BRITAIN AND THE BALTIC BRITAIN AND THE BALTIC BY E. W. POLSON NEWMAN, B.A., F.R.G.S. AUTHOR OF "GREAT BRITAIN INI EGYPT,"EGYPT, " THE MIDDLE EAST,' " THE MEDITERRANEAN ANDA.ND ITS PROPROBLEMS," ETC. L, WITH FIVE MAPS METHUEN & CO. LTD. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. LONDON '.A ''<v fx" % Bibiio^heca Universitatis \i T artuensis 31?C>I First Published in 1930 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN To MY AUNT MARY ANNE POLSON WHO, IN SEPTEMBER, 1914, CROSSED THE ENEMY MINEFIELDS OF THE BALTIC AND THE NORTH SEA ON HER RETURN FROM THE BALTIC PROVINCES OF RUSSIA TO HER NATIVE LAND INTRODUCTION t • AHE following pages are based on observations made I; on two journeys in the Baltic area, the first in JL Finland and the Baltic States during the summer of 192 , and the second in Germany, Poland, and Danzig during the winter of 1928-9. As this particular area contains several dangerous situations which will in the future play an important part in the destinies of Europe, I have tried to explain them in some detail and to show their significance in the maze of European politics. In this book I make a plea for less talk, less pens, ink and paper, and more reality in dealing with international questions ; and I do so because I believe that the Great War has left many of us in a realm of fanciful dreams, building castles in the air and feasting our eyes on idealistic conceptions which are unlikely ever to take permanent con­ crete form. After the greatest war in history it is in the nature of things that this should be so, but we must re­ orient our minds and let true facts be our only guide. Our generation bears a great responsibility towards those who come after us, and it is our duty to mankind to make every effort to dispel the confused mirages that dazzle our outlook upon post-war Europe, and to look into the future with a penetrating objectivity based on the grim tragedies of the past and hard realities of the present. The future will demand that many of our ideals of the last ten years be jettisoned and that many of our most cherished hopes be shattered. Many of us are doomed to bitter disappointment and disillusionment. But perhaps this may prove to be our salvation. The future peace of Europe depends, not on the theories of philosophizing pro­ fessors, nor on the countless resolutions of pacifist societies, but on the constant and determined endeavour of our vii viii BRITAIN AND THE BALTIC statesmen, diplomatists, and men of affairs to see things as they really are, to see human nature as it really is, and to mould their policies in accordance with hard facts, stern probabilities, and the principle that modern war is fatal to every moral and material interest of the nations that take part in it. It is a profound mistake to imagine that what is termed ' the new diplomacy' is any different from that of former times. Diplomacy may change its outward appearance by adopting a new outer casing for its machinery, but the fundamental principles remain the same—every nation for itself, policies based on national interests, and concessions only regarded as objects of legitimate exchange. If we delude ourselves into thinking that the nations of Europe can be influenced to settle their differences against their respective material interests, we are building up a rotten foundation of peace which will bring about the collapse of all that is built thereon. Peace cannot be assured until it is based on purely practical policies, until it is in the material interests of the respective nations to maintain it, and until the interests of Europe as a whole become the chief concern of the nations that form its component parts. Peace on these lines will take a long time to establish, but it will be worth while to concentrate our efforts on building with sound material. For detailed information with regard to Treaties and fundamental questions of fact, I have drawn upon these excellent works, The History of the Peace Conference of Paris and the Survey of International Affairs, issued by the Royal Institute of International Affairs, by whose courtesy I am able to reproduce a map of the Baltic area. I am also indebted to The Times for permission to use certain of their maps. In the spelling of place-names, where there are usually two and sometimes three different spellings, it is difficult to be consistent throughout. The spellings now adopted in the countries concerned usually differ from those found on most maps, and are little known to the world in general; yet it is only right that these new spellings should be recog­ INTRODUCTION ix nized as soon as possible. I have, therefore, adopted the following compromise : while in general questions of inter­ national and historic interest I have adopted the spellings most