geography and the economy of the indigenous

13 Report of the Diocese of Rupert's Land, by the Bishop and Clergy at the Red River Settlement [1865], CMSA, Central Records, Circular Book, 1855-76, number 209, GAZ/2/1. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. population, was proving a difficult place to sustain a mission field and establish self-sufficient Native churches.1

To rectify the problem of the Native Church, Machray emphasized the need to teach and provide ways for Native Christians in the Northwest to make their church self-supporting and self-governing. The Indians, argued Machray in the 1865 report, "should be taught the privilege of giving something [to their church]....An Indian often gives skins for rum and spirits.. .he may therefore well

spare a skin now and then for the Lord's service, as a thanks-offering for his receiving the knowledge of God's inestimable gift."17 They should likewise be encouraged to establish a local Church administration. The report specified, for example, that each church should have its own wardens and vestrymen."18 To help achieve this goal, Machray and his colleagues suggested a renewed focus on elementary and elite education. The Red River clergy, recognizing the difficulty of delivering this education to a mobile population, believed a residential-style institution was necessary. "It seems almost an impossibility in the wilderness of this country," noted the report, "to have any school in the more distant stations unless the children are gathered together and for sometime maintained: the Indian families, for their subsistence, have of necessity to be so scattered."19 The Bishop also believed that more elite education should be made more readily available to

These economic challenges were not new to the Northwest mission field: James Hunter and Bishop Anderson had expressed similar skepticism about the likelihood of a self-supporting Native Church in the late 1840s. 17 Report of the Diocese of Rupert's Land CMS A, Circular Book, 1855-76, number 209, GAZ/2/1. 18 Ibid. "Ibid. Indian students, arguing that candidates for the Native ministry needed better and more well-funded training.

In the late 1860s, Machray and the clergy at Red River did two more things to promote a more independent Native Church. First, they suggested that missionaries and catechists focus their work in the near fur-trade posts. They believed this to be a more inexpensive method for ministry because the missionary would be close to supply lines, and more effective in the long-term, given that the children of the HBC servants (many of whom were of mixed- ancestry) would, in future, make good schoolteachers and even candidates for ordination.21 Second, in 1867, Machray appointed Henry Budd to be the Native pastor of Devon. While Devon was not completely self-supporting, the CMS leadership in Red River believed that Devon was also not a mission station and that, given his connection with Devon, Budd was an ideal candidate for the appointment as pastor. While Budd's appointment was somewhat symbolic (i.e.

Devon was far from independent), it was representative of the ongoing push by

Machray and others to establish a more independent Native Church in the

Northwest before the arrival of large numbers of settlers. On the eve of this appointment, Budd was aware of many aspects - political, cultural, medical and religious - of the "great transformation" unfolding in the Northwest. This knowledge, directly inform how Budd acted as a Native pastor at The Pas

Bishop Anderson established a new scholarship for this purpose in 1868. See Minutes of the Red River Corresponding Committee, 28 December 1865, CMSA, Northwest Mission, Original Papers of the Corresponding Committee, 1850-1867, CCl/O/1. 21 See Minutes of the Red River Corresponding Committee, 3 October 1866, CMSA, CCl/O/1. The London committee concurred with this approach. See Minutes of the London Corresponding Committee, 3 December 1867, CMSA, Minutes, 1866-1872 GC/1/5. between 1867 and 1875 and how he responded to the changing fortunes of

Aboriginal people in the Northwest.

"Our Village"

After Budd was transferred to The Pas in 1867, his first priority was to make the Church and agricultural development central forces in the community; to make the mission station into "our village," as he wrote. As he had done throughout his professional life, Budd held three church services every Sunday at

The Pas (two in Cree and one in English for nearby HBC servants), and carried out mid-week pastoral visits to various sick and elderly people throughout the community. New at this time was his use of the church to reshape the leadership structures and gender roles in the community.23 In line with Machray's wishes, he created positions in the church such as wardens and a sexton, transforming hierarchies that existed amongst the residents into Church-based hierarchies that privileged masculinity and church membership.24 In the summer of 1868, Budd held a meeting with some of these new leaders. "I have called meetings at my own house with the church wardens and heads of families to consult the best way for ameliorating the temporal condition of the Devon Indians," noted Budd in his journal. One of the men at the meeting, Charles Jebb, was a particular favorite

Budd first begins using the term "village" to describe The Pas in the late 1860s. See Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 12 August 1869, CMS A, CCl/O/12. 23 Henry Budd, Journal, 6 November 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 24 Katherine Pettipas makes a similar suggestion. See Pettipas, The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd, 1870-1875, 24, n. 16. 25 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 7 August 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. of Budd's and well liked by others. Jebb, likely an elder in the community, was described by Budd as "a thorough Xtian" and member of a good family; his position as the sexton for the church reinforced his important status among the

Christian Natives. In June 1870, Jebb's important status in the community was solidified when he was selected by several of what Budd called the "principal

Indians" to lead services during Budd's extended absence from Devon. According to Budd, the "principal Indians" at The Pas asked Budd how long he would be away on his forthcoming itinerating trip to the plains. When Budd told them he would be away for six weeks, the men asked permission to appoint "one of the most intelligent man [sic] among them, to keep the Sunday Services...." Budd happily consented to this request and even gave some money to help pay for the replacement. The men eventually selected the sexton, Charles Jebb, to fill-in for

Budd. During another summer trip Budd imagined the successful operation of the church during his absence - Charles Jebb and other men leading the service, the rest of the community following. "[I] Thought of my people at Devon," wrote

Budd,

congregating themselves and filling the large schoolroom. Left now to their own resources, methought I saw one of them giving out the hymn and opening the Service and praising God in their own language. And Charles Jebb, the Sexton, reading audibly all the prayers appointed in the Book of Common Prayer. Then he, or perhaps some one else meekly reading a few verses in the Word of God, and trying in his own way to explain the passage to his brethren, and doing it very well too. Thus, their morning Service would go on, and bless their meeting in His name to their edification, and the glory of His grace.28

The Sexton was an official associated with the church, usually responsible for ringing the bell and other duties at the church. 27 Henry Budd, Journal, 6 June, 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 28 Henry Budd, Journal, 1 June 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. While women attended this service, they had a limited role in the leadership of the church. In general, the women were the caregivers in the community, responsible for looking after the young and old when the men were away hunting, trapping or on boat brigades. Women were also heavily involved in the agricultural practices in the community. Because the men were often away during the fall harvesting season, Budd often employed and encouraged women and boys to work in the mission's fields. On the whole, however, the church- centered village Budd hoped to create at The Pas privileged masculinity and

Christianity in its leadership structures. Budd continued to promote this kind of gendered and church-centered community as a necessity for the future, especially encouraging and preparing promising young male students at the school to be teachers and attend the college at Red River.

Although Budd was eager to construct the community at Devon around the church, he also recognized the need to adapt some aspects of Christianity and modernity to the realities of the environment and economy of the Swampy Cree.

In general, the Indians at The Pas pursued a three-part economy that followed the seasons, combining work in the fur trade (as both trappers and boatmen), with subsistence hunting and fishing and a limited amount of agriculture.31 In the summer, men were generally employed on the boat brigades of the HBC while women remained at Devon caring for children and the elderly, berry picking and pursuing some agricultural activities. The fall was dominated by goose hunting in

29 Henry Budd, Journal, 2 July, 1 and 23 October 1873, and 30 September 1874, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 30 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 13 August 1872, CMSA CCl/O/12. 31 Tough, As Their Natural Resources Fail, 32. 207

September, haying in October and fishing until Christmas. Christmas-to-New

Years was typically a period when families remained near the Devon mission.

New Year's Day was a particularly festive day marked by a number of activities and rituals according to the customs established over the years of the fur trade.

On each New Year's Day in the early 1870s, for instance, Budd was visited first by the men, then by the women, then by the young and finally by the children; each time he offered his guests tea, coffee and bread. Later in the day, guns were fired in celebration, while the afternoon was filled with recreational activities like sliding, skating, horse racing, dog racing and football.34 The day ended with an evening prayer meeting. The months following New Year's were typically the most difficult time of year to secure food. Some people fished, others trapped and hunted, while many relied on food from the mission for support.35 In spring, people carried-out another goose and duck hunt, planted crops and harvested sap at sugar camps. Most families returned to Devon for Easter before the men left on the summer brigades in June.

When Budd returned to the Pas in 1867, he recognized that Indians needed to follow this mixed-economy seasonal round in order to survive in an area of the

Northwest where prospects for agricultural activity were limited. What he hoped was that Indians would pursue their past economic activities (hunting and work on the brigades) within a framework of Christianity and modernity that emphasized prayer, reading and the establishment of permanent houses at The Pas. One way

32 See Ibid., 32 and Henry Budd, Journal, 1867-75, CMSA CC1/0/12. 33 Henry Budd, Journal, 1 January, 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 34 See Henry Budd, Journal, 1 January 1870 and 1873, CMSA, CC 1/0/12. 35 See, for example, Henry Budd, Journal, 31 January 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 36 See Henry Budd, Journal, April 25 1869 and April, 30, 1871, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 208

Budd encouraged this was to help the Indians make Christianity portable. When men left for summer brigades, for example, Budd encouraged them to take books on the brigades.37 In 1869, Budd even managed to get the HBC to agree to include

Christianity in the Brigade's schedule: "Through the indulgence of the Factor at the head of the Cumberland district, our young men [on the brigades] were allowed to have one of the old Communicants (one of their own choosing) to conduct their Sunday Services, keep up their evening prayers &c. all the time they should be away."38 To further enable these prayers, the men were, wrote Budd,

"to have the whole of each Sunday, and not be compelled to work on that day, unless that any thing turn up to make their traveling necessary. This was a favor never before granted to our trip men in the Boats."

The same principle of a making Christianity portable extended to Budd's ideas about the hunting and trapping season. Budd strongly supported the muskrat hunt, seeing the annual hunt as a chance for the diligent hunter to make money and payoff their debt to the HBC.40 In March 1872, while Budd regretted that "the school is a good deal diminished in number" because many families had left the mission to pursue the hunt, he believed that "at this season of the year it must need be so as long as the Indians have no better way of providing for themselves the necessaries of life, than the old way of hunting furs... ."4' Budd, however, put a modern interpretation on the hunt, depicting it as an individual activity, not as a cooperative venture by a family or band. In February 1869, for example, Budd

37 Henry Budd, Journal, 11 June 1869, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Henry Budd, Journal, 10 March 1869 and 8 August 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 41 Henry Budd, Journal, 25 March 1872, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 209 wrote that all the Indians "that can go will go to this wonderful hunt; and the most diligent of them will make quite a harvest of it." Budd also wanted Christianity to play an important role in the lives of the hunter and his family, even when away from the station. Drawing on his earlier experience on the plains, Budd began visiting hunting camps as part of his annual pattern of itinerating trips. In

March 1869, for instance, Budd took a three-day visit in the direction of Moose

Lake. There he visited five separate camps of Indians from The Pas, gathering each camp together for prayer and counseling each "against the sin of drunkenness."43 Just as they had done upon leaving for the brigades, some Indians took books away with them to the hunt.44

Complementing his emphasis on the portability of Christianity, Budd was also more accepting of "Indian medicines" in the 1870s then he had been earlier in his career. When Mary, Budd's Cook, became ill with some kind of blockage in her urinary track, Budd did all he could to bring down the swelling, but he had little success: "A dose or two of nitre did not take the least effect, nr [sic] yet a good warm bath and flannels and water. We could do nothing more, but just waited and watched her."45 Mary, continued Budd, was "a gone case till some one got a dose of the Indian medicine and gave it to her. After this dose we were thankful to find that she managed to void a little water, and got a little more

42 Henry Budd, Journal, 9 February 1869, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 43 Henry Budd, Journal, 10-11 March 1869 and 28 April 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 44 Henry Budd, Journal, 21 November 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 45 Henry Budd, Journal, 14 March 1872, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 210 rest."46 Budd felt that, like the hunt, Indian medicine, if it worked, should be part of the Christian community at The Pas.

While Budd wanted to make Christianity more portable and integrated with Cree practices, he also strongly encouraged the development of agriculture and a sedentary lifestyle he hoped that more people would establish farms, if not at The Pas then perhaps on the Plains which Budd noted was "far preferable to

Devon for agriculture."47 Budd understood the difficulties the Devon people experienced in adopting agriculture and tried to explain these to his superiors in

London. Not only did he suggest that the northern climate and environment forced the farmer to cope with floods,48 frost and drought,49 he also noted that the people lacked the proper equipment to farm properly in such conditions. Budd believed that while he had made some progress at Devon, "in temporal things the whole of

[the people] are struggling."50 As he explained to London superiors, the struggles to create a viable farming economy at The Pas were "evident from the toil and labour they take of their own will to which they were formerly, wholly unaccustomed."51 As agricultural instructors and Indian agents would realize in the 1880s and later, Budd understood that it was difficult for people to learn quickly the new set of skills needed to farm, especially in the challenging environment around The Pas.

