Westliche Spionage in Der DDR Die Akten Der Hauptabteilung IX
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Text Zu BF Informiert: Entmachtung U. Verfall
Walter Süß Entmachtung und Verfall der Staatssicherheit Ein Kapitel aus dem Spätherbst 1989 Bitte zitieren Sie diese Online-Publikation wie folgt: Walter Süß: Entmachtung und Verfall der Staatssicherheit. Ein Kapitel aus dem Spätherbst 1989 (BF informiert 5/1994). Hg. BStU. Berlin 1994. http://www.nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0292-97839421305300 Mehr Informationen zur Nutzung von URNs erhalten Sie unter http://www.persistent-identifier.de/ einem Portal der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek. BF informiert 5/1994 Inhalt Einleitung 3 Beschränkung der Aktionsmöglichkeiten des MfS 7 Beginn des Rückzugs 12 Stimmungslagen vor der "Wende" im MfS 17 Mielkes Abschied 22 Vom MfS zum AfNS 24 Suche nach einem Neuanfang 26 Revision der Sicherheitsdoktrin 29 Die Modernisierungskonzeption der alten Generalität 36 Die Stimmung unter den Mitarbeitern 43 Der 4. und 5. Dezember 1989 53 Schritte in die Tabuzone 56 Desintegrationsprozesse im AfNS 64 Abgang der alten Generalität 70 3 Einleitung Der Zusammenbruch der SED-Diktatur war auch im nachhinein betrachtet ein er- staunlicher Vorgang. Einer friedlichen Protestbewegung gelang es, einen Sicherheitsapparat zu entmachten, der bis an die Zähne bewaffnet und einer militanten Ideologie verpflichtetet war.1 Als "Schild und Schwert der Partei" wäre es die Aufgabe der Staatssicherheit gewesen, das Herrschaftssystem abzuschirmen und die - wie man in diesem Gewerbe zu sagen pflegte - "feindlich- negativen" und "subversiven Kräfte" zu unterdrücken, also eine Entwicklung wie die im Herbst 1989 zu verhindern. Warum die Staatssicherheit statt dessen ohne Anwendung von Gewalt aufgelöst werden konnte, dafür existiert noch keine einleuchtende und empirisch belegte Erklärung - sieht man von jenen eher dem Genre der Kolportage zuzurechnenden Veröffentlichungen ab, die mit einigen schütteren "Indizien" und viel spekulativer Phantasie glaubhaft machen wollen, die Staatssicherheit selbst habe die "Wende" zu ihrem eigenen Nutz und Frommen organisiert, womit sich die Frage nach Versuchen, sie zu verhindern, in der Tat erübrigen würde. -
Vorläufiges Findbuch Sekretariate Der Stellvertreter Des Ministers Neiber, Mittig Und Schwanitz Im Ministerium Für Staatssicherheit Der DDR
Vorläufiges Findbuch Sekretariate der Stellvertreter des Ministers Neiber, Mittig und Schwanitz im Ministerium für Staatssicherheit der DDR Archiv zur DDR-Staatssicherheit im Auftrag der Bundesbeauftragten für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik herausgegeben von Dagmar Unverhau Band 10 _____________ LIT Abteilung Archivbestände der BStU (Hrsg.) Vorläufiges Findbuch Sekretariate der Stellvertreter des Ministers Neiber, Mittig und Schwanitz im Ministerium für Staatssicherheit der DDR Bearbeitet von Elisabeth Larssen und Jana Florczak _____________ LIT Die Deutsche Bibliothek – CIP - Einheitsaufnahme Vorläufiges Findbuch Sekretariate der Stellvertreter des Ministers Neiber, Mittig und Schwanitz im Ministerium für Staatssicherheit der DDR / hrsg. Abteilung Archivbestände der Bundesbeauftragten für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen DDR. - Münster: LIT, 2008 (Archiv zur DDR-Staatssicherheit ; 10 ) ISBN 978-3-8258-1106-8 NE: Elisabeth Larssen, Jana Florczak [Bearbeiter] © LIT VERLAG Berlin Chausseestr. 128 D-10115 Berlin Tel. +49 30-280 40 880 Fax +49 30-280 40 882 E-Mail: [email protected] http://www.lit-verlag.de Inhalt Vorbemerkungen 1 Überlieferung und Benutzung VII 2 Über die Stellvertreter des Ministers – Geschichte und Struktur VIII 3 Sekretariat des Stellvertreters des Ministers, Gerhard Neiber XIX 3.1 Aufgaben und Struktur XIX 3.2 Überlieferungslage und archivische Bearbeitung XXV 3.3 Inhalt der überlieferten Unterlagen XXIX 3.4 Suche nach dem Bernsteinzimmer -
Culture in the Service of Politics. the German Question and Relations Between the German Democraticartificialartificial Republic Limbs, Limbs, Etc
