A Woman's Place: Imperial Women in Late Antique Rome

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Woman's Place: Imperial Women in Late Antique Rome This is a repository copy of A woman’s place: imperial women in late antique Rome . White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/125916/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Hillner, J.D. (2017) A woman’s place: imperial women in late antique Rome. Antiquite Tardive: revue internationale d'histoire et d'archeologie, 25. pp. 75-94. ISSN 1250-7334 https://doi.org/10.1484/J.AT.5.114851 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ AnTard, 25, 2017, p. 000-000 DOI ??? A WOMAN’S PLACE: IMPERIAL WOMEN IN LATE ANTIQUE ROME* JULIA HILLNER La place de la femme : les impératrices dans la Rome tardo-antique La relation entre les empereurs romains de l’époque tardive et la ville de Rome est traditionnellement caractérisée par l’abandon de la cité, favorisant des lieux qui répondaient mieux aux exigences militaires, politiques et religieuses de cette période. Or, l’historiographie récente amène à penser que pendant l’Antiquité tardive la position impériale vis-à-vis de l’ancienne capitale de l’empire a été plus complexe, notamment au Ve siècle. Le présent article s’appuie sur cette approche et y introduit une nouvelle perspective, en s’intéressant davantage aux itinéraires des femmes de l’empire et laissant de côté ceux des hommes qui ont dominé les débats intellectuels sur la Rome impériale de l’Antiquité tardive. Une lecture attentive de nos sources, pour la plupart incomplètes, suggère que nombre des membres féminins des familles impériales résidait à Rome entre le début du IVe et le milieu du Ve siècle, pour une période souvent beaucoup plus longue que les membres masculins. Dans un premier temps, j’examinerai les raisons d’une telle situation, montrant que la présence des femmes à Rome relevait d’une politique plus large destinée à associer la famille impériale à la ville de Rome – ou plus précisément d’une construction en pleine évolution de la famille impériale autour des principales femmes –, de manière à assurer l’unité, l’harmonie et la tradition de l’empire. Toutefois, comme l’a montré récemment Jill Harries, le fait de résider à Rome a peut-être offert à certaines de ces femmes une marge de manœuvre : je développerai ce point en montrant comment la résidence à Rome a façonné l’identité des femmes impériales de différentes manières, souvent en fonction du rôle qu’elles jouaient au sein de la famille impériale (femme, sœur, mère ou fille). Les différentes expériences individuelles des femmes à Rome me permettent de mettre toute la lumière sur le conflit tragique entre Serena, cousine de l’empereur Honorius, et sa demi-sœur Galla Placidia, au tout début du Ve siècle. [Trad. de la Rédaction] This article examines the presence of female members and the ancient capital of their empire at a time of of the imperial family in the late antique city of Rome. profound political and religious change, as well as about The evidence for this presence has signiicant things to the functions assigned to emperors’ female relations tell us about the relationship between late Roman emperors in late Roman imperial propaganda. Most importantly, the evidence provides a window into the varied ways in which residence in Rome shaped identities of individual women of the imperial family and how, in turn, their * I would like to thank Maximilian Becker and Timo Christian different roles within the imperial family – wives, sisters, (University of Frankfurt) who collected the majority of primary data assembled in Appendix I, and the Alexander-von-Humboldt mothers, daughters and other female descendants – shaped Foundation who funded their work. I would also like to thank these women’s relationships with the city of Rome. Lanfranco Cordischi (Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici di The attitudes of late Roman emperors to Rome have Roma) for arranging a visit of the residence under the Istituto Nazionale di Previdenza Sociale, and Sandro Santarelli of the traditionally been described as one of neglect in favour INPS for his informed and good-humoured guidance on site. of residence at places more suited to military, political 58 JULIA HILLNER AnTard, 25, 2017 or religious agendas of the time, such as Trier, Milan, Late Roman Imperial women and Late Antique Rome: Ravenna or Constantinople. The foundation of the latter sources and approaches as the ‘new Rome’ on the Bosporus by the irst Christian emperor Constantine in 330 is often seen as exemplifying As is the case with ancient women generally, infor- this situation.1 Yet, recent historiography has shown that mation on imperial female residence and activities in positions of late Roman emperors towards Rome were late antique Rome has to be pieced together from very more complex, particularly at the time of Constantine fragmentary evidence deriving from a variety of source and then again in the 5th century. Jill Harries and Muriel types, each demanding its own critical approach: literary Moser have called for a reassessment of Constantine’s texts, inscriptions and archaeological remains. It there- “rejection” of Rome, pointing to his continuous close fore needs to be