47 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 20 January 1873, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 48 See Henry Budd, Journal, summer 1872 and 1873, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 49 Henry Budd, Journal, 8 October 1873, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 50 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 19 August 1871, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 51 Ibid. 211

Budd tried to modify agricultural practices to meet the needs of the Devon

Indians by using women and children to keep up the gardens at the mission during the periodic absences of the men in the summer and fall, and by growing robust crops, particularly potatoes. Despite the difficulties of farming at The Pas, Budd reported that the people responded well to the push for more agriculture. In 1871, adapting their band leadership to the needs of an agricultural lifestyle, the community relied on "headmen" to lead new agricultural and building initiatives.53 Budd explained that the people's "desire for having cattle & larger farms is great. They called meetings together several times & consulted with their headmen, the best way for getting on with the desired object.. .1 hope (if spared), to see several new houses put up & finished in two years time."54

At the same time that he was generating change in Indian leadership structures, gender relations and seasonal migration, Budd articulated a new way for the village at The Pas to develop a community identity as "Indian." He emphasized language as the distinguishing feature of being Cree in the Northwest.

Budd often used language to define his own identity as a Native. He claimed that the "native tongue" was more natural to him,55 and that while using Cree made him feel "on my own ground & in my element," he felt a degree of "distrust or diffidence" in using the "foreign tongue" of English.56 Thus while Budd hoped to educate students to be bilingual, he always maintained an emphasis on using Cree

52 Henry Budd, Journal, 2 July and 1 October 1873, and 4 September 1874, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 53 Likely the same headmen that had selected Charles Jebb as prayer leader. 54 Henry Budd to Secretary of CMS, 5 January 1871, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 55 Henry Budd, Journal, 7 August 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 56 Henry Budd, Journal, 29 December 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. in church services. In the 1860s, Budd returned to translation work, something he had started in the 1840s but seemed to have abandoned during his time at

Nipowewin. Budd mainly focused on translating scripture and services, often noting in his journal and letters the importance of preaching "in the Native language so that all that come in the Church can understand for themselves."57

Using Cree in the church - the center of the village - allowed Budd to form a connection with his community members through language while encouraging them to see language as a unique and important aspect of their community identity. There is some evidence to suggest furthermore, that Budd felt language was a way to create connections amongst the disparate communities of Christian

Crees in the Northwest. In 1869, Budd commented that, "it has long been my wish to do something towards translating some little work useful to all the Cree

Indians in all our Congregations, from the English to the Cree; but I have not been able even to make a beginning towards this much desired object."58 Although

Budd never completed this translation, his interest in creating a written text for all

"our Congregations" hints at how he saw a common link through language and

Christianity, between various the Cree communities in the Northwest.

British Protection and Christianity

To help construct these Church-centered Cree villages, Budd constantly appealed to an idealized vision of "Britishness" that assumed Britain and representatives of Britain in the Northwest (missionaries and the HBC officers),

Henry Budd, Journal, 4 August 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Henry Budd, Journal, 5 January 1869, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 213 would always adhere to their Christian duty to protect and aid Aboriginal peoples.

These appeals were based on Budd's global vision that assumed the differences between Europeans and Indians were due to unequal access to Christianity and modernity; Britain, because of its place at the center of the evangelical movement, had a duty to ensure the Natives of Northwest had fair access to Christianity and modernity. By the late 1860s, Budd used these assumptions to advocate against the use of rum as an article of trade by the HBC and to plea for the appointment of more CMS personnel to underserved communities north of The Pas.

In 1867, Budd encouraged the Indians at The Pas to write a petition in syllables to the governor and council of the HBC asking that the Company "bring no kind of spirituous liquor amongst the Indians of Devon as an article of

Trade."59 By September of that year, the HBC had agreed to the request. In

November of 1868, Budd appealed to the free traders in the district to likewise stop the trade of rum in the area. The traders apparently agreed, although rum continued to be accessible to Indians at nearby Moose Lake.60 Budd used his position as a preacher to encourage other Indian communities to approach HBC officers in their region to stop the rum trade. In March 1869, for instance, Budd explained how his discussions with the Indians at Cumberland House had encouraged the community to appeal to the HBC officer there for restrictions on the trade. "When all the Services were over [on Sunday]" wrote Budd in his journal,

all the Indians came in a body to C.F. Hamilton [the HBC officer] to consult with him regarding the subject of the rum that I had been

59 Henry Budd, Journal, 15 June 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 50 Henry Budd, Journal, 14 and 16 November 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 214

speaking to them about, yesterday. They asked him to use his influence at the counsel with the Company, not to bring any more rum to Cumberland House, as an article of trade' because they wished to abstain form the use of it.61

Hamilton replied that he could not guarantee a moratorium on the trade, given the competition the HBC faced from free traders, but that he promised that "the Xtian

Indians of Cumberland House would never be tempted with the rum, or, any other

ft) spirituous Liquor, while he was in charge." These kinds of appeals from Budd and Christian Indians rested on the assumption that the HBC, as a company run by British Christians, would not knowingly allow the trade of rum to be detrimental to the Indians, especially Christian Indians, in the Northwest. The use of written text in the case of the Devon Indians' petition, moreover, marked a new way for Aboriginals to communicate with the HBC and other representatives of the British Empire. By 1871, Budd happily commented that "The people have effectively put down the sale of any spirituous liquors among them, and now that the law has past forbidding it, we trust we shall never see any more, that soul destroying article of trade among our people."

While Budd welcomed the protection from the rum trade brought about by the written and oral petitions of Indians, Budd also asked his friends in England for help spreading modernity and Christianity. Budd did not want to make the mission a source of unearned charity for Indians. He constantly complained about

Indians who treated his mission as an endless source of ammunition, food,

61 Henry Budd, Journal, 21 March 1869, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 62 Henry Budd, Journal, 21 March 1869, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 63 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 19 August 1871, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Budd was referring to a recently passed Canadian law aimed at stopping the whiskey traders further west. 215 medicine, twine and other small items,64 but he did want the mission to be well supplied with medicine and tools for farming. He complained to superiors in

London that although the Indians at The Pas were eager to pursue agriculture,

"without proper means [farming] is slow and tiresome [work]."65 Likewise, in

December 1870, he noted that although the people wanted to create a viable farming settlement they did not have the means to complete the task. "In the evening the men held a consultation," noted Budd in a December 1870 journal entry, during which they,

bound themselves to cut and haul the firewood for the Church & School house... [and] cut and haul & picquet for their farms, and that they will strive when the spring comes to put more seed in the ground than they had last spring. Poor people! I wish they had the means for doing all they propose of doing.66

Budd hoped the CMS committee in Red River and London would read these comments and send more money and means to his mission to produce a more sustainable farming village at The Pas.

More pointed were Budd's demands that the CMS send schoolmasters and catechists to The Pas and Cumberland House. Budd had first complained about the lack of schoolteachers assigned to him in the 1850s at Nipowewin; these complaints continued when he arrived at The Pas. Budd was especially frustrated that he was given no schoolteacher at Devon but was asked to supervise the

Henry Budd, Journal, 3 June 1874; see also, journal, 6 September 1869, 6 October 1871, 2 June 1874, and 3 June 1874, CMS A, CCl/O/12. 65 Henry Budd, Journal, 19 August 1871, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 66 Henry Budd, Journal, 26 December 1870, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 216 missions at Nipowewin and minister to the Cumberland House Indians. Budd voiced this frustration in his typically understated tone:

I feel quite humbled to think to what little extent I am able to follow up these instructions, how seldom I shall be able to visit the people of the Nipowewin and Cumberland House, especially the former as it is so far away. As I am entirely single handed, and quite alone [at The Pas]. As I must necessarily leave this Mission without any one to look after it while I am away to the other part of my charge. Everything will be at a stand still, until my return. This is a great draw back, and a very great trial to me.68

In the late 1860s and early 1870s, Budd often articulated similar frustrations to his superiors in Britain. "I have made 1 visit to the Nipowewin [station] since I last wrote you, and 2 to Cumberland House," stated Budd in an 1868 letter,

but these were necessarily flying visits, and such visits can do but little good. I am entirely alone, I have not even one of my surviving childr. Here with me.. .when I leave, my house must be locked up...The church is locked up, and the school dismissed. Such is my circumstances just now. With this state of things my visits to the neighboring station must necessarily by short ones.69

Eight months later, Budd reiterated these sentiments, despairing that "it is a great trial to me that I am not allowed any helper; no schoolmaster or catechist, to whom I might leave the care of the school and the mission when I am myself away to other parts of the district."70 In December 1868, at the end of a busy

Sunday at Cumberland House, Budd again commented on the needs of the

Cumberland Indians. This time he wrote down his thoughts in his journal: "Thus concluded the work of another day another Sabbath spent with the congregation.

Oh! That I could spend another week with them. The poor Indians are so eager to

67 Henry Budd, Journal, 12 August 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 68 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 12 August 1867, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 69 Original emphasis. Henry Budd to the Secretary of the CMS, 6 January 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 70 Henry Budd to the Secretary of CMS, 7 August 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 217 hear the Word of God, but alas! I must hurry back to Devon and they go back to the woods."71

Budd's hope was that The Pas, Cumberland and Nipowewin would each be given a qualified schoolteacher or minister at the expense of the CMS. In 1872,

Budd wrote a long letter outlining the Cumberland Indians' request for a missionary or catechist. Budd explained that this appeal for a missionary, although encouraged by him, was now coming from the Indians themselves. As they had in the fight against the rum trade, the Indians had written a petition, likely to the Red River CMS committee, in the hope of getting a minister sent to them. "I have made my usual visit to the congregations throughout the District,"

Budd wrote,

& I am happy that I am able to report that there is even an increasing desire in our people to live closer to their Lord & Saviour and even the heathen around the neighbourhood have sent petitions that someone might be sent to them to teach them. There is an increasing desire felt by the heathen parties to do like the Christian Indians in our Mission to build them houses and live in them.72

Budd went on to explain that the Cumberland people were willing to move to a new area if it meant they would be better served by the missionaries. The people wanted not only the new religion offered by missionaries but also the new lifestyle practiced at the mission station: "They are also desirous of having Cattle, pigs &c. like their brethren the Devon Indians," noted Budd.73 Acting as both advocate for the Cumberland Indians' demands and advisor to the people at

Cumberland, Budd encouraged both the CMS and the Indians to seek a way to do

71 Henry Budd, Journal, 20 December 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 72 Henry Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 13 August 1872, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 73 Ibid. "something more permanent... for the congregation of Indians at Cumberland

House."74 Budd even used the threat of Catholicism to prompt the CMS to send a

schoolteacher to Cumberland, noting that in the summer of 1872 a Catholic priest

had stayed at Cumberland, "trying all he could to instill into the minds of our

Indians, the principles of his corrupt Church."75 Also informing Budd's pleas on

behalf of the Cumberland Indians was his knowledge of the global mission

project, specifically his understanding of the successes of Native churches in New

Zealand, West Africa and other fields.

In making these demands Budd articulated a new kind of relationship

between Aboriginal peoples and representatives of Britain. Whereas the fur-trade

era emphasized that the relationship between Aboriginals and Britain was built on

an economic partnership, Budd believed that Britain and the Indians were partners

in the spread and development of Christianity and modernity. Britain, in Budd's

mind, had the responsibility to facilitate this evangelization, while the Cree had

equal responsibility to accept the message. In this relationship, the Cree would

acquire not the metal tools and guns (as was the case in the fur-trade era) but rather Christianity, agriculture and protection from things like rum.77 In Budd's mind, this was a relationship supported by the Bible and the evangelical belief

1UIU. 75 Ibid. 76 Budd would have likely read about these other fields through various CMS publications, particularly the Church Missionary Intelligencer (A Monthly Journal of Missionary Information). Samuel Crowther's role as Native Bishop is noted in the Church Missionary Intelligencer, February 1865, 52-3. Discussion of the establishment of colleges in India and the establishment of a "Native pastorate" in New Zealand appears in the Church Missionary Intelligencer, May 1868, 136-8 and December 1868, 358. 77 For discussion of the economic partnership between Aboriginals and Europeans during the fur trade era see Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade; Daniel Francis and Toby Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600-1870 (Kingston; Montreal: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1983). 219 that access to Christianity would naturally elevate all the people to a more materially comfortable and spiritually enlightened way of life. Along with his attempt to create a new Church-centered village at The Pas, Budd re-imagined the very nature of the Native-newcomer relationship in the Northwest.

The Importance of Being a Native Churchman

To create this new village community and new relationship with Britain,

Budd performed the role of advocate when addressing the CMS and HBC about mission expansion and rum. When advising the Cree to take books with them on their hunts and brigades and select wardens and a sexton to run the church, he became advisor. Had Budd been alive in 1876 when the Treaty Five commission arrived at The Pas, he would have certainly carried these personae with him to the treaty negotiations, presenting the demands of the Cree to the treaty commissioner while counseling Indians at their meetings to take treaty and perhaps advocate for better terms. As it happened, Budd's son-in-law, Henry Cochrane, was the indigenous missionary involved in the Treaty Five negotiations at The Pas. It was

Cochrane and Native churchmen like him who used the strategies of advocate/advisor, pioneered by Budd, to ensure a smooth and fair treaty-making process. Budd's influence on Cochrane's approach to treaties was his legacy to the Northwest.

Born in 1834 at Red River, Henry Cochrane was a member of the second generation of Native churchmen in the Northwest. Educated at St. Peter's Parish in the colony, Cochrane worked under Budd's supervision as schoolmaster at 220

Moose Lake near The Pas, from 1854-6. Budd was particularly impressed with

Cochrane's commitment to the church and his teaching ability. As Budd noted in his report to London in 1855, "Henry Cochrane lectures and prays with the Indian with great ease and fluency in the Native language," and was "attentive to his duties: the children are taught to read, write, and do the first rules of arithmetic."