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS LODZIENSIS FoliaFolia Litteraria Litteraria Polonica Polonica 3(58) 2(57) 2020 2020 Folia Litteraria Polonica 2(57) 2020 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.58.21http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.57.01 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.57.01 MarekMarcin KępińskiMarcin Kępiński Ostrowski* https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4367-3224 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4367-3224https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7100-4226 Culture in the service of politics. The German question and relations between the German DemocraticArtificialArtificial Republic Limbs, Limbs, Etc. Etc. andasas a theam metaphor etaphorPolish People’sof of the the soviet Republicsoviet empire empire The politics of memory in the Polish People’s Republic was from the outset characterized by concern about international recognition of the border on the Oder and the Neisse. The politics of memory in the Polish People’s Republic was from the outset characterized by concern about international recognition of the border on the Oder and the Neisse. It was not until 1970 that this problem disappeared, 1 as a result of the policy of détente pursued1 by Willy Brandt’s government. The most important propaganda activities of the Polish People’s Republic in the 1960s undoubtedly revolved around the issue of the border. Their traces may be found in editorial policy and generally in the intellectual climate of those years: it is with reluctance that Poles recall the era of Gomułka, which was characterized by insularity and doctrinarism. Unfortunately, in the field of cultural life for bviouso reasons there were no historical treatises or media studies which attempted to 2 make reference to the main trends in the European2 thought of that time, which dealt with fascism and its traditions, or which developed areas of media theory and 3 culture characterized by reflections on the essence of power. -
Das Leben Des Anderen Wolfgang Schwanitz War Stellvertreter Erich Mielkes, Sein Leben Gehörte Der Staatssicherheit
Gesellschaft STASI Das Leben des anderen Wolfgang Schwanitz war Stellvertreter Erich Mielkes, sein Leben gehörte der Staatssicherheit. Hans-Eberhard Zahn hat sieben Jahre lang unschuldig in Gefängnissen der DDR gesessen. 17 Jahre nach der Wende kreuzen sich ihre Wege. Und die Geschichte wiederholt sich. Von Matthias Geyer anz ruhig sitzt er da, auf einer Prit- sprochen. Es gab ja niemanden sonst. Er Er hat das, was er erlebt hat, aufge- sche aus Holz, seine Haare sind wollte nicht verrückt werden. schrieben, die Landesbehörde für die Un- Gweiß, er ist 78 Jahre alt. Seine Hän- Zahn erhebt sich, klopft seine Hose aus, terlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes hat de liegen auf den Knien, er guckt auf den richtet die Krawatte, macht einen Schritt es als Broschüre gedruckt, 88 Seiten, man Boden und erzählt die Geschichte seines zur Tür, dreht sich um, sagt: „Die Stasi hat kann sie mitnehmen, sie kostet nichts. Lebens. niemanden körperlich gefoltert. Die Stasi Hans-Eberhard Zahn spricht leise, aber hat psychisch gefoltert. Und psychische rei Tage nach der Führung in Hohen- man kann ihn gut verstehen. Der Raum ist Folter ist schlimmer als körperliche Folter. Dschönhausen liegt die Broschüre auf nicht groß, eine Kammer eher, 2,80 Meter Ich bin Zeuge. Denn ich habe es erlebt.“ einem Couchtisch in der Wohnung von lang, 1,60 Meter breit, 2,30 Meter hoch. Dann geht er hinaus, Zahn, Hans-Eber- Wolfgang Schwanitz. Er wohnt in einem Sie hat keine Fenster, denn sie liegt unter hard, sieben Jahre lang politischer Häft- Hochhaus in Ost-Berlin, ganz oben, in der der Erde. Sie war früher eine Gefängnis- ling der DDR, ein Opfer. -
Performing Public Spaces, Staging Collective Memory
Performing Public Spaces, Staging Collective Memory 50 Kilometres of Files by Rimini Protokoll Daniela Hahn In early December 1989, the communication center of the Ministry for State Security of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) registers an incoming phone call regard- ing a political demonstration, which is allegedly scheduled to take place the next afternoon on Alexanderplatz in Berlin and then proceed as a protest march to the Ministry’s headquar- ters located farther East in Berlin-Lichtenberg, the symbol of the police state and its bloated bureaucratic apparatus.Information from a reliable source — as the informer affirms — attests to the official instruction from Wolfgang Schwanitz, who had succeeded Erich Mielke as head of the Ministry for State Security in November 1989, to take all necessary measures to secure the State Security’s buildings.1 Has this phone call announced the crucial blow against the GDR’s secret police, the Stasi, which fell after protesters stormed its headquarters in mid-January 1990 to prevent the 1. The Stasi headquarters consisted of a huge complex the size of a city block comprised of 20 buildings, including the office of Erich Mielke, who