borne in mind at all times that the story relationship with Roman aristocrats, who served as his of imperial women’s residence in Rome can only be told imperial oficials and his frequent correspondence with in a snapshot and often speculative way. In some cases, the Roman senate.2 Andrew Gillett, Mark Humphries and we even have to assess whether our sources refer to resi- Meaghan McEvoy, in turn, have shown that ifth-century dence in Rome at all, even before we can start analysing Western emperors tended to exalt the position of Rome to their meaning. For instance, the historian Zosimus, writing create a counterweight to the rise of Constantinople and in the late 5th century, explained that Theodosius I sent to cement their legitimacy, eventually even moving the his iancée Galla and her mother Justina, widow of the court back to Rome for long periods under Valentinian III previous emperor Valentinian I, from Thessalonika “to (425-455).3 Rome” in 387 ( ). While this passage could The present article will build on these new approaches be an allusion to the city itself, Zosimus could also have to late antique imperial Rome from a different perspective. taken “Rome” as a synecdoche for the entire West.5 Even Our understanding of the role Rome played in imperial if he did mean the city of Rome, there is no guarantee strategies in this period will be reined if we shift that Zosimus, who was writing in Constantinople some attention away from the itineraries of imperial men, time after the event, is a reliable witness. which have dominated scholarly debates on imperial In this article, I have in general followed scholarly Rome in late antiquity, to those of imperial women. While consensus where it placed women in Rome, noting late antique emperors’ usually short visits to and long potential debates at the appropriate instance. However, absences from Rome have been examined in painstaking I have also tended to give the sources the beneit of detail, a study of the presence in Rome of imperial women the doubt. This is important because, even though the is still in its infancy.4 Yet, as we shall see, a careful reading evidence for imperial women is more fragmentary than of our often fragmentary sources suggests that a number for imperial men, we cannot afford to dismiss it, however of imperial female relatives were resident in Rome hypothetical its analysis may be. Here, a “safety-in- between the early 4th and the mid-5th centuries, often for numbers” approach may help. As Appendix I shows, much longer than male members of the imperial family. the frequency of well-attested and undisputed cases In addition, some of them were buried just outside the of imperial women in late antique Rome is in fact high city. I will begin with an overview of these cases (all enough to suggest a trend for female residence in Rome listed in Appendix I) and an exposition of a methodology that does not seem to be accidental and into which the of how to approach them. This is important, as this data uncertain cases may it as well. I would also argue that has never been assembled before, so that historians the references in our literary sources, at once rare and need to develop rigorous ways as to how to interrogate often cursory, to female residence in Rome are signiicant them. I will then proceed to investigate one scenario of in themselves. The nature of ancient literary sources is female imperial presence in Rome in more detail: that such that women were rarely talked about and rarely for of women belonging to the Constantinian dynasty up to their own sake. Yet, where they are, we need to distin- c.
Recommended publications
  • Roman-Barbarian Marriages in the Late Empire R.C
    ROMAN-BARBARIAN MARRIAGES IN THE LATE EMPIRE R.C. Blockley In 1964 Rosario Soraci published a study of conubia between Romans and Germans from the fourth to the sixth century A.D.1 Although the title of the work might suggest that its concern was to be with such marriages through- out the period, in fact its aim was much more restricted. Beginning with a law issued by Valentinian I in 370 or 373 to the magister equitum Theodosius (C.Th. 3.14.1), which banned on pain of death all marriages between Roman pro- vincials and barbarae or gentiles, Soraci, after assessing the context and intent of the law, proceeded to discuss its influence upon the practices of the Germanic kingdoms which succeeded the Roman Empire in the West. The text of the law reads: Nulli provineialium, cuiuscumque ordinis aut loci fuerit, cum bar- bara sit uxore coniugium, nec ulli gentilium provinciales femina copuletur. Quod si quae inter provinciales atque gentiles adfinitates ex huiusmodi nuptiis extiterit, quod in his suspectum vel noxium detegitur, capitaliter expietur. This was regarded by Soraci not as a general banning law but rather as a lim- ited attempt, in the context of current hostilities with the Alamanni, to keep those barbarians serving the Empire (gentiles)isolated from the general Roman 2 populace. The German lawmakers, however, exemplified by Alaric in his 63 64 interpretatio,3 took it as a general banning law and applied it in this spir- it, so that it became the basis for the prohibition under the Germanic king- doms of intermarriage between Romans and Germans.