Sometime after this Cochrane returned to Red River, continued his education and was ordained as a priest in the Anglican Church at St. Andrew's in December

1859.79 From 1859 to 1864 Cochrane followed the path Budd had established for newly ordained Native ministers. First, he worked under the supervision of a

European missionary, becoming an assistant minister at St. Peter's parish where he had grown-up. In 1859 he married his first wife, Mary Gowler, a white woman

on from the settlement who likely had strong ties to the Anglican Church. Gowler died in 1861.81 Within a year of the death of his first wife, Cochrane traveled to

Carlton House via Budd's station at Nipowewin in order to explore the likelihood of establishing a mission at the HBC post. Budd, always starved of contact with JO other missionaries, was very happy to see Cochrane. It is probable that in the course of this trip Cochrane asked Henry Budd if he could marry Budd's daughter, Elizabeth, then at school in Red River. Apparently Budd agreed; in the summer of 1863, Elizabeth Budd and Henry Cochrane were married in the colony. His marriage, like his education and employment in the CMS, confirmed

78 Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 31 July 1855, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 79 Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. IX, "Henry Cochrane." 80 Ibid. 81 Frits Pannekoek, "Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online," http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=40159. 82 Budd to Secretary of the CMS, 8 August 1862, CMSA, CC1/0/12. 221

Cochrane's close ties to the growing network of Native churchmen in the

Northwest and to Budd in particular.

From this point onward, Budd treated Cochrane as a son, a relationship that grew even stronger after the death of Budd's only remaining son in 1874.

Cochrane, with his wife Elizabeth Budd, made several trips to The Pas during

Budd's second tenure there between 1867 and 1875. On each of these occasions,

Budd celebrated the family connections he felt with Cochrane; the men worked closely together leading services and producing a number of translations. Several passages from Budd's journal emphasize the closeness of this relationship. In July

1868, after expressing sorrow over the death of a member of The Pas community,

Budd happily commented that,

In the evening, however, my sorrow and anxiety was turned into joy by the sight of all my dear children just arrived from the Red River. My dear daughter Mrs. Cochrane with her brother, and little sisters: and to complete my happiness who should I see but Mr. Cochrane himself stepping out of the boat, bringing his little charge safe to shore. 4

For the next 15 days Budd and Cochrane spent a great deal of time together, trading-off duties at the Sunday service and spending time relaxing together.

Budd's journal entry for July 20 presents a glimpse of the relaxed atmosphere

Budd enjoyed during these visits:

Monday. My dear daughter Mrs. Cochrane was busily employed today getting all the Children's clothes made and put right against the time they would have to leave their Papa's house, and return to their respective schools. Mr. Cochrane and myself were taking it more easy, making it quite a holiday.85

Budd, Journal, 17 March 1874, CMSA, CCl/O/12. Budd, Journal, 10 July 1868, CMSA, CC1/0/12. Budd, Journal, 20 July 1868, CMSA, CCl/O/12. 222

During these days relaxing and watching the children, it is very likely that Budd and Cochrane spoke about the future: the impending transfer of the Northwest to

Canadian control, the push to make the Native Church more self-sufficient, the loss of the buffalo further west, the spread of disease, the trade of rum, and the need for Aboriginals to establish a more sedentary, church-centered community.

They likely also agreed that they were well-positioned to advocate on behalf of

Natives during these changes.

The last time Cochrane saw Budd was February 1875. Cochrane had made a visit to the station with Elizabeth during which he, along with Budd, translated a number of lectures and hymns.86 Soon after this visit, Cochrane returned to Red

River where he was posted to St. Peter's parish. Elizabeth remained behind to care for her ailing father. Budd died two months later. Cochrane was subsequently sent to The Pas to take over the mission. Upon appointment to The Pas, Cochrane tried to pick-up where his father-in-law had left off. He emphasized schooling and encouraged agriculture and church attendance. When the adhesion of The Pas to

Treaty Five was proposed in 1875, Cochrane became involved. Acting as interpreter and negotiator, Cochrane likely felt he was following the path established by Budd and other Native churchmen. When Thomas Howard arrived at The Pas in 1876, Cochrane was the first to meet him and gather the Indians together. Just as he felt Budd would have done, Cochrane led the people at The

Pas toward an understanding of the value of treaty and the particularities of its

Budd, Journal, 8 February 1875, CMSA, CCl/O/12. terms, while working closely with Howard as an interpreter of Indian demands.

Budd had spent his entire career, most especially his last years, building a Native community that was church-centered and able to follow a mixed agricultural/hunting/brigade lifestyle; his death had prevented him from transforming this community into a legislated reality in the form of a reserve.

Cochrane was given the task of completing this transformation.

Three weeks before Cochrane helped complete the signing of Treaty Five, the first negotiations for Treaty Six between the Plains Cree and the Canadian government were completed at Carlton House. As was the case with the negotiations at The Pas, a Native churchman with strong ties to Henry Budd was directly involved in the discussions. Peter Erasmus, Budd's nephew and a schoolteacher at The Pas in the 1850s, acted as translator and advisor to the Cree leaders Mistawasis (Big Child) and Ahtakhakoop (Starblanket). Although not a missionary, Erasmus, like Cochrane was connected through education and kinship ties to the network of Native churchmen in the Northwest to which Budd had belonged.

After leaving the CMS in the early 1850s, Erasmus pursued a number of careers. He worked in the HBC, was an interpreter for the Palliser expedition to western Canada in 1857, and even joined the Columbia gold rush.88 By the 1870s he was living on a Wesleyan mission station near Edmonton, working as an interpreter and free trader while maintaining a small farm; he also participated in the twice annual buffalo hunt to the southern plains. Sometime in the mid-1870s,

87 Morris, The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, 161. 88 Irene Spry, "Introduction," in Buffalo Days and Nights (Calgary, 1976), xix. 224

Mistawasis, the Plains chief Budd had visited in the late 1850s, asked Erasmus for help with the upcoming negotiations for Treaty Six. Mistawasis and another influential Cree leader on the plains, Ahtakhakoop, had fallen on difficult times in the 1860s and felt strongly that the treaties were the best hope for their bands to attain stability. Mistawasis had gone as far as to stop the construction of a telegraph line to protest the Canadian government's incursion into his territory without first negotiating a treaty. While Mistawasis and Ahtakhakoop were eager to take treaty, they were also aware that they needed someone on their side who was, as Mistawasis later said, "learned in the language the Governor speaks."90 Erasmus, who was believed to be one of the best Cree-English interpreters on the plains, was thus sent for by Mistawasis and Ahtakhakoop to join the Cree at the negotiations. In August 1876, Erasmus made his way to

Carleton House ready and eager to participate in the negotiations. During the treaty discussions, Erasmus performed the dual roles of advocate and advisor for

Mistawasis and Ahtakhakoop. He was also later paid by the government as well as Mistawasis for his work at the meeting. Mixing his faith in Christianity, modernity and British protection with his knowledge of the implications of the collapse of the buffalo, Erasmus was an ideal intermediary for these complex negotiations.

A much longer and more drawn out process than most treaties, the negotiation for Treaty Six lasted nine days, involving a number of meetings between the Cree and treaty commissioner Alexander Morris, as well as a number

89 Blair Stonechild and Bill Waiser, Loyal Till Death: Indians and the North-West Rebellion (Calgary: Fifth House, 1997), 6. 90 Erasmus, Buffalo Days and Nights, 246. 225 of council meetings during which the Cree discussed particular issues amongst themselves. A constant theme in these council meetings was the tension between

Cree leaders in favour of treaty, like Mistawasis and Ahtakhakoop, and those more skeptical about the promises in the treaties, like Poundmaker and the

Badger. After several meetings, the Cree asked for several items to be added to the treaty terms. It is unclear if these were added to appease Poundmaker or if

Mistawasis had wanted these items added all along. It is likely that Erasmus encouraged the content of and wrote the wording for this final list of demands. It was Erasmus who read out these demands to commissioner Morris. The demands reflected a strong sympathy with the idea of creating "villages" that looked very much like a mission station, complete with medical relief, schools and farms. The similarity between these demands and Budd's earlier petitions against rum and the need for more missionaries and "means" for agriculture, is particularly striking.

The demands, as noted by Commissioner Morris, included the following:

They asked for an ox and a cow for each family; an increase in agricultural implements; provisions for the poor...; to be provided with missionaries and school teachers; the exclusion of fire water in the whole of Saskatchewan;.. .other animals, a horse, harness and wagon, and cooking stove for each chief; [and] a free supply of medicines...91

Most of these demands were agreed to by Morris; the exception was the request for missionaries about which Morris said, "they must look to the churches, and that they saw Catholic and Protestant missionaries present at the conference."92

91 Morris, The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, 185. 92 Ibid., 186. Map 1.4

The Numbered Treaties in the Canadian Northwest, c. 1877

Source: Adapted from Friesen, The Canadian Prairies. The treaty negotiations were finalized and the treaty was signed later the same day.

The involvement of Cochrane and Erasmus in the negotiations of Treaty

Five and Six, respectively, exemplifies how Native churchmen played central roles in the creation and negotiations of treaties in the Canadian Northwest.

Performing the dual roles of advocate and advisor motivated by identities and global visions seemingly similar to those pioneered by Henry Budd in the 1840s and 1850s, both Cochrane and Erasmus helped to negotiate treaties in the belief that taking treaty was the best way to ensure stability in the future. Budd would have supported and encouraged his son-in-law and nephew in these negotiations.

With treaties, Budd's goal of transforming the Aboriginal communities of the

Northwest into a series of church-centered villages bound by language that enjoyed a special relationship with Britain was put into law.

Remaking the Cree Community

Henry Budd shaped both the communities that took treaties and the key people who helped negotiate treaties; these influences are his main legacies as an indigenous missionary. In response to the changes in the Northwest in the late

1860s, and particularly to the transfer of the territory to Canada, Budd encouraged the transformation of Indian communities at The Pas and elsewhere from fur- trade/hunter-trapper band societies toward villages that were church-centered and able to combine agriculture with a hunting-trapping lifestyle. Most importantly, they were to be bound together by a shared language. In the course of instructing this transformation, Budd encouraged Indians to use written petitions to appeal to representatives of Britain for protection from "vices" like rum, and for the provision of the proper "means" to succeed in the era after the post-fur-trade era.

By leading and encouraging this new community and new relationship with

Britain and Canada, Budd also broadened the role of Native churchmen. He emphasized their place as advocates for and advisors to communities; he also articulated their pivotal role in transforming Aboriginal communities into village- based communities. Henry Cochrane and Peter Erasmus were two Native churchmen following Budd's example during the negotiations of the treaties in the mid-1870s while the people at The Pas and in Mistawasis's band were two groups affected by Budd's messages of change and the importance of Britain.

What Budd did not do was form a broad base of support among the

Aboriginal leaders in the Northwest, nor did he articulate a clear vision of what it would mean to be "Cree" after the arrival of the settlers from "foreign parts" which would follow transfer of Rupert's Land to Canada. While Budd intimated that language and Christianity would bind the Cree into a common community in the future, he did not create a vision of a pan-Cree nation that would supersede, for example, the local identities and kinship networks of the Swampy and Plains

Cree. Budd was born into a band society and while he tried to re-imagine the Cree world as a series of Christian villages linked by language he was only ever successful at creating isolated instances of this new Cree community,

Mistawasis's band and The Pas being two prominent examples. While Tiyo Soga shared Budd's focus on using his indigenous missionary status to create new 229 communities that relied on the benevolence of British Christians, Soga differed from Budd because of his ability and interest in creating linkages among different

Xhosa communities, as well as forging connections between communities of

Africans across the world. Soga's development of a robust Xhosa national community set him apart from Budd's more localized Cree village community. Chapter 7

"The Destiny of the Kaffir Race": A Xhosa National Community

In early 1865 Soga submitted an open letter to the editor of the King

William's Town Gazette and Kaffrarian Banner. Written in response to an article in Indaba by fellow-missionary (and later Soga's biographer) John Chalmers, the letter argued that contrary to Chalmers's arguments that Africans were "doomed" to become "extinct," the Xhosa were a proud "nation" that was surviving and gradually modernizing, and that they, as descendants of Ham, were connected to other members of the "Negro" race throughout the world. The letter stated in part,

And here I remark that the author [Chalmers] does not state whether he limits this doom to the small section of the Amakosa [Xhosa] Kaffirs, including the Gaika [Nqgika], the Galekas, and Slambies, or whether it extends to the numerous and powerful tribes of the Fingoes Kaffirs, the Tambookie Kaffirs, the Amampondo Kaffirs, the Amapondomisi Kaffirs, the Zulu Kaffirs, and the Amqswazi Kaffirs. I find the family of the Kaffir tribe extending nearly to the equator; along this line I find them taking the north-eastern coast of Africa, the dominant and the governing race; they are all one in language, and are one people - for language is that which decides the difference between one race and another.'

Soga then extended this description of the "Kaffir" nation/race beyond Africa.