was head of the Ministry for State Security between 1957 and 1989. The complex was hermetically sealed off and protected by armed forces. Figure 1. Audience members for Rimini Protokoll’s 50 Kilometres of Files. Berlin, Germany, 2011. (Photo ©Dorothea Tuch) TDR: The Drama Review 58:3 (T223) Fall 2014. ©2014 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology 27 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00371 by guest on 02 October 2021 destruction of files? The audio fragment, consisting of an original recording of the phone call that was stored on tape and had ended up in the Stasi files, has the effect of blending differ- ent periods of time, for it makes the past uncannily reappear in the present. -
STRATEGIES of COMPLAINT: INTEREST Organizations OF
27 TRATEGIES OF COMPLAINT: SINTEREST ORGANIZATIONS OF GDR STAATSSICHERHEIT COWORKERS AFTER GERMAN REUNIFICATION Laboratorium. 2014. 6(3):27–54 Laboratorium. 2014. © Amieke Bouma Amieke Bouma is a PhD researcher in the Department of Art and Culture, History, Antiquity (AHA), VU University Amsterdam. Address for correspondence: De Boele- laan 1105, 1081 HV Amsterdam, Netherlands. [email protected]. I am grateful to the anonymous peer reviewers for their helpful comments and sug- gestions. I would like to thank all OKV activists in Berlin who were willing to share with me their personal views and experiences. My particular thanks go to Siegfried Mechler, former president of the OKV (2005–2013), for his help in contacting activ- ists and arranging interviews. This article looks at the strategies of former GDR state, security service, and army per- sonnel interest groups unified in the East German Board of Associations (OKV). The larg- est of these, the Joint Initiative for the Protection of the Social Rights of Former Mem- bers of Armed Bodies and the Customs Administration of the GDR (ISOR), aims to achieve the full restoration of the original pension rights of these groups—and especially of former Stasi members. Since its establishment in 1991, ISOR has chosen legal com- plaints as its main form of action. This strategy is accompanied by petitioning and send- ing letters to politicians. I argue that ISOR’s choice of strategies is largely motivated by the organization’s isolated position in German society, which makes successful political action unlikely. ISOR’s demands are also directly linked to specific laws that can be pro- tested in court. -
Thirty Years of Collusion Between the ADL and Stasi
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 21, Number 33, August 19, 1994 II �TIillInvestigation Thirty years of collusion between theADL and Stasi by JeffreySteinberg I On June 28, a short article in a leading German newspaper, sohn had presented evidence, g�ered from the archives of the Franlifurter Allgemeine Zeitung, shed new light on one the East German Foreign Ministjry and the Stasi, confirming of the nastiest mysteries of the Cold War epoch: the collusion that the ADL-East German coll�boration continued follow between Soviet Bloc secret police services and the nominally ing the reunification of Germanx and the formal dismantling Jewish American "civil rights" group, the Anti-Defamation of the hated East German sectet police agency. Ex-Stasi League of B'nai B'rith (ADL). The article, by German Jew officers, operating through infoQ:nal "clubs," and bankrolled ish historian Michael Wolffsohn, revealed that in 1985, the by millions of dollars in pilfered East German funds, contin East German regime, through its State Security Service, the ue to steer the activities of neo-Nazi gangs all across Germa Staatsicherheitsdienst ("Stasi"), launched a "friendship of ny, Wolffsohn charged; and gf(�UpS like the ADL and WJC fensive" toward American Jewish organizations. The dread continue to provide crucial SC$ propaganda equating the ed Stasi, which had a special role in carrying put highly reunified Germany with a mena¢ing "Fourth Reich." sophisticated and dangerous overseas secret police opera Furthermore, ADL-linked financier networks involving tions within the Soviet intelligence machine, found its most people such as Marc Rich, Edmond Safra, and George Soros, willing western partners at the ADL and at the World Jewish had abetted the Stasi, the KGBi, and other East bloc secret Congress (WJC), an internationalZionist organization taken services in large-scale smuggl�g of hard currency, gold, over by ADL Honorary Vice Chairman Edgar Bronfman in diamonds, and other assets acrqss the Iron Curtain into safe the early 1980s. -