    [Show full text]
  • 4 the Council of Sardica Constantius in the East
    H.M.Gwatkin [1908] The Arian Controversy Listening Guide - 4 The Council of Sardica 337 [May 22] The death of Constantine - His sons shared the Empire: In the East, Constantius, and in the West Constantine II took Gaul and Britain; the youngest son Constans, Italy and Illyricum. Their cousins Dalmatius and Hannibalianus governed Thrace and Pontus. Constantine’s death was followed by a simple funeral. His Empire was divided up among his sons and two of their cousins. One of the first acts of Constantius was to recall Athanasius from Exile in 337. Marcellus similarly was recalled at this time. Constantius in the East Able man who sustained peace in the east. He was fearful and jealous o men better than himself and so he trusted unworthy favourites. He became treacherous and cold blooded. He enjoyed the ecclestiastical game and was won over to the Eusebian side. He began with a dislike of the Nicene council and, while he was conservative in language for a time, ended up in the Homoean [the Arian party led by Acacius of Caesarea] with its compromise of homoiousian in 359. Arians we’re encouraged to hold assemblies of their own, and they did at Antioch in the winter of 388. There they charged Athanasius, not with heresy, but sedition and intrigue. The apostate prefect Philagrius expelled Athanasius from Alexandria and Gregory of Cappadocia was forcibly installed in his place. 339 [Lent 346 - October] The Second Exile of Athanasius Athanasius fled to Rome, which put him under Constans’ rule [Italy and Illyricum]. Many eastern clerics from the east came there.
    [Show full text]
  • Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
    Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc­ di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor
    [Show full text]
  • Cemetery Info by Death
    Birth Death Sister Former Last Name Month Day Year Month Day Year SEC Row NO Claudia Pehura January 1 1881 B1 19 2 Clara Seiter August 17 1837 April 24 1881 B1 20 1 Maria Spitznagel January 31 1882 B1 15 1 Borgia Muelhaupt July 12 1882 B1 19 1 Constantia Stocker June 1 1882 B2 3 4 Ursula Kremer November 1 1882 B1 18 3 Dominica Braxmeier November 1 1883 B1 24 3 Theodora Unknown October 1 1883 B1 24 2 Armella Schuehle March 3 1884 B1 18 2 Catherina Schuele March 11 1884 B1 21 1 Adelheid Riesterer May 3 1886 B1 23 3 Albertina (Ms) (Train wreck) Schmitt October 28 1886 B1 17 4 Dionysia (Train wreck) Schwab October 28 1886 B1 16 3 Juliana Unknown 1885 January 1 1888 B1 23 2 Constantia Foehrenbach June 30 1888 B1 21 2 Veronica Eberle August 16 1890 B1 20 2 Dorothea Dresel April 4 1891 B1 20 3 Eugenia Kalt April 25 1891 B1 16 8 Susanna Gersbach August 14 1891 B1 16 9 Constantia Schildgen December 11 1892 B1 16 10 Fridolina Hoefler April 23 1893 B1 15 3 (d) Agatha Bisch (on stone 1894 May 10 1893 B1 15 5 Dionysia Schermann March 28 1894 B1 15 4 Clara On stone Renz April 4 1985 April 3 1895 B1 15 6 Frumentia Dudinger July 24 1895 B2 4 1 Thomasine Hickey June 2 1895 B1 14 7 Natalia Breitweiser April 24 1896 B2 4 4 Lydia Kuehle August 6 1896 B2 3 3 Anna Weis August 14 1896 B2 4 3 Josephina Maloney May 10 1896 B2 3 2 Helena Williams August 14 1897 B1 14 10 Maria Pehura July 20 1897 B1 14 8 Leocadia Jagemann March 26 1898 B2 2 1 Nicodema Lomele March 25 1899 B2 2 2 Adela Mayer April 7 1900 B2 2 3 Scholastica Philipp August 27 1900 B2 1 3 Nepomucka
    [Show full text]
  • Nicholas Baker-Brian & Shaun Tougher
    NEW APPROACHES TO BYZANTINE HISTORY AND CULTURE The Sons of Constantine, AD 337–361 In the Shadows of Constantine and Julian Edited by Nicholas Baker-Brian · Shaun Tougher New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture Series Editors Florin Curta University of Florida FL, USA Leonora Neville University of Wisconsin Madison WI, USA Shaun Tougher Cardiff University Cardiff, UK New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture publishes high-quality scholarship on all aspects of Byzantine culture and society from the fourth to the fifteenth centuries, presenting fresh approaches to key aspects of Byzantine civilization and new studies of unexplored topics to a broad academic audience. The series is a venue for both methodologically innovative work and ground-breaking studies on new topics, seeking to engage medievalists beyond the narrow confines of Byzantine studies. The core of the series is original scholarly monographs on various aspects of Byzantine culture or society, with a particular focus on books that foster the interdisciplinarity and methodological sophistication of Byzantine studies. The series editors are interested in works that combine textual and material sources, that make exemplary use of advanced methods for the analysis of those sources, and that bring theoretical practices of other fields, such as gender theory, subaltern studies, religious studies theory, anthropology, etc. to the study of Byzantine culture and society. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14755 Nicholas Baker-Brian • Shaun Tougher Editors The Sons of Constantine, AD 337-361 In the Shadows of Constantine and Julian Editors Nicholas Baker-Brian Shaun Tougher Cardiff University Cardiff University Cardiff, UK Cardiff, UK New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture ISBN 978-3-030-39897-2 ISBN 978-3-030-39898-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39898-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great