Drawing on his knowledge of Ham and his exposure to abolition literature, Soga wrote,

Here is another view. Africa was of God given to the race of Ham. I find the Negro from the days of old Assyrians downward, keeping his "individuality" and his "distinctiveness," amid the wreck of empires, and revolutions of ages. I find him keeping his

1 Tiyo Soga, King Williams Town Gazette and Kaffrarian Banner, May 11, 1865, cited in Williams, Selected Writings, 180. 231

place among the nations, and keeping his home and country. I find him opposed by nation after nation and driven from his country. I find him enslaved - exposed to the vices and brandy of the white man. I find him in this condition for many a day - in the West Indian Islands, in Northern and Southern America, and in the South American Colonies of Spain and Portugal. I find him exposed to all these disasters and yet living - multiplying "and never extinct." Yea, I find him now as the prevalence of Christian and philanthropic opinions on the rights of man obtain[ed] among civilised nations, returning unmanacled to the land of his forefathers, taking back with him the civilization and the Christianity of those nations.2 I find the Negro in the present in America looking forward - though still with chains in his hands and with chains on his feet - yet looking forward to the dawn of a better day for himself and all his sable brethren in Africa. Until the Negro is doomed against all history and experience - until his God-given inheritance of Africa be taken finally from him, I shall never believe in the total extinction of his brethren along the southern limits of the land of Ham. The fact that the dark races of this vast continent, amid intestine [sic] wars and revolutions, and notwithstanding external spoliation [sic], have remained 'unextict,' [sic] have retained their individuality, has baffled historians, and challenges the author of the doom of the Kaffir race [John Chalmers] in a satisfactory explanation.3

As several scholars have noted, by the mid-nineteenth century there were strong linkages between abolition, Christianity, modernity and the creation of pan-

African thought, or a Black Atlantic culture, evident here.4 Soga's exposure to

William Anderson's anti-slavery sermons in Glasgow, and his own reading and re-reading of the story of Ham were the specific experiences shaping Soga's ability to reach across the world and make this articulation of Pan-Africanism.

2 This is almost certainly a reference to the establishment of Liberia and Sierra Leonne. 3 Tiyo Soga, King Williams Town Gazette and Kaffrarian Banner, May 11, 1865, cited in Williams, Selected Writings, 180-1. 4 Gilroy, The Black Atlantic; Travis Glasson, "Missionaries, Methodists, and a Ghost: Philip Quaque in London and Cape Coast, 1756-1816," Journal of British Studies 48 (January 2009): 29-50. The letter also emphasized another theme: the responsibility of European nations, and especially Britain, to uphold their ideals of racial equality and fair play and intervene in places like southern African on behalf of all Africans. To make his point, Soga outlined his belief that access to modernity and Christianity

- not race - created different levels of "civilization" between the European and the African.

Any nation in the exact circumstances of the Kaffirs of South Africa - compare the Kaffirs with that nation (for it is futile and unfair to compare him to a European with the advantage of a civilization and Christianity for 15 or 18 centuries), give that nation the same number of years - fifty - during which the experiments of civilizing and christianizing have been tried, let this work among that nation have had to contend with the difficulties of three ruinous wars, and with the introduced views of civilization, and he will find that the Kaffirs or rather the results of Christian labours among them, will stand nobly the test of the comparison.5

Referring especially to the education of young Africans, at the end of the letter

Soga asked rhetorically,

is it not a fact known to the writer himself [i.e. Chalmers] that neither of their great benefactors, the missionaries, nor the parents [of Africans], have adequate means to make of many a sober and promising Native youth anything better than grooms and wagon drivers. Would that the Government of Great Britain, the Father of its many people, would come forward with aids worthy of the Greatness.6

Soga's articulation in this letter of a Xhosa, and even an African, nationalism enabled by British modernity represents his legacy as an indigenous missionary. Unlike Budd's Cree village community, Soga's legacy was a broadly conceived nation; that is, an "imagined community" that was open to all Xhosa,

5 King Williams Town Gazette and Kaffrarian Banner, May 11, 1865, cited in Williams, Selected Writings, 179. 6 Ibid., cited in Williams, Selected Writings, 181-2. 233 where language, history and race linked people together, and where modernity and Christianity offered them a way to a new future. To foster this modern Xhosa nation, Soga looked to Britain, not for piecemeal help but to protect all Xhosa and all Africans from racial inequality and land encroachment; Britain was a key partner in establishing this nation. Like Budd, Soga fostered a class of educated elites that could use literacy skills to act as advisors and advocates for this new nation. Critical in Soga's articulation of a Xhosa nation was the assumption that

"Xhosaness" and "blackness" was a political as well as a language-based identity.

This politicization of Xhosaness and blackness differed significantly from Budd's linguistic-based description of Creeness and set a new course for future African responses to white settler society in the eastern Cape.

Tiyo Soga's 1860s

While Soga was very aware of the pressures on Xhosa lands throughout the nineteenth century particularly after the annexation of the Ciskei (formerly

British Kaffraria) by the Cape government in 1865, his articulation of a modern

Xhosa nation was informed by more than this external pressure on Xhosa land

(see Map 2.2). To begin with, the growing racism in the eastern frontier zone of the Cape Colony, which reached a turning point during his years in Scotland following the 1850-53 war, shaped Soga's articulations of Xhosa nationalism.

While Soga experienced this racism in personal ways as an educated black man in

7 Benedict Anderson carefully argues that the nation was (and is) an imagined community that is sovereign and limited in size. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd ed. (London: Verso, 1991), 6-7. 8 Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-lndustrial South Africa, ch. 10; and Elbourne, Blood Ground, ch. 10. the Colony and a husband of a white woman, he also saw white racism as a structural issue that directly informed frontier politics by creating narratives in white settler society about the African as either "doomed" or a "danger" to whites.

While John Chalmers's article, "What is the Destiny of the Kaffir Race?," articulated the "doom" many white liberals felt awaited the Africans because of their resistance to Christianity, more conservative settler-society newspapers emphasized the "danger" of Africans and the inevitability of "race warfare" that would soon erupt between whites and blacks on the frontier.9 As Soga wrote to friends in Scotland in 1864,

The most deplorable feature of our affairs, which I have long observed, is the tone of the public press in British Kaffraria, on the Native question. It keeps up in the country a constant state of unfriendly feeling. The most groundless fiction is seized upon and proclaimed as an event 'ominous' and the 'shadow of coming events.' It is easy to see through this thin guise. There are interested parties who like this kind of thing, and would not regret a rupture [or war]. It is exceedingly unfair. °

Through testimony to government officials and by using published literacy to provide counter-narratives to those put forward by liberals like Chalmers and the conservative settler newspapers, Soga actively challenged both the "doom" and the "danger" narratives that circulated amongst white populations in the 1860s.11

Soga's articulation of a national community was also a response to the significant division within Xhosa society between the so-called "mission people" favouring integration with missions and modernization, and the "red people" who

9 Elbourne, Blood Ground, 352-4. 10 Tiyo Soga to Dr. Somerville, 4 June 1864, cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 309. 11 de Kock, Civilising Barbarians, 5. 235

Map 2.2 The eastern frontier of the Cape Colony, c. 1865-70

By 1865 the Cape had annexed British Kaffraria. By the 1880s, the Cape would stretch all the way to Natal, the British colony further east (off the edge of this map).Soga's second mission station, Tutura (Tutuka) is noted at the top right of this map.

Source: Adapted from The Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian Church, October 2, 1871. opposed Christianity. While this divisions had existed in Xhosaland throughout the nineteenth century, the Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-57 brought these tensions to a new height; reflecting on the legacy of the Cattle-Killing, Soga once

noted in his journal that there were two factions in Transkei Xhosa communities

during 1860s, "the old killing party" and "the liberal party."12 The divisions

between these factions were particularly relevant between 1868 and his death in

1871 when he was posted to Tutura in the Transkei.1 Healing these divisions,

while responding to the Cape government's annexation of land and to the rhetoric

of white racism, would be Soga's main foci during his residency in the Transkei.

"Our humble 'Zion'"

Unlike Emgwali, Tutura (also called Somerville) was not built around an

established community of converts; rather, it was situated, as Janet Soga wrote,

"right in among the heathen...."14 Opening the new church in 1870, Soga

emphasized the tentative beginnings of Tutura, and the importance of the station

as a source of community for many Xhosa. "Our Somerville Tutuka [sic] mission

chapel," Soga wrote in a letter to Scotland, "is an unpretending building of forty

feet long by twenty broad, built of stout poles, wattle and plastered over, with a

Soga, Journal, 2 October 1870, Williams, Selected Writings, 42. 13 Sarhili, paramount chief of the Xhosa and the main African leader in the Transkei, had specifically requested Soga be the missionary at the new station planned for his territory. Family connections between Soga and Sarhili seem to have been a reason Sarhili requested Soga. See MRUPC, 1 November 1867, 423; and Minutes of FMCUPC, 24 September 1867, RUPC, Dep 289 (64). 14 Janet Soga cited in MRUPC, June 1870, 190. verandah all around to protect it from the action of rains." Soga proudly described Tutura as "our humble 'Zion'."16

Soga's goal at Tutura was to build up this humble Zion into a robust church-centered, modern community that was open to all Xhosa, and looked to

Xhosa chiefs for leadership. By 1870, he admitted that while the church had only

18 members, he had established several permanent huts, a small church and three schools: a boys' school, a girls' school (run by Janet's sister) and a Sabbath

1 7 school. As had been the case at Emgwali, these schools taught gender-specific tasks. Explaining her sister's work at the girls' school, Janet Soga noted how the students were taught to make and wear European-style clothing using imported and local materials. "We have got some nice frocks made for the girls," wrote

Janet; "they come with their red-painted blanket, or kaross, and change here before they go to school.... My sister," Janet continued, "has taught some of the girls to plait straw, and she has made up some nice hats. She makes straw from the wild-palm trees, which grow near the coast." Complementing the schools were the church services and itinerating visits to outlying homesteads by Soga and his brother Festiri.19

As at Emgwali, Soga faced resistance to many of these initiatives. While church attendance was remarkably high (as many as 100 at services in 1871), many Xhosa living outside Tutura were skeptical of Soga's messages of sin and

15 Tiyo Soga [letter to Somerville?] 10 May 1871, cited in MRUPC, October 1871, Williams, Selected Writings, 149. 16 Ibid., 149. 17 MRUPC, June 1869, 374; and Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 427. 18 MRUPC, June 1870, 190. 19 MRUPC, May 1869, 330. Soga notes there are as many as 12 outstations by 1869. religious conversion. During itinerate trips in 1868 Soga encountered sharp resistance from Xhosa who had become familiar with Christianity during the

Cattle-Killing when they had sought refuge at mission stations. One man, after feigning ignorance about Soga's teaching of sin and the soul, admitted, "I know all about what I have been asking you. I am a man who has resided at a mission station, and I see no truth in that thing of yours...." Others living near the station, meanwhile, challenged the educational program of the mission station, especially the education of girls. Fearing their educated daughters would not be willing or able to be married in exchange for lobolo, many parents refused to send their daughters to schools. Janet Soga blamed her sister's challenges with recruiting female students at Tutura on this fear amongst parents.22

More significant than the resistance from parents at Tutura, however, was the conflict between the so-called "mission people" and the "red people." Soga was sensitive to this division before he established his permanent station at Tutura in 1868. During negotiation with Sarhile in 1865, Soga noted the tentative way

Sarhile, the most senior Xhosa chief in the Transkei and an early "believer" during the Cattle-Killing, accepted the missionaries. Although Sarhile had requested Presbyterian missionaries be sent to his territory, he remained fearful that the converts and "mission people" would disregard his authority once they converted, and that mission stations would absorb his land without his permission.23 While Sarhile's fears about loss of land and influence remained a

20 MRUPC, June 1871, 553. 21 Cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 394. 22 MR UPC, June 1870, 190. 23 MRUPC, October 1867, 409. constant theme during Soga's tenure at Tutura, other Gcaleka leaders were less hesitant about the establishment of a mission in the Transkei. The most vocal of these leaders was Maki, an older councilor to Sarhile and "unbeliever" during the

Cattle-Killing Movement. At the same negotiations that Sarhile expressed apprehension about the mission's effect on the chiefs authority and land, Maki praised the missionaries as impartial messengers of peace and modernity, stating,

"We return thanks for the word of the teachers [i.e. missionaries], for the teachers have ever been helpers - helpers who extend their aid impartially to all men. We give thanks for life, existence; for we see that, by presence among us, we live. It is a sign of peace."24 Tensions between Maki and Sarhile came to a head several years later when Maki was accused of bewitching Sarhile's cattle. Writing in his journal, Soga explained that, "as [Maki] does not belong to the old killing party

[i.e. the "believers"] - that say the customs of our Fathers are good enough for us

- but to the liberal party that hails light - improvement, good & orderly Govt from the whiteman, all [Gcaleka counselors] from the chief downwards, seek his

Ruin!" Soga reported that, on hearing the allegations, Maki was "in great dejection of spirit & meditating a serious removal from this country." Within a day of the accusation, Maki fled Sarhile's territory.25

Soga's response to this kind of internal division was to use the church at

Tutura to foster unity between the two main factions in the community; to make the "humble 'Zion'" into a home for all Xhosa, regardless of their religious

24 MRU PC, October 1867, 410. 25 Sarhili's exact role in this incident is unclear. Soga notes Sarhili was "in considerable trouble of mind," following Maki's escape, suggesting he may have been following the advice of counselors rather than his own belief about Maki's guilt. Either way, the incident shows that there were pronounced division amongst Sarhili's counselors. See Ibid., 410. beliefs. As Soga had done at Emgwali, he used the opening of the new church building at Tutura as an opportunity to bring together the "mission" and the "red" people. Festivities to mark the opening occurred over two days. On the first day, a service was held at the church. "It was attended," remembered Soga, "besides our own people and Red Caffres, by Native Christian representatives from different mission stations [in the Ciskei and Transkei]." Also in attendance were missionaries Soga had worked with in the Ciskei and a few white farmers and traders who were passing through the area. The gathering of people clearly cheered the isolated and lonely Soga; as he noted in his letter about the service,

"the neighbourhood of the church soon resounded with the din of human voices.