'Smash the Myth of the Fascist Rocket Baron': East German Attacks On
- I 'Smash the Myth ofthe Fascist Rocket Baron' 107 During the 1950s, von Braun, his associates and the US government had largely neutralized his Nazi problem through a selective use of history and through a 6 conspiracy of silence about his SS officer status and the Y-2 program's exten 'Smash the Myth of the Fascist Rocket sive abuse of concentration camp labor.4 Those were certainly two things that Mader tried to expose; his book became a big seller throughout the Warsaw Pact. Baron': East German Attacks Geheimnis von Huntsville went on to spawn a major East German motion picture, which opened in spring 1967 with the otherwise unnamed 'Rocket Baron' (von on Wernher von Braun in the 1960s Braun was in fact a Pruss ian baron) as one of the central villains. Several months Michael,. Neufeld later, a West-German court opened a trial of three SS men from the Mittelbau Dora concentration camp, which supplied the labor to the underground Y-2 plant. Although this proceeding was not about von Braun, the East-German co·counsel ultimately succeeded in having him called as a witness, presumably with the pri mary intent of embarrassing him. That marked the third East German attempt to Late in 1962, a West Berlin correspondent of Wernher von Braun (1912-1977), undermine the rocket engineer. the world-famous Director of NASA Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville, Yet these attacks ultimately failed to make much of an impression on von Alabama, sent him a series of hostile articles that had just appeared in East Braun's reputation in the West. -
Erich Mielke's Last Gift
Erich Mielke’s Last Gift The Legacy of the Stasi in the Middle East: From the German Democratic Republic to the Islamic State Saskia Pothoven 3987868 Supervisor: Prof. Dr. B.A. de Graaf MA Research Thesis International Relations in Historical Perspective 2 | Abstract [Page intentionally left blank] Erich Mielke’s Last Gift | 3 Abstract This thesis examines to what extent the way the Islamic State operates can be traced back to the intelligence relationship between the Stasi and the Ba’ath party in Iraq during the 1970s and 1980s. As an explorative research, it aims to map potential continuities between the Stasi and the Islamic State with regard to both the organizational structure of the Islamic State’s intelligence apparatus, as well as its operational techniques. In the first chapter, the ideological role of the Stasi within the GDR is examined. In the second chapter, materials from the Stasi archives are analysed to determine the extent of the intelligence relationship between the Stasi and the Ba’ath, and to see how this relationship has influenced the intelligence apparatus of the Ba’ath. In the third chapter, the intelligence apparatus of the Islamic State and its link with the Ba’ath are explored. In order to trace such continuities, a framework of different degrees of influence has been developed, which ranges from level 1 (low) to level 4 (high). There are several similarities, in organizational structure, as well as in the extent of surveillance of citizens, and the heavy use of informants, that indicate that the intelligence apparatus of the Islamic State has been indirectly influenced by the Stasi support to the Iraqi Ba’ath party. -
Identity Politics in Communist Romania
Historical Memory versus Communist Identity Historical Memory versus Communist Identity Proceedings of the Conference “Th e Shaping of Identity and Personality under Communist Rule: History in the Service of Totalitarian Regimes in Eastern Europe,” Tallinn, 9–10 June 2011 Edited by Meelis Saueauk Th e conference “Shaping of Identity and Personality during Communist Rule: History in the Service of the Totalitarian Regimes in Eastern Europe” was hosted on June 9–10, 2011 by the Estonian Institute of Historical Memory and the Unitas Foundation. We would like to thank our partners, supporters, and authors for their contributions towards the conference and this publication. Organising Committee: Uve Poom (CEO, Unitas Foundation), Toomas Hiio (Member of Board, Estonian Institute of Historical Memory), Meelis Saueauk (Research Fellow, Estonian Institute of Historical Memory). Estonian Institute of Historical Memory Th e Estonian Institute of Historical Memory was established by President Toomas Hendrik Ilves in 2008 in order to provide the citizens of Estonia with a thorough and objective account of the status of human rights during the Soviet occupation of Estonia. Th e Institute of Historical Memory is a member of the Platform of European Memory and Conscience. www.mnemosyne.ee Unitas Foundation Th e Unitas Foundation was established in 2008 with the mission to unite societies divided by totalitarian regimes. Th e organisation is based in Tallinn, but operates internationally. Th e Unitas Foundation is a member of the Platform of European Memory and Conscience. www.unitasfoundation.org Th e conference and its publication were made possible with the generous support of the Ministry of Education and Research, Open Estonia Foundation, and the Republic of Estonia Government Offi ce. -