widely known, in the chapters dealing with certain countries in particular I have used those favoured by the Government concerned, and I have added foot-notes where there is likely to be confusion. My thanks are due to a large number of diplomatists and others, in London and in the various countries which I have visited, who have assisted me in the collection of material and have been kind enough to grant me the necessary facilities for accomplishing my task. I am also deeply grateful to my wife for her most valuable help during all stages of the work in England and abroad. E. W. POLSON NEWMAN WARSAW, 1929 Major CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION .......vii CHAP. I THE BALTIC : YESTERDAY AND TO-DAY I II THE NEW FINLAND . .27 III ESTONIA AS A SOVEREIGN STATE .... 58 IV LATVIA : THE KEY OF THE BALTIC STATES . 76 V LITHUANIA AND HER TROUBLES . .102 VI POLAND AND VILNA . .123 VII THE NEW POLISH REPUBLIC ..... 147 VIII THE POLISH CORRIDOR AND DANZIG . .183 IX POWERS AND POLICIES . .217 X GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY .... 235 APPENDIX ........253 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......267 INDEX .........269 xi LIST OF MAPS PAGE FINLAND'S OUTLET TO THE ARCTIC 1 . .29 VILNA AREA 1 ........ 123 POLAND ..........151 THE POLISH CORRIDOR 1 . 184 THE BALTIC ...... Facing page 268 (Reproduced, from the Survey of International Affairs, 1920-3, by courtesy of the Royal Institute of International Affairs.) 1 These three maps are reproduced by courtesy of " The Times." XH BRITAIN AND THE BALTIC CHAPTER I THE BALTIC: YESTERDAY AND TO-DAY HE Baltic is usually associated with the Midnight Sun, with eternal daylight, with sharp, invigorating T air, and with the healthy smell of pine forests. To those who inhabit more southern lands it is regarded as an ideal place for summer rest and recreation. The Norwegian fiords, the forty thousand lakes of Finland, the old Hanseatic cities, and the more modern capitals attract travellers from all parts of the world, who return home laden with reindeer horns, hunting-knives, and block amber. To them there is a strange romance about the Baltic. Visions of the hardy Vikings who roamed the seas before William the Conqueror set foot in England, of the Danes who figure so prominently in the early pages of English history, and of the victorious armies of Gustavus Adolphus, make it impossible to forget that throughout history the Baltic countries have played a prominent part in the destinies of Europe, and of these islands in which we live. Petrograd stands as a monument to the efforts of Peter the Great to introduce into Russia the civilization of Western Europe ; Helsinki,1 guarded by the ancient fortress of Sveaborg, recalls the bitter struggles of centuries between Sweden and Russia ; Tallin 2 and Riga stand for the power and prestige of the German Order of Teutonic Knights ; and Stockholm is one of the most beautiful cities in the world. Scarcely less imposing is Copenhagen, while 1 Helsingfors in Swedish. 2 Formerly known as Reval. I 1 2 BRITAIN AND THE BALTIC Konigsberg and Danzig carry the mind back to the days of mediaeval commerce, when the Hanseatic League carried their trade into foreign lands under the banner of the Cross and the Sword. British trade with the Baltic ports has been of importance since the earliest times, and a visit to the docks of Newcastle or Hull is sufficient to show that it is still of importance to-day. As time passes, the Baltic countries are all, with the exception of Russia, looking more and more towards Great Britain ; for they believe that in this direction lie their chief interests. Politically, economically and strategically, they believe that the British nation is the surest and safest friend in case of need. British policy, dictated by common sense, appeals to these northern peoples much more than it does to the more logical nations of the south ; London is regarded as a financial rock little affected by the world's economic upheavals ; and the power and efficiency of the British Navy is an object of the highest respect by these seafaring peoples. Each year our ships of war make a ciuise through the waters of the Baltic, and there are few sights that give more satisfaction in the northern capitals than that of the white ensign fluttering in the breeze. The sight of a British battleship or cruiser gives the people a certain feeling of security. They find it difficult to imagine that Great Britain will not stand by them in case of need, and they hope that in time some assurance will be forthcoming. They know that British interests in the Baltic are considerable, but fear that the English people are too wrapped up in their own imperial affairs to show much concern in what happens north of the Kiel Canal.