There gathered together also horses and horsemen; and so in the course of the next half hour the scene was enlivening and interesting, and worth of a better descriptive pen than mine." The events that followed were multi-lingual. The day started in the open air with a procession towards the new church. Soga recalled the event as follows:

One of our Caffre missionary hymns was given out... As each stanza was given out and sung, the multitude approached by solemn steps and slow the new house of God. When the last verse was given out, we were standing near the door [of the Church]; and when it was done, Mr. Chalmers took the key and literally opened the church. The people, Christian and heathen, came in by two doors, and soon filled the house [Church]...28

A Xhosa-language service was then held in the church, followed shortly afterwards by an English-language service. According to Soga, the services left a

26 Soga [letter to Somerville?] 10 May 1871, cited in MRUPC, October 1871, cited in Williams, Selected Writings, 143-4. 27 Ibid., 143-4. 28 Ibid., 144. 241 strong impression on all those who attended, "In [the Church] the impression was visible in the rapt attention, and the entranced gaze of the eye, and kindling face" of the congregants.29

A few days later, the festivities continued, this time with a large community meeting and feast that was clearly used by Soga to promote unity amongst Christian and non-Christian Xhosa (i.e. between "the killing party" and the "liberal party"). Soga again described the events to his Scottish superiors.

Very early this day, any one might have seen that, as English pertinently say, 'something was up.' Besides many good things expected to be done in it, there was also to be 'feasting'; that is, there was to be a threat of well-cooked meat-eating!30

Soga explained the importance of a feast of meat in language his Scottish readers could understand. "To the Caffre," wrote Soga, "the inyama (flesh), whether toasted on the live coals, or stewed, or simply boiled in the pot, is the prime of all treats. The Caffre's relish of the inyama is something purer, or grosser if you like, than that of John Bull, with his 'roast beef, roast mutton, and roast fowl." Using the image of the English dinner party centered on a roast beef, Soga explained how the Xhosa feast would likewise provide a venue for community and unity; cooked meat was something on which both Christian and non-Christian Xhosa could agree. By eleven o'clock in the morning there were sixty pots of meat being cooked in preparation for the festivities, many by people from homesteads around the mission station. Soga's hope was that the feast would create a common ground for the Christians and non-Christians, leading, as he wrote, the "heathen [to]

29 Ibid., 145. 30 Ibid., 145. 31 Ibid., 145-6. become trusty friends of our mission stations, and... supporter and helpers in our special occasions.. ."32

While the meat cooked, a meeting was held in the church. In attendance were Soga and his colleague Bryce Ross (of the Free Church mission at

Lovedale), and a mixture of Christian and non-Christian Xhosa, Sarhile among them. The thrust of the meeting, according to Soga, was the reconciliation of the

Christian and non-Christian Xhosa. After outlining the financial state of the

Church, Soga made a point of emphasizing the contributions made to the day's festivities - the "feasting" - by non-Christians. He explained to the congregation that of the cattle to be eaten, one was given by Sarhile, and that the goats and sheep came from non-Christians living near the station. The "Caffre women,"

Soga continued, had brought "baskets of green mealies, with pumpkins and zeles.. ."33 Toward the end of the meeting, Soga noted that Sarhile and other non-

Christians even gave small amounts of money to the Church: "He [Sarhile], like a good gentleman, rose from the one end of the house, walked up to the table under the pulpit, and put down his offering....Ah, then, the chiefs had led the way!"

Other non-Christians followed Sarhile's example and gave their "'tikie,' sixpence, or shilling," to the church.34 The meeting ended with speeches by several

Christians each emphasizing the desire of Christians to be connected to Sarhile and other Xhosa chiefs while also being Christian. Soga, contextualized these speeches by comparing Xhosa loyalty to chiefs to that of the "Scottish

Ibid., 146. Ibid., 146. Ibid., 147. 243

Highlanders' love and attachment to their hereditary Native chiefs...." As Soga explained, "The Caffres [including the Christians] are bound to their chiefs by the same devoted attachment. [And thus] the addresses of the Native [Christian] people, evinced wonderful tenderness of Christian feeling and love of race."36 The

Christians asked Sarhile to convert to Christianity and modernity. "They urged them [the "heathens"]," wrote Soga,

to burst through the barriers of Caffre customs and the wiles of superstitious observances, and to open their country to a yet wider diffusion and extension of the gospel. They told them that a nation that will not educate its youth must go backwards - that it cannot advance.37

An unnamed speaker went so far as to openly critique lobolo and its role in shaping female education and the accumulation of wealth for the Chiefs.

'Why so much ado' one asked, 'about the cattle dowry for your daughters, which have made you reluctant to have them come under Christian influence lest they be taught the book and be converted? Where are the thousands of cattle you got in exchange for them [your daughters] before the Cattle-Killing?...Where are those you have been getting for them [your daughters] since the scourge of the lung-sickness came to make your kraals empty?'38

These critiques were followed by calls for Sarhile and the other chiefs to take-up leadership of the Church. The Christians told Sarhile "he should himself set about the collecting of the funds for the church of the Caffre 'great place,' he should get all [the money] from Caffre Christians alone, without other assistance." While this "church of the Caffre 'great place,'" never emerged during Soga's lifetime, he

Ibid., 148. Ibid., 148. Ibid., 148. Ibid., 148. Ibid., 148. 244 would support these goals through his ongoing negotiations and discussions with

Sarhile through events like the feast and the 1871 church opening.

A "Native literature": Writing the Nation

While Soga pursued daily work at the mission stations, he also produced written texts in the hope of creating what he called a "Native literature."40 Using written texts, Soga reached beyond the population of Tutura and spoke to literate, mission-educated Xhosa from throughout the fractured frontier zone. As was the case with his mission work, his writing emphasized the need to ensure Xhosa modernity and unity. While the feast and services at Tutura had worked to create a modern Christian Xhosa community on a small scale, Soga's published writing cultivated the same sense of unity amongst literate Xhosa across the Ciskei and

Transkei. ' Soga's literary output comprised two parts, scriptural and theological works based on English-language texts and historical and cultural writings based on oral histories.42

The earliest written texts Soga produced were mainly scriptural or religious in nature, and usually translations of English-language sources. These scriptural texts communicated as widely as possible, a Xhosa-interpretation of

Christianity. As a teenage schoolteacher at Uniondale station he started this

40 See Tiyo Soga to John Cumming, 18 September 1862, J. F. Cumming Collection, MSB 139,5(137). 41 The linkages between published texts and nationalism are detailed in Anderson, Imagined Communities, 36-46. 42 For discussions of Soga's importance as a literary figure see Opland, "Xhosa Literature in Newspapers"; Williams, Umfundisi, ch. 8; de Kock, Civilising Barbarians, ch. 5; Isabel Hofmeyr, The Portable Bunyan: A Transnational History of The Pilgrim's Progress (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), ch. 5.; Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society, ch. 4. 245 textual production by producing several Xhosa hymns.43 He would continue this work on hymns when he returned from Scotland in 1857. A series of letters between Soga and Bryce Ross reveal Soga's extensive work with Ross (and the

Lovedale Press Ross managed) to produce a collection of "our Kaffir Hmys [sic]" in the 1860s. Soga offered to this collection both original contributions and translations of hymns from the Free and United Presbyterian Churches, the

Wesleyan Church and the Berlin Society. 4 These hymns, with Soga's original

Xhosa hymns, were likely published in 1864 by the press at Lovedale.45 Like

Ntsikana's "Great Hymn" Soga had known as a child, the hymns Soga helped publish were used at mission stations throughout the Ciskei and Transkei, creating an imagined feeling of community amongst these dispersed mission stations.

Soga also produced two other religious and theological texts in Xhosa. In the final three years of his life he was asked to be a member of an inter­ denominational committee established to write a new Xhosa version of the Bible.

This work consumed Soga's energies during his time at Tutura and likely contributed to his death in 1871. In his final years, Soga felt more strongly than before that producing a clear translation of the Bible was a crucial way to continue the transformation of Xhosa society into a modern nation. At the end of a lengthy report about Tutura sent to Scottish authorities in early 1871, Soga wrote that, "The most important part of my missionary duties is yet to be told - the translation of the word of God into Caffre. I am still in the midst of labours

43 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 59. 44 Tiyo Soga to Bryce Ross, 11 March 1859, Cory Library, Ms. 10663. 45 See Williams ed., Selected Writings, 195. 246 connected with this great and responsible work." Soga explained how the translation committee had successfully translated four gospels over a 20 month period, meeting as a committee seven times during that time to confirm the meaning of passages and to debate the nuance of words and phrases. Soga gave even more detail on the process to his Scottish mentor, William Anderson. "The forming of the text, that is the composition into Kaffir [Xhosa], after we have all ascertained the meaning of the original Greek, is left to Bryce Ross and myself.

On this matter we are very particular, I may almost say determined, to allow nothing but what is pure and idiomatic into our future Kafir version."47 Soga was convinced that only people like himself and Bryce Ross, each of whom spoke

Xhosa as children, were capable of making such a translation: "I have no faith in a translation into any foreign language, which has been the work of one translator; and I have no faith if that translation has been made by a man who acquired the language, into which he translates, after he was 17 years of age." Soga wanted his translation to set a new standard in Xhosa-language texts: "The Kafir of our present version is Saxon Kafir, as you English people say of your purest writings," he explained to Anderson.49 Soga only lived long enough to produce four gospels, but his commitment to the project was clear. He eagerly told

Anderson that he hoped to "send them [the four gospels] out to our Kafir-reading population as the glad tidings of our blessed and adorable Redeemer..."; the texts of these Gospels, like the hymns of the 1864 collection, were envisioned by Soga

46 Soga cited in MRUPC, June 1871, 554. 47 Tiyo Soga to William Anderson, n.d. cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 363-4. 48 Ibid., 364. 49 Ibid., 365. as a way to extend Christianity to all Xhosa-speakers, thus creating a centralizing force able to connect the dispersed Xhosa population.

The most significant religious text Soga translated was the first part of

Pilgrim's Progress, John Bunyan's widely-read allegorical tale of the pilgrimage of Christian. Soga had started working on the translation in Scotland in the 1850s, completing it in 1866; it was published at Lovedale in 1868 and dedicated to

William Go van, Soga's teacher at Lovedale, the person likely to have introduced

Pilgrim's Progress to Soga.50 The text, in Soga's hands, not only communicated the story of the spiritual journey of "Christian," it also fostered a sense of unity and identity amongst Christian Xhosa readers.

Isabel Hofmeyer's detailed study of how Pilgrim's Progress was an early example of world literature, suggests Soga's translation was informed by a mixture of purposes.51 First, he wanted his mission-educated Xhosa readers to use the text as a way to connect their own lives as Christians, to a world-wide community of evangelicals that had read Bunyan's text in the previous 200 years. Second, Soga wanted his readers to see connections between the

"bullying" of puritan Christians during Bunyan's era and the daily challenges faced by Christian Xhosa as they tried to establish private property and practice

Christianity in a context where whites and non-Christian Xhosa were often hostile to their goals.53 In these ways Soga hoped Bunyan's text would help Christians

50 John Bunyan, Uhambo Lo Mhambi: Owesuka Kwe Lilizwe, Waye Esinga Kwelo Lizayo: Imbali Ezekeliswe Nge Pupa, trans. Tiyo Soga, 2nd ed. (Lovedale: Lovedale Missionary Institution Press, 1868), 10. 51 Hofmeyr, The Portable Bunyan. 52 Tiyo Soga, cited in Ibid., 114. 53 Hofmeyr, The Portable Bunyan, 115. develop a sense of community amongst each other and see Pilgrim's Progress as

a source of comfort and a road map explaining how they could respond to the

challenges of colonial aggression and "heathen" "bullying."54 The influence of

the text on African Christians was indeed significant. As Hofmeyer argues,

between 1870 and 1948 (when translations of any kind were outlawed from

African classrooms in the names of creating "ethnic purity"), the text "informed

the political discourse of the [African] elite and provided a set of metaphors for

debating questions of how to fashion an African modernity."55 The text, and its

message of traveling toward a Christian, modern future, was a crucial way Soga's

legacy was extended beyond the specific mission sites he worked at in the Ciskei

and Transkei.

Besides religious texts like Pilgrim's Progress, Soga also put into print a

number of texts about Xhosa customs and history based on information oral

sources. John Chalmers, in his biography of Soga, explained that "it was well-

known that Tiyo Soga since entering the mission-field, was collecting Kafir

fables, legends and proverbs, fragments of Kafir history, rugged utterances of

Native barbs, the ancient habits and customs of his countrymen, and the

genealogy of Kafir chiefs with striking incidents in their lives."56 Chalmers

described how Soga took time at Emgwali, for instance, to write down stories told

to him.

His biographer [Chalmers] has often seen him seated in a Kafir hut, adjoining his house at the Mgwali, when the station people were asleep, sitting with pencil and note-book in hand, jotting

54 Ibid., 115. 55 Ibid., 135. 56 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 343. down what he expected to give to the world, whilst an old man named Gontshi, as grizzled as the ancient mariner, with a well- filled pipe, and a huge bowl of coffee before him, waxed eloquent in his narration of incidents of Kafir history, and of Kafir fables.57

The information Soga collected included descriptions of the "six classes of doctors among the Kafirs," various "superstitions" about cows, lightning, stones, and ghosts, and the creation story of the Xhosa, particularly how man and animals emerged out of separate holes or Uhlanga and the reasons there were differences between the "Hottentot" (Khoi), Xhosa and the white man.58 Although most of this information was never published, the small amount of material that did make it into print, most notably in his Indaba articles, was framed to elicit a sense of national identity and community amongst the readers. Likely borrowing a meaning of history he had first seen in print during his schooldays' reading of T.