East Germany: the Stasi and De-Stasification
East Germany: The Stasi and De-Stasification JOHN O. KOEHLER hortly after Mikhail Gorbachev was installed as secretary general of the Sovi- Set Union’s Communist Party in the spring of 1985, he began to pursue his liberalization policies of glasnost and perestroika. The impact was felt almost immediately within the ruling Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED), the Communist Party of the East German Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR). Gorbachev’s policies gave new hope for political, economic, and social renewal to those disenchanted with the gerontological Stalinist leadership of Erich Honecker and his sycophants.1 A new wind was blowing from the East, generated by the “great teacher”—the Soviet Union. In line with the USSR’s change of course, both Moscow’s German- language propaganda magazine, Sputnik, and its weekly newspaper, Neue Zeit, reprinted Gorbachev’s speeches and editorialized on the necessity for reforms of the socialist system. For East Germany’s leaders, however, they became hostile publications and were banned despite protests emanating from Moscow. Nonethe- less, they presaged a major change: For the first time since the founding of the DDR in 1949, the restlessness of Party members and much of the citizenry could not be blamed on the capitalist enemy of the proletariat. Until the mid-1980s, opposition to the regime was largely underground, although hundreds of thousands of burghers spent time in penitentiaries for pub- licly voicing their discontent. The repression began immediately after the end of World War II, carried out by Soviet security services and German Communist Party veterans (both those who had been in exile in the Soviet Union and those that had survived Nazi imprisonment). -
Culture in the Service of Politics. the German Question and Relations Between the German Democraticartificialartificial Republic Limbs, Limbs, Etc
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS LODZIENSIS FoliaFolia Litteraria Litteraria Polonica Polonica 3(58) 2(57) 2020 2020 Folia Litteraria Polonica 2(57) 2020 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.58.21http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.57.01 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.57.01 MarekMarcin KępińskiMarcin Kępiński Ostrowski* https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4367-3224 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4367-3224https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7100-4226 Culture in the service of politics. The German question and relations between the German DemocraticArtificialArtificial Republic Limbs, Limbs, Etc. Etc. andasas a theam metaphor etaphorPolish People’sof of the the soviet Republicsoviet empire empire The politics of memory in the Polish People’s Republic was from the outset characterized by concern about international recognition of the border on the Oder and the Neisse. The politics of memory in the Polish People’s Republic was from the outset characterized by concern about international recognition of the border on the Oder and the Neisse. It was not until 1970 that this problem disappeared, 1 as a result of the policy of détente pursued1 by Willy Brandt’s government. The most important propaganda activities of the Polish People’s Republic in the 1960s undoubtedly revolved around the issue of the border. Their traces may be found in editorial policy and generally in the intellectual climate of those years: it is with reluctance that Poles recall the era of Gomułka, which was characterized by insularity and doctrinarism. Unfortunately, in the field of cultural life for bviouso reasons there were no historical treatises or media studies which attempted to 2 make reference to the main trends in the European2 thought of that time, which dealt with fascism and its traditions, or which developed areas of media theory and 3 culture characterized by reflections on the essence of power.