    Graeco-Latina Brunensia 24 / 2019 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2019-2-2 The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great Stanislav Doležal (University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice) Abstract The article argues that Constantine the Great, until he was recognized by Galerius, the senior ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES Emperor of the Tetrarchy, was an usurper with no right to the imperial power, nothwithstand- ing his claim that his father, the Emperor Constantius I, conferred upon him the imperial title before he died. Tetrarchic principles, envisaged by Diocletian, were specifically put in place to supersede and override blood kinship. Constantine’s accession to power started as a military coup in which a military unit composed of barbarian soldiers seems to have played an impor- tant role. Keywords Constantine the Great; Roman emperor; usurpation; tetrarchy 19 Stanislav Doležal The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great On 25 July 306 at York, the Roman Emperor Constantius I died peacefully in his bed. On the same day, a new Emperor was made – his eldest son Constantine who had been present at his father’s deathbed. What exactly happened on that day? Britain, a remote province (actually several provinces)1 on the edge of the Roman Empire, had a tendency to defect from the central government. It produced several usurpers in the past.2 Was Constantine one of them? What gave him the right to be an Emperor in the first place? It can be argued that the political system that was still valid in 306, today known as the Tetrarchy, made any such seizure of power illegal.
    [Show full text]
  • St. Kyriake of Nicomedia
    St. Kyriake of Nicomedia Commemorated on July 7 St. Kyriake was the only child of Dorotheus and Eusebia. Since she was born on a Sunday (Kyriake, in Greek), she was given the name Kyriake. Not only was Kyriake young and beautiful, but her parents were wealthy. Thus, there came a time when a magistrate wished to betroth Kyriake to his son in order to control her wealth. The magistrate went to her parents to request her hand, but Kyriake told him that she wished to remain a virgin, as she had dedicated herself to Christ. The magistrate became angry and denounced Kyriake and her parents as Christians to Emperor Diocletian Upon Diocletian’s orders, soldiers arrested the family and brought them before him. He asked why they would not honor the pagan gods, and they replied that his gods were false ones, with Christ being the one true God. Dorotheus was beaten until the soldiers grew tired and were unable to continue. Since neither flattery nor torment had any effect, Diocletian sent Dorotheus and Eusebia to Melitene (located between Cappadocia and Armenia). He then sent Kyriake to Nicomedia to be interrogated by his son-in-law and co-ruler, Maximian. Maximian urged Kyriake not to throw her life away, promising her wealth and marriage to one of Diocletian’s relatives if she agreed to worship the pagan gods. Kyriake replied that she would never renounce Christ, nor did she desire worldly riches. Enraged by her answer, Maximian ordered that she be flogged. The soldiers who administered the torture eventually became tired, and had to be replaced three times.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cambridge Companion to Age of Constantine.Pdf
    The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine offers students a com- prehensive one-volume introduction to this pivotal emperor and his times. Richly illustrated and designed as a readable survey accessible to all audiences, it also achieves a level of scholarly sophistication and a freshness of interpretation that will be welcomed by the experts. The volume is divided into five sections that examine political history, reli- gion, social and economic history, art, and foreign relations during the reign of Constantine, a ruler who gains in importance because he steered the Roman Empire on a course parallel with his own personal develop- ment. Each chapter examines the intimate interplay between emperor and empire and between a powerful personality and his world. Collec- tively, the chapters show how both were mutually affected in ways that shaped the world of late antiquity and even affect our own world today. Noel Lenski is Associate Professor of Classics at the University of Colorado, Boulder. A specialist in the history of late antiquity, he is the author of numerous articles on military, political, cultural, and social history and the monograph Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century ad. Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S Edited by Noel Lenski University of Colorado Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521818384 c Cambridge University Press 2006 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • Calendar of Roman Events
    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
    [Show full text]
  • St.Helena: Her Life, Conversion and Influence on Constantine