B. Macaulay's histories, Soga hoped these customs would be looked to as a way to formulate a shared Xhosaness in the past and the present.

Soga's opening article to the first edition of Indaba set the context for the rest of his articles. Describing the paper as a "National Newspaper," Soga argued that the written text was a great gift to the Xhosa that should be used, like a community meeting, to bring ideas and information of relevance to all Xhosa into one place. The paper would be a way to create a discussion between Xhosa communities otherwise separated by geography. This discussion, Soga observed, would be a national discussion that could lead to the creation of a modern Xhosa community that was aware of its past and able to change for the future. He called

Ibid., 343-4. Ibid., 345-55. 250 on elders to help provide the link to the past, and for all Xhosa to participate in the discussion about how to change for the future:

Our veterans of the Xosa and Embo people must disgorge all they know. Everything must be imparted to the nation as a whole. Fables must be retold; what was history or legend should be recounted.. .Whatever was seen heard or done under the requirements of custom should be brought to light and placed on the national table to be sifted for preservation.5

Like the scriptural texts, these historical and cultural stories were designed to appeal directly to the literate mission-educated Xhosa who were struggling to reconcile their religious identification with Christianity with their attachment to a

Xhosa community that sometimes shunned both them and their modern practices.60

Only two of Soga's eight Indaba articles spoke directly to the history and legends of the Xhosa. His article on the death of Namba (son of prominent Xhosa chief Maqoma) recorded the ritual of Namba's death and burial, while his fable about "Gxuluwe and the Bushmen" reproduced a story likely told to Soga by an elder, possibly by Gontshi, the man Chalmers saw Soga speaking with at Emgwali in the early 1860s. The other articles, on the dangers of drink, debts and the need for reconciliation between chiefs and Christians, were directed towards contemporary tensions in Xhosa society. But through all of these articles there is a central theme that echoes Soga's original hopes for the "National Newspaper." In almost every piece Soga emphasized the need for the Xhosa to develop and maintain a sense of national unity that connected people across geographies and

59 Tiyo Soga, "Ipepe le-Ndaba Zasekaya [A National Newspaper]," Indaba, August 1862, trans, by J.J.R. Jolobe, in Williams ed., Journal and Selected Writings, 152. 60 Similar arguments are made in Williams, Umfundisi; Hodgson, "Battle for Sacred Power"; Hofrneyr, The Portable Bunyan. 251 especially across the divide in Xhosa society between Christian and non-

Christians. In the Death of Namba article, Soga emphasized that people like

Namba "constitute [d] the root of their nation, people whose fathers served the nation so as to preserve it."61 In the story of Gxuluwe, Soga wrote that for

"anything of interest to our tribes should be heard, known and seen if possible." In other articles, Soga used pronouns like "we" and "us" to develop a sense of community among his readers that stood in contrast to the white Europeans of the

Colony: "Europeans have brought us many things which are a blessing and a boon," he wrote in an 1863 article about liquor.62

The clearest example of Soga's attempt to use the newspaper to cultivate a sense of national community is his 1864 article on "Christians and Chiefs."

Discussing the growing division between Christian and non-Christian Xhosa,

Soga explained that "those who are outside the circle of converts... say, 'We are remaining with the chiefs and their offspring as they are rejected by their followers who have chosen the way of God'." Combating this division, Soga argued that Christians could be faithful to both God and their "heathen" Chiefs:

The word of God has great regard for the authority and greatness of this world... Although God is the greatest of the great, the King of kings, the Chief of chiefs he does not deprive by force his children the chiefs what he has given them freely, authority over men and respect and honour from them.63

Tiyo Soga, "Ukububa kuka-Namba umfo ka-Maqoma [The Death of Namba, Son of Maqoma]" Indaba, September 1862, trans, by J.J.R. Jolobe, in Williams ed., Selected Writings, 160. 62 Tiyo Soga, "U-Tywala [Intoxicating Liquor]," Indaba, June 1863, Williams, Selected Writings, 167-8. 63 "Amahrestu nenkosi zelilizwe [Christians and Chiefs]," Indaba, June 1864, Williams, Selected Writings, 174. 252

Soga concluded his "National Newspaper" article in Indaba by emphasizing how Christians must remember their Xhosa ancestors, and look to this past as a source of unity. "Let us bring to life our ancestors," he wrote, "let us resurrect our ancestral fore-bears [sic] who bequeath to us a rich heritage." 4

Unlike Nxele, Nonqgwawuse and Mlanjeni, who used the slaughter of cattle or military engagements to bring back the ancestors, Soga wanted literature, especially written history, to resurrect the past.65 Just as Soga used addresses to

Sarhile at Tutura, here he employed published texts to tell literate Xhosa that they had a responsibility to look to chiefs for leadership and unity. This innovative use of literacy by Soga fostered a Xhosa nationalism in which the written text would play a central role.

A Partnership with "the best Government for aborigines"

While working to cultivate internal unity at his mission station and through the printed word, Soga also lobbied missionaries, white friends in Britain and South Africa and especially the Cape Colony government for help in creating this modern Xhosa nation. He made appeals to these people based on his assumption that Britain and its representatives in Africa, would uphold an ethos of fair play and racial equality in their administration of Xhosa populations. In an

1864 letter to Scottish superiors, Soga explained his trust in Britain: "Whilst

64 Tiyo Soga, "Ukububa kuka-Namba umfo ka-Maqoma [The Death of Namba, Son of Maqoma]" Indaba, September 1862, trans, by J.J.R. Jolobe, in Williams ed., Selected Writings, 153 65 A similar argument has been made about Soga's use of ancestors to reconstitute the Xhosa community in Peter Midgley, "Inkaba Yakho Iphi? (Where Is Your Navel?): Birthplaces, Ancestors and Ancestral Spirits in South African Literature" (PhD, University of Alberta, 2006), 145-7. deeply attached to my people, I am the loyal subject of the best Government for aborigines that ever existed under heaven."66 He emphasized that Britain's leadership was not only a fact of Xhosa life, but a necessity if the Xhosa, and all

"Natives," were to modernize.

What would I not do, to have all the Natives [of the world?] brought, in God's providence, under the influence of the English Government, to smother all causes of irritation and heartburning, and to approve themselves the faithful subjects of the best friend of all men, Queen Victoria! We, who have got a little light, see plainly that we have nothing to gain, physically, mentally, or morally, from the perpetuation of heathenism. 7

Like Henry Budd, Soga saw Britain as a benevolent force able to protect the

"Natives" from the negative influences of frontier trade and violence and, just as importantly, able to extend "light" to indigenous populations. Soga's vision of

Britain and its representatives, although somewhat idealistic, shaped the way he lobbied the Cape government and others for help in modernizing the African populations.

Unlike Budd, Soga's lobbying efforts used a broad network that included people from both inside and outside his mission society. The breadth of Soga's network was also distinct from the way previous generations of Xhosa had lobbied Britain. By the 1830s, Xhosa leaders, most notably Dyani Tshatshu, were using missionaries to lobby the British government for protection from hostile

Cape settlers. In the 1850s, Soga's own family and Home vigorously lobbied both the United Presbyterian Church in Scotland and key sympathetic whites with mission connections for help following the destruction of their homes at Tyhume.

66 Tiyo Soga to Dr. Somerville, 4 June 1864, cited in Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 307. 67 Ibid., 307-8. 68 Elbourne, Blood Ground, 283-90. Charles Brownlee and his missionary father, John, were again important sources of help to many Xhosa during the 1856-57 Cattle-Killing. However, before Tiyo

Soga returned to southern Africa in 1857, there were few Xhosa able to lobby not only missionaries and sympathetic government officials like Brownlee, but also the Cape government, settler society at large and private citizens in Britain.

Because of his experience in Scotland and his literacy skills, Soga created a broader lobbying initiative than had previously existed in Xhosa politics.

Protection of Xhosa land was the first thing for which Soga lobbied.

Within a year of returning to the Cape from Scotland in 1857, he was using his close relationship with Charles Brownlee to secure individual land title for the residents for the Emgwali mission station. In letters to Cape Town, Brownlee asked the government to survey 3,000-4,000 acres of land on and around the station, "in case any land in the neighbourhood of the station should be granted to

Europeans."69 In November 1860, Brownlee wrote to Cape Town again, this time stating that he (Brownlee) had granted the land at Emgwali for the use of the mission station residents. In 1868, a note by Soga explained that 5,000 acres at

Emgwali had been surveyed and that as many as 40 people were prepared to pay in order to get title to individual plots of land.71

Soga also lobbied the Cape Town government to supply better schooling for the Xhosa of the Cape, the Ciskei and the Transkei. While Soga, like Budd, asked his friends in mission circles for financial support of this work, by the mid-

69 Charles Brownlee to Maclean, 2 August 1859, BK 70. 70 Charles Brownlee to Maclean, 6 November 1860, BK 72. 71 memo by Tiyo Soga and John Sclater, 17 Dec 1868, J. F. Cumming Collection, MSB 139,5(139). 255

1860s he was also calling on the Cape government. Appealing to the Cape government during his testimony at the Commission on Native Affairs in 1865,

Soga explained that it had not done enough for the "elevation of the various Kafir tribes," and should especially focus on creating advanced schools in the Cape and the Ciskei. He explained that the government should create its own schools to teach the most successful graduates of the region's mission schools.72 Soga suggested that if the government could not support such a plan, then at least it could give more money to mission stations. Soga's request for money from the government for missions is particularly significant given the insistence by the

United Presbyterian Church that missionaries must not accept money from the state. Asked whether he would accept state money, Soga was unapologetic: "I would not object to take it."

Finally, Soga wanted the "English Government" through its agents in

Cape Town and the Ciskei to intervene in the cultural practices of the Xhosa.

Responding to a question during the Commission on Native Affairs about what should be done about certain Xhosa customs Soga stated, "I think the Government might do something in reference to some of these practices, and that their abolition should not be left simply to the influence of missionaries, or of the gospel."74 In particular, he noted that where the dances offended public decency they should be prohibited in the colony.75 As mentioned, Soga was especially concerned about the custom of Isiko. He wanted the government to use all its

72 Tiyo Soga's evidence, The Commission on Native Affairs (1865), item, 1538. 73 Ibid., item, 1630. 74 Ibid., item, 1526. 75 Ibid., item 1528. 256 influence to end the custom.76 Besides "dances" and Isiko, Soga also looked to the influence of the "English Government" to help put a stop to instances of male initiation and circumcision at his mission station. According to Brownlee's record of the event, during the aforementioned circumcisions at Emgwali in 1862, after the boys refused to leave the station, Soga referred the matter to Brownlee who in turn reprimanded the parents and punished the leaders of the movement with a month hard labour and 18 lashes.77 This harsh punishment was met with dismay

78 in Cape Town. Soga, but not the Cape government, supported strong suppression of circumcision.

Soga also lobbied white settler society to uphold the principles of British fair play and racial equality and for help modernizing the Xhosa nation. In letters and speeches published in settler-society newspapers, like the King William's

Town Gazette and The Cape Argus, Soga emphasized two things to white settlers.

First, he told readers and listeners that racial and biological differences were not the reason African populations were "less civilized"; rather, it was their lack of experience with Christianity and modernity that set them apart form their white neighbours. While this message comes through most clearly in his 1865 King

William's Town Gazette cited above, it was repeated by Soga in speeches and letters published in white-run newspapers. A speech Soga gave to the white

Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) of Cape Town in 1866, later published in The Cape Argus, for example, challenged "the law of natural

76 Ibid., item, 1539. 77 Charles Brownlee to Brownlow, 16 April 1862, BK 73. 78 A note in reply to Brownlee's report by an unidentified Cape Town official stated that Brownlee had "no authority to punish the boys under the circumstances." Ibid. 257 progress" which theorized that all people will develop at their own rate. "I cannot comprehend how, according to the law of natural progress, they [the Xhosa] with other degraded, despised dark races of this vast continent should have been left so far behind in civilization and Christian development," asked Soga, "I am not sure about the impartiality of progress...," he concluded.79 Soga likewise pleaded with whites to resist the tendency to use racist rhetoric and thinking when dealing with

Africans. In a letter to the town council of King William's Town (later published in the King William's Town Gazette in October 1865), Soga recounted how he was verbally abused by two whites operating a ferry crossing near King William's

Town. He complained that this kind of racist abuse should not be tolerated by the town council of King William's Town or by any whites. "Now, sirs," wrote Soga,

"if Mr. Hall [the ferry operator] and his assistant possess a monopoly for insulting quiet individuals without reasons, but because they are black men, they think they must take them down for aiming at being fine gentlemen, the sooner they are informed of the danger of this self-assumed right the better."

The second message in his appeals to white readers was a counter- narrative to the depiction of the "doom" and "danger" of the African. Challenging these negative portrayals of blacks, Soga suggested to the contrary, that Africans were modernizing and becoming Christians and land-owners and that they were, as he wrote in the King William's Town Gazette letter, "living - multiplying 'and never extinct.'" Instead of "doom" and "danger," Soga created a narrative of the

African experience that relied on Biblical history and his understanding of slavery

79 Ibid. 80 Tiyo Soga, King Williams Town Gazette and Kqffrarian Banner, May 11,1865, cited in Williams, Journal and Selected Writings, 1882. 258 and abolition to emphasize the world-wide connection of Africans and the positive future they would enjoy if Britain fulfilled its promise to uphold the values of fair play and racial equality.

"The Inheritance of my Children": Fostering a Xhosa Elite

Although Soga thought hereditary chiefs should be the center of the new

Xhosa nation, he felt that literate mission-educated African elites would play a crucial role as advisors to these chiefs and advocates for the nation. Starting with his own children, Soga actively promoted the education and establishment of these future elites. Soga was convinced that these elites needed an education that was more academic than what was offered by the industrial schools established by the Cape government in the 1860s. At the 1865 Commission on Native Affairs,

Soga was lukewarm about the success of the industrial school the Cape government had recently established. Explaining his encounters with a number of

African schoolteachers trained at the school, Soga suggested that while the teachers were "very efficient workmen," "they are not altogether what they should be."82 Soga, likewise explained that two African students studying medicine in King Williams Town would get a better education in England than in

Africa.83

Soga's skepticism about the educational opportunities for Africans in southern Africa was brought to a head during the 1868-70 conflict over the curriculum of Soga's Alma matter, Lovedale. While William Govan, Lovedale's

81 Tiyo Soga's evidence, The Commission on Native Affairs (1865), item, 1552. 82 Ibid., item, 1549. 83 Ibid., item, 1552-1553. first principal, wanted the school to remain focused on teaching an academic curriculum similar to elite schools in Britain, the administrators of the school, the

Free Church of Scotland, wanted to appoint the missionary-doctor James Stewart as the principal of the school in order to transform Lovedale into an industrial school that focused on teaching African students trade skills. In the end, Govan was forced into retirement and Stewart, along with a new group of administrators, took control of the school. 4 Soga felt personally betrayed by Stewart's appointment to the principalship. In an impassioned letter to his friend Bryce

Ross, Soga explained that with the ascendancy of Stewart's administration, money Soga and others had donated to create a scholarship in Govan's name would be squandered.85 Soga had clearly turned his back on Lovedale: "I wash myself of all these Stewart-Bennie-Weir Managements," he exclaimed in a postscript to Ross.86 As a signal of his dislike for the new direction of the school

Soga removed his eldest son, William Anderson, from Lovedale and by mid-1869 was arranging for William and two other sons, John Henderson and Allan

Kirkland, to travel to Scotland and attend schools in Glasgow. As he explained to his mentor Rev. Williams Anderson in 1869, the changes at Lovedale, the costs and racial barriers of sending the boys to a Cape Colony school, and his own failing health encouraged him to send his sons to Scotland for schooling.87 "The truth is," he wrote to another John Street acquaintance, "I cannot educate my

84 Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society; Shepherd, Lovedale, South Africa, 153-62. 85 For evidence of the donation see "Address to the Rev. William Govan," 28 January 1870. File Box "Primary - missions - Lovedale," Amatole Museum, King William's Town, South Africa. See also, Soga to Bryce Ross, 20 January 1870, Cory Ms. 9206. 86 Soga to Bryce Ross, 20 January 1870, Cory Ms. 9206. 87 Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 410. children here; and I would rather go in rags and send them to Scotland, where, if they behave themselves, and God blesses them, they will get fair play." With

Lovedale changing and the white schools in the Colony unlikely to accept Soga's mixed-race children, Tiyo Soga again looked to Glasgow for education.

Although he eagerly sent his sons to Scotland he did not want them to remain there for the rest of their lives. He told William Anderson, "Whatever good they obtain in Scotland.. .1 wish them afterwards to use on behalf of their own nation."90 To Mr. Bogue, a leading supporter of the John Street Church and the primary sponsor of the boys while in Glasgow, he likewise explained that "If

[the boys] act according to my desires and prayers, they go to Scotland to obtain an education to benefit their own countrymen. They are not needed in Scotland, and are much required in Kafirland...Encourage them...by every means, love to home, love to country, love to race."91 To Henry Miller, a friend of Soga's from

John Street, he was likewise clear that his sons were going to Scotland in order to serve their Home in Africa: "They go home [Miller's home] to Scotland for the benefit of Kaffraria. They are needed here." Interestingly, in all these statements, Soga never specified how they would serve "Kaffraria." Perhaps reflecting on his own insecurities about faith he did not tell his sons to become missionaries or to serve the church; rather, he implied their service to Africa could be executed in any number of realms.

88 Soga to Mr. Bogue, 17 March 1870, cited in Ibid., 417. 89 Soga suggests his sons would have difficulty being accepted in the elite white schools. See Chalmers, Tiyo Soga, 410. 90 Soga to William Anderson, 3 September 1869, Ibid., 412. 91 Tiyo Soga to Mr. Bogue, 10 January 1870, cited in Ibid., 413. 92 Tiyo Soga to Henry Miller, 10 March 1870, cited in Ibid., 416. 261

Soga told his sons the same thing. In a list of 62 maxims Soga compiled in a notebook titled "the Inheritance of my children," Soga instructed his sons to be good students, proud Africans and able leaders. "In learning anything...go to the foundation of it. Be familiar with the elements, which are the true key to that particular branch of knowledge," he wrote in one maxim. In another he explained that, they should "ever cherish the memory of your mother as that of an upright, conscientious, thrifty Christian Scotchwoman....But if you wish to gain credit for yourselves. ..take your place in the world as coloured, not as white men; as Kafirs not as Englishmen." In a final group of maxims he spoke directly to the way the boys should use their education in the future. He told them to build strong connections with, and understandings of, Britishness: "Cultivate the love, the esteem of the good, among this great people [i.e. the British]. If you are genuine to them, they will be genuine to you...."95 He then reminded the boys they must use their education to become leaders to Africans: "As men of colour, live for the elevation of your degraded, despised, down-trodden people." 96 In maxim 41 he emphasized the need for the boys to foster unity amongst Africans by creating a kind of economic nationalism:

Should Providence make you prosperous in life, cultivate the habit of employing more of your own race, than of any other, by way of elevating them. For this purpose prefer them to all others -1 mean [prefer] all black people. Could they be got to unite in helping one another, and to encourage by their custom those of their own people who have shops, keep that custom almost exclusively amongst themselves, and thus play into each others hands, they would raise their influence and position among their white

Tiyo Soga to sons, cited in Ibid., 432. Tiyo Soga, "The Inheritance of my Children," cited in Ibid., 430. Ibid., 433. Ibid., 433. neighbours. Union in every good thing is strength; and to a weak party or race, union above all things is strength. Disseminate this idea among all your countrymen, should you have any influence.97

Soga had high hopes for his sons. He wanted them to use their connections to

their Home-community in Africa, their faith in British fair play and their skills as

literate advocates and advisors to African chiefs to create a modern Xhosa, and

African, nation that was aware of its "Africaness," united, economically equal

with its "white neighbours," and able to become modern and Christian. He hoped,

in short, that his sons would carry-on the work he and Ntsikana before him, had

started years earlier. It was with these hopes in mind that Soga sent his sons to

Scotland.

Beneath these high hopes, Soga admitted he was anxious about his sons' journey to Scotland. Reflecting on his own trip to Scotland he worried about the

health, both physical and spiritual, of his boys as they settled into their new life in

OS

the wet and cold of industrial Glasgow. "I dread the civilized, refined sins and

immoralities of Europe, more than the Native vices of the Kafirs..." he told his

friend Henry Miller; "were it not that my boys must be educated, to become true

Christian and useful men, I would keep them at home, rather than send them to

Europe."99 He likewise feared the loneliness they would feel, and constantly

reminded his sons that they must maintain a sense of connection to their Home in

Africa and to each other. Within three weeks of their departure, Soga wrote a

lengthy letter to the boys explaining how all the family at Tutura was well:

97 Ibid., 434. 98 Tiyo Soga to William Anderson, 3 September 1869, cited in Ibid., 412. 99 Tiyo Soga to Mrs. Macfarlane, 8 February 1870, cited in Ibid., 414. grandma [Nosuthu], Gxavu, Festiri's family and all the little boys, his sons, your cousins. Jo[t]ello and Belle [Tiyo's younger children] ask me to say to you that they love you, that when they are both big they will write to you, and that when you are big men you are to come back.100

To his eldest, twelve-year old son William, he referred to the book of maxims he had prepared, telling him, "I hope, Willie, you have not forgotten, when you are all alone, now and again to read from the book I have written to you and them. Do not take it lightly."101 In a subsequent letter to John Henderson, the middle son, he sent more news about the extended Soga family in Africa:

Grandmother is well, and often speaks of Willie, and John, and Allan as her favourite grandboys. The name of your [new] little sister is Jessie Margaret, after mamma and her sister Margaret. Have you seen your grandpa and your aunts [i.e. Janet's family]? You must be good friends to them...102

While Soga chose to send his sons to Scotland on his own accord, the decision, like his own trip to Scotland, was a difficult one; he wanted his sons to be educated in industrial Europe, but not to forget their African roots. Within 10 months of writing this letter to John, Tiyo Soga was dead, never able to see the outcome of his sons' education.

Soon after his death, Janet Soga took the rest of her children (one more son and three daughters) to Scotland. Throughout the 1870s and 80s, all the Soga children completed their schooling and university in various institutions in

Glasgow and Edinburgh; all the boys, except Allan Kirkland, married Scottish women. By the late 1890s, six of the seven Soga children had returned to South

Africa. Having completed higher education in theology, law, medicine and

Soga cited in, Ibid., 425. Tiyo Soga to "my dear boys," 8 June 1870, cited in Ibid., 424-5. Tiyo Soga to John Henderson Soga, 28 December 1870, cited in Ibid., 426. 264 veterinary science, among other things, the children returned to Africa in order to use their education to become leaders to their "down-trodden people." Working in different professions, the children chose unique ways to continue the work started by their father, namely the promotion of a modern, united African nationalism and a faith in British liberalism and fair play as a way to establish racial equality in an increasingly racialized Cape Colony.

Little is known about the youngest children. Jotello Soga, the youngest son, became a veterinarian in South Africa in the 1890s and was a founding member of the Cape Veterinarian Association before dying in 1906.103 Even less is known about Tiyo's daughters; the youngest one, Jessie, remained in Europe and became an accomplished musician, the two others returned to South Africa and were active in mission work in the Transkei.104 More is known about the three eldest boys, the ones who were sent to Scotland by their father in 1870. The eldest, William Anderson (W. A.), carried on his father's missionary work by becoming a medical missionary in the Transkei and subsequently a regular medical doctor. Interestingly, Sarhile attended the opening of W. A. Soga's mission in 1888, 20 years after Tiyo Soga had invited the Xhosa chief to the opening of Tutura.105 John Henderson (J. H.) Soga took over as missionary at the

Miller station from his brother in 1903 and became a leading scholar of Xhosa history and customs. Following his father's example of using written texts to promote a sense of unity amongst the Xhosa, he also wrote a Xhosa translation of

103 McArthur, "Soga, Janet Burnside." 104 Ibid. 105 William J. Slowan, The Story of Our Kaffrarian Mission (Edinburgh: United Presbyterian. Church, 1894), 82-4. 265 the second part of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress and produced two major works about the history and society of the Xhosa. The first of these texts, written in

Xhosa and then translated by J. H. Soga into English, was a history of three main groups of Xhosa. The goal of the book was, like Tiyo's articles in Indaba, to build

Xhosa unity through language and history. As J. H. Soga wrote in his preface to the book, the goal of the Xhosa edition of the text was to "place in the hands of a rising generation of the Bantu something of the history of their people, in the hope that it might help them to a clearer perception of who and what they are, and to encourage in them a desire for reading and for studying their language."106 Like his father, J. H. Soga used oral histories, gathered during his work at the mission station, combined with a Biblical subtext to produce a history of the Xhosa that started with Ham and the biblical beginnings of the African people and continued through the genealogies of the main Xhosa tribes. About ten years after the publication of the Xhosa-version of this history, and three years after the English version was produced, John Henderson published a second significant work, The

Ama-Xosa: Life and Customs}01 This text, only published in English, was more a sociological or anthropological analysis of Xhosa customs than a history of the

Xhosa. Unlike the first text, this work was aimed squarely at a white or European audience. Like Tiyo's evidence to the Commission on Native Affairs in 1865, the book explained in detail how various customs like lobolo were central features of the Xhosa economy and society. And, reminiscent of Tiyo's King William's Town

106 John Henderson Soga, The South-Eastern Bantu (Abe-Nguni, Aba-Mbo, Ama-Lala) (1930; reprint, n.p.: Nendeln Kraus, 1969), xvii. 07 John Henderson Soga, The Ama-Xosa; Life and Customs (Lovedale, South Africa: Lovedale Press, 1932). article, John Henderson used this text to craft an image of the Xhosa as a clearly

defined nation: "Unlike the great majority of Bantu tribes," wrote Soga in The

Ama-Xosa, the "Xosa tribe.. .has maintained its integrity as a tribe for over five

hundred years at least."108 Only with the late-nineteenth century, and the

emergence of migratory labour and a moneyed economy, argued Soga, had the

Xhosa changed and stopped practising the customs recorded in his book.109 As in

his father's article in Indaba, and T. B. Macaulay before him, J. H. Soga used

historical writing as a way to build a sense of nationalism through recording and

discussing Xhosa customs and legends.110 John Henderson's historical and

anthropological texts used the printing press to record the events and customs of

the past in order to create a sense of cultural unity amongst the Xhosa in the

present. Both books, particularly the second, remain key sources on the cultural practices of the Xhosa.11'