    St.Helena: her life, conversion and influence on Constantine Colette Khalifa May 1997 for my sons Sherif and Omar St. Helena’s visit by an Angel on the tester of the screen photographed in Sefton Church by Mr.D.G. Richbell Front: Synoptic composition of St. Helena’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem portraying the discovery of the Cross, the resurrection of the deceased person and the churches and monasteries established after her visit. From the Church of Santa Groce, Florence Taken from the Family Encyclopaedia of florid History, 1996 London, Reader’s Digest Association, CONTENTS Page No. 1. Introduction 4 2. Her Life Before Constantine’s Court 6 3. Her Conversion to Christianity 10 4. Helena’s Influence on Constantine 12 5. Her Position at the Court of Constantine 16 6. The Pilgrimage to the Holy Land 19 7. The Legend of the Discovery of the True Cross 30 8. Conclusion 28 APPENDICES 1. Genealogy Table of Helena and Constantius Chlorus 2. Coinage 3. Inscriptions 4. Stained Glass Window from Morley, Derbyshire 5. Map of Pilgrim Routes 6. Sarcophagus of Helena Augusta Ancient Sources Bibliography INTRODUCTION This subject of this dissertation is Flavia Iulia Helena Augusta, mother of Constantine the Great, the first Christian Roman Emperor. She was involved with her son’s policy of propagating Christianity within the Roman Empire and is the subject of the legend of the discovery of the True Cross upon which Jesus Christ was crucified. The story is believed to have its origins at the end of the fourth century, some fifty years after her death and so to some is regarded as historical fiction, especially as her contemporary, Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, makes no direct reference to this event in his writings.
    [Show full text]
  • ABSTRACT Sarcophagi in Context: Identifying the Missing Sarcophagus of Helena in the Mausoleum of Constantina Jackson Perry
    ABSTRACT Sarcophagi in Context: Identifying the Missing Sarcophagus of Helena in the Mausoleum of Constantina Jackson Perry Director: Nathan T. Elkins, Ph.D The Mausoleum of Constantina and Helena in Rome once held two sarcophagi, but the second has never been properly identified. Using the decoration in the mausoleum and recent archaeological studies, this thesis identifies the probable design of the second sarcophagus. This reconstruction is confirmed by a fragment in the Istanbul Museum, which belonged to the lost sarcophagus. This is contrary to the current misattribution of the fragment to the sarcophagus of Constantine. This is only the third positively identified imperial sarcophagus recovered in Constantinople. This identification corrects misconceptions about both the design of the mausoleum and the history of the fragment itself. Using this identification, this thesis will also posit that an altar was originally placed in the mausoleum, a discovery central in correcting misconceptions about the 4th century imperial liturgy. Finally, it will posit that the decorative scheme of the mausoleum was not random, but was carefully thought out in connection to the imperial funerary liturgy itself. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS _____________________________________________ Dr. Nathan T. Elkins, Art Department APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM ____________________________________________ Dr. Andrew Wisely, Director DATE: _____________________ SARCOPHAGI IN CONTEXT: IDENTIFYING THE MISSING SARCOPHAGUS OF HELENA IN THE MAUSOLEUM OF
    [Show full text]
  • A Medallion of Constantius II Julia Ruff Lawrence University
    Lawrence University Lux Lawrence University Honors Projects 2005 A Medallion of Constantius II Julia Ruff Lawrence University Follow this and additional works at: https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhp Part of the Byzantine and Modern Greek Commons © Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Recommended Citation Ruff, Julia, "A Medallion of Constantius II" (2005). Lawrence University Honors Projects. 70. https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhp/70 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by Lux. It has been accepted for inclusion in Lawrence University Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Lux. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This honors these submitted by Julia Ruff has been read and found acceptable for Honors in Independent Study Randall McNeill, Member of the Examinin~ Committee Je#ld Podair, Member of the Examining Committee Carol Lawton, Thesis Adviser A MEDALLION OF CONSTANTIUS II Julia Ruff TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 1 Introduction 2-3 The Sources 4 Historical Background 4-9 Ammianus Marcellinus 9-12 Reign of Constantius II 13-18 Medallions: Definition 18-19 Medallions: Occasions for Minting 19-22 Medallions: Intended Recipients 23-27 Description of the Medallion 28 Obverse 28-33 Reverse 34-39 Medallions: Production 39-45 The Messages of the Medallion of Constantius 45-50 Conclusions 50-51 Figure 1 52 Figure 2 53 Figure 3 54 Figure 4 55 Figure 5 56 Figure 6 57 Figure 7 58 Figure 8 59 Figure 9 60 Bibliography 61-62 ( 1 ( PREFACE I would like to acknowledge those individuals who have helped to make this work possible.
    [Show full text]