Allan Kirkland (A. K.) Soga, the third son, was the most politically active

of the Soga children. Using journalism and the law, instead of medicine and

history, Allan Kirkland tried to cultivate a broad sense of African unity in the

Ciskei. The height of his political influence was the period 1898-1909 when he was editor of Izwe Labantu ("The Voice of the People"), one of two

Xhosa-language newspapers used to mobilize African political involvement in the eastern Cape politics at the turn of the century. Labantu was tied closely to the

108 Ibid., 10. 109 Ibid., viii. 1,0 Ibid., 152 1'' John Henderson Soga's texts are important sources of information in P.T. Mtuze, Introduction to Xhosa Culture (Lovedale, South Africa: Lovedale Press, 2004); and Peires, The House ofPhalo. South African Native Congress, an organization comprised of leading African elites who hoped to build a regional and pan-tribal African political movement in the Cape. As Labuntu's editor, A. K. Soga used his paper to support this pan- tribal initiative and when the South Africa War started, to mobilize African opinion in favour of British troops; he believed that British, not Afrikaner rule, was the best option for Africans in the eastern Cape.112 The newspaper was supported financially by important white politicians, notably Cecil Rhodes who used the paper to attack his political rivals (the Afrikaner Bond) and mobilize support from the small voting African population.113

While the newspaper's influence diminished after about 1902, A. K. Soga remained involved in African politics. In 1911 he was a member of the South

African Native Convention, a meeting that led, in the following year, to the formation of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), later renamed the African National Congress (ANC). The novelty of the SANNC was its pan-regional, pan-tribal and pan-linguistic characteristics. The first leaders of this SANNC, most of who were from the Transvaal, drafted a constitution that reflected many of the goals Tiyo Soga had articulated in the 1860s. Paraphrased as follows by historian Les Switzer, this constitution emphasized three main items: "African unity...the political, economic, and cultural advancement of the

African people, and...the protection of their [African] interests 'by seeking and

Lize Kriel suggests African Christians in the Transvaal took a similar stance in favour of the British during "Anglo-Boer" conflicts at this time. See Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society, 157; and Kriel, "Negotiating Identity in Contested Space: African Christians, White Missionaries and the Boer Conquest of the Blouberg in Late Nineteenth-Century Transvaal," 157. 113 Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society, 156. obtaining redress for any of their just grievances.'" Like Tiyo Soga, the founding members of the SANNC wanted to establish a united and modern

African nation that was, by its pan-tribal and pan-regional nature, necessarily

"imagined," and able to lobby for the fair treatment of black South Africans from the power-holding whites. Also like Soga, the SANNC leadership skillfully used written documents and British ideals of fair play to articulate their goals. A. K.

Soga was not at the founding meeting of the SANNC. Perhaps because he felt the

SANNC was not sensitive to the concerns of the eastern Cape Africans, he returned to the Ciskei and in 1919, the same year his brother John Henderson published his Xhosa-edition of The South-Eastern Bantu, helped found the Bantu

Union, an organization that aimed at extending voting rights to Africans and maintaining unity between various groups of Africans in the Ciskei.115

In their distinctive ways, these Soga children used various media and methods to continue their father's work of bringing unity, modernity and

Christianity to the Xhosa, and looking to Britain, and the values of British fair play, to uphold African rights. The Soga children also reveal how the influence of the mission-educated elite in southern Africa had expanded into a number of

spheres since their father's time. No longer were the mission elite only school teachers and ministers; by the early 1900s they used the roles of veterinarians, doctors, historians and journalists to serve the "down-trodden" people of Africa.

114 Ibid., 175. 115 Ibid., 175. The Xhosa Nation

The significance of the Xhosa national community Soga fostered in mission work, in print and in raising his sons was that Xhosaness - previously an ethnic and linguistic category of identity - was transformed into a political and racial category of identity. The racially divided frontier of the Cape Colony, a hierarchical tribal society, and access to print technology allowed Soga to go well beyond Budd's localized vision of a Cree village community bound by language and territory. For much of the remainder of South African history, race - both whiteness and blackness - would define how people practiced politics and how they were subjected to political actions.

What Henry Budd and Tiyo Soga shared by the end of their lives was the fact that they had not only changed their own identity, but, as missionaries, had also articulated how their communities could adopt Christianity and modernity to create a new kind of community and a new meaning of indigenaity or Creeness or

Xhosaness. Informed by the colonial and missionary project and their local frontier zones, this new indigenaity, although not unanimous or uncontested, would define how many subsequent Cree and Xhosa leaders would respond to the ongoing challenges of the late-colonial era. The decisions of both men to become ordained missionaries had much broader significances than either could have initially imagined. Conclusion

Remaking Indigenaity, Creating Community

While there is significant research on how mission societies designed policy about "Native missionaries," and how these missionaries acted as religious middlemen, little has been written about the way indigenous missionaries thought about themselves, made decisions and tried to shape the world around them.1

Moreover, studies that do speak to the motivations of indigenous missionaries either focus on only one area of the empire or contextualize the indigenous missionary within a decidedly local framework. This thesis has emphasized the voice of the indigenous missionary and how this voice was both similar and different across the British Empire. The central finding of the thesis is that by the mid-nineteenth century, indigenous missionaries in distinct regions of the British

Empire were remaking indigenaity and creating new kinds of community.

The project's focus on the voices of Budd and Soga has allowed for an intimate portrait of both men and how they tried to remake indigenaity and their respective communities. For Henry Budd, the fluid frontier of the British

Northwest and his strong identification with the Church Missionary Society at

Red River, led him to remake "Cree" into a category of identity that was rooted in territoriality and the Cree language. Budd arrived at this reinterpretation of

Creeness because he wanted to create economic stability for a Cree society that was, by the mid-nineteenth century, under significant economic and

1 For discussion of policy see Williams, The Ideal of the Self-Governing Church; Porter, Religion Versus Empire?; Whitehouse-Strong, '"Because I Happen to be a native clergyman': The impact of race, ethnicity, status, and gender on native agents of the Church Missionary Society in the nineteenth century Canadian North-West." 271 environmental stress. The village community Budd fostered was intended to establish this desired economic stability through Christianity, and to combine agricultural and migratory economic activities. Budd also relied on British benevolence for protection from settler intrusion into their territories during this transition.

To Tiyo Soga, meanwhile, remaking indigenaity meant something more overtly political. Raised to see Ntsikana's People as his Home and always aware of the racially motivated violence of his frontier, Soga saw in his ordination an opportunity to acquire a degree of political influence in the frontier that could benefit his "down-trodden" fellow-Xhosa. The ongoing racial conflicts in the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony, combined with divisions within Xhosa society led Soga to foster a Xhosa national community that was broadly conceived and bound by language, history, territoriality and a sense of a race- based consciousness. The crucial tools Soga used to create this national community were published texts and a world vision of pan-Africanism based on a mixture of abolitionist rhetoric and Biblical history. While Budd's village community was an important catalyst in the adoption of reserves and treaties by some Aboriginal people, Soga's national community was integral to the growth of

African nationalism in late-nineteenth-century southern Africa.

Four core experiences allowed Budd and Soga to remake their understandings of indigenaity and community. First, both men used kinship networks to engage with and later propagate their message of modern indigenaity.

Second, and perhaps most importantly, they both articulated a hybrid identity 272 comprised of a sense-of-self as a missionary, a trans-frontier figure, and a modern indigenous man. The significance of this shared identity was that both men added

Christianity and modernity to their self-identification while using language, land and history - instead of religion and lifestyle - as markers of Creeness or

"Xhosaness." This changed meaning of indigenaity would provide the basis for the new communities each missionary would eventually cultivate. Third, both men shared an awkward position between local communities and between local and global contexts. Exoticized by missionaries, sometimes ridiculed by white settlers, and distrusted by many Cree and Xhosa (particularly elite males) after their ordinations Budd and Soga had difficulty establishing a clear Home- community in their respective local frontiers. Because they enjoyed contact with mission networks, Budd and Soga also developed an awareness of the world and how it was related to their local frontier. This global awareness was crucial in lobbying for the communities they eventually fostered. Fourth, Budd and Soga, acting as advisors to and advocates for indigenous communities, created a new kind of indigenous leadership. This leadership role as advisor and advocate would become a blueprint for how indigenous churchmen could shape indigenous society and politics during the difficult era of settler-colonialism in the late- nineteenth century. These four core experiences (family, the hybrid identity, their position between communities, and the new leadership strategy), combined with their local frontiers and their personal histories, allowed Budd and Soga to remake the meaning of indigenaity, Creeness/Xhosaness and their respective communities. The historiographical implications of the thesis are two-fold. First, the thesis highlights how a combination of local frontier forces (like war and a fur trade) as well as global mission networks and evangelical Christianity informed the meaning of Christianity in each region of the British empire. While the interactions between local and global forces are most evident in chapters one and two (about the ways each man approached and perceived Christianity), these interactions, and how they shaped the reception of Christianity, is a consistent theme throughout the thesis. The discussion of the way Budd and Soga interacted with local communities as well as global mission networks is both new and important to the scholarship on the place of British missions in the empire.

Second, this study shows that indigenous missionaries were more than simply in- between figures with hybrid identities.2 While recognizing that Budd and Soga did have stranded identities and they lived in difficult in-between positions, the thesis, particularly in chapters five through seven, demonstrates that there were important implications of this hybridity that need consideration. Instead of seeing the indigenous missionary as simply changing Christianity to suit the needs of their particular community, as is argued by Susan Neylan and Peggy Brock in particular, my depiction of Budd and Soga argues that indigenous missionaries first established themselves as new kinds of leaders in their respective contexts and then used this position to try and remake the meaning of Cree and Xhosa

2 Peel, Neylan and Brock focus their depiction of indigenous missionaries on the idea that they were insiders-outsiders and in-between figures. See Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba; Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing; Brock, "New Christians." identity and even the form and nature of indigenous communities. Scholars of indigenous Christianity have tended to overlook these broader implications.

Communities Moving Forward

As the nineteenth century gave way to the twentieth, it was the modern indigenous communities (the villages and nations) fostered by people like Budd and Soga that would help guide indigenous politics and its responses to settler colonialism. While scholars of Africa recognize the influences of indigenous

Christians on Africans communities, Canadian historians have had a limited appreciation for how Christianity remade Aboriginality in the nineteenth century.

A reason for this discrepancy might be that, unlike the story of Soga and other

African Christians, Budd's modern indigenaity created not a politically activist national community but rather a village where responses to colonialism were subtle and focused on grassroots changes. Whatever the reason, the story of Budd suggests that there were important changes afoot in nineteenth-century Cree society. Bookended by the fur trade and the arrival of Canadian settler- colonialism, Aboriginal peoples in the mid-century, like the Xhosa in southern

Africa, were using Christianity to establish new communities that identified with

Christianity, certain aspects of modernity and new definitions of indigenaity based in a mixture of race, politics, language and territoriality. These forms of community and indigenaity, and the connections they suggest between indigenous

3 Brock, "Setting the Record Straight: New Christians and Mission Christianity"; Brock, "New Christians"; Neylan, The Heavens Are Changing. 275 communities in the late-nineteenth century are perhaps the most important aspect of the indigenous missionary's story.

These new meanings of community and indigenaity, it should be noted, were only ever partially accepted by Cree and Xhosa communities. Tension, between Christians wanting close alliances with missionaries and their schools and non-Christians skeptical of missionaries, would animate the political debates within both communities through the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. While some Xhosa, particularly Soga's father and sons, supported Tiyo

Soga's vision of a Xhosa nation that was able to use missionaries, newspapers and lobbying to enforce the protection of Xhosa land, by the late 1870s, others, like

Sarhile and Sandile, favoured a military response to settler-society aggression.4

Similar tensions emerged amongst the Plains Cree. Although Christian leaders like Mistawasis continued to support and seek the support of missionaries, other leaders (usually with less exposure to Christianity) actively resisted settling on assigned reserves and attending mission-run schools. These different trends within

Cree leadership were particularly apparent during the events of the 1885

Northwest rebellion.5 In the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, these tensions between Christians and non-Christians were a feature of many indigenous communities in the British Empire.

4 See discussion of these divisions during the 1877 Transkei war in Hodgson, "Soga and Dukwana: The Christian struggle for liberation in mid-19th century South Africa," 204-5. 5 For discussion of divisions between Mistawasis and more militant leaders like Big Bear see Deanna Christensen, Ahtahkakoop: The Epic Account of a Plains Cree Head Chief, His People, and Their Vision for Survival, 1816-1896 (Shell Lake, SK: Ahtahkakoop Pub., 2000), chs. 25-6. 276

In many ways, the story of Budd and Soga and of all indigenous missionaries is a small-scale example of the rapid social change unfolding in indigenous societies during the mid-nineteenth-century. Their own life experiences, whether it was a journey to a residential school or voyages to Britain, reveal how quickly and radically things were changing for indigenous societies during the mid-nineteenth century. Whereas Budd's and Soga's indigenous ancestors only had limited contact with, and understanding of, Christianity and empire, Budd and Soga were knowledgeable about the ways both the new religion and the British Empire had the potential to transform nineteenth-century indigenous communities. By adapting Christianity and modernity to remake their communities into either "villages" or "nations," moreover, both men became forces driving the transformations that a study of their lives reveals. Examples and creators of social change, indigenous missionaries were pivotal figures in nineteenth-century indigenous history. Bibliography

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Unpublished Dissertations

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Stevenson [Wheeler], Winona L. "The Church Missionary Society Red River Mission and the Emergence of a Native Ministry 1820-1860, With a Case Study of Charles Pratt of Touchwood Hills." MA Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988.

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