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Casapound Italia: ‘Back to Believing

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Casapound Italia: ‘Back to Believing fascism 8 (2019) 61-88 brill.com/fasc CasaPound Italia: ‘Back to Believing. The Struggle Continues’ Elisabetta Cassina Wolff University of Oslo, Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History and C-REX - Center for Research on Extremism [email protected] Abstract This article aims to be a contribution to the ongoing debate among scholars concern- ing the question whether recently formed right-wing radical parties represent a new phenomenon and a break with the fascist tradition or whether they remain close to a fascist ideology. The author focuses on a specific national radical right-wing party: CasaPound Italia (cpi), founded at the beginning of this century, which declares itself to be ‘fascist’. While existing research insists on the intervention of external factors such as the economic crisis of 2008 in order to explain a new ‘wave’ of right-wing radicalism in Italy, this article will show the constant evolving of right-wing radical discourse over a longer historical period. The analysis will mainly delve into the ideological and politi- cal role played by three leading exponents of the Italian and European radical right: Pino Rauti, Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi. Through a narrative style, and using a historical approach and qualitative analysis, this paper argues that their experiences represent the roots and sources for Gianluca Iannone’s project with cpi. Keywords Italy – neo-fascism – CasaPound Italia – Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo – Movimento Sociale -Fiamma Tricolore – Terza Posizione – Forza Nuova – Centro Studi Orientamenti e Ricerca – Sinergie Europee Political right-wing radicalism as challenge to the principles, methods and in- stitutions of liberal democracy, and as a form of anti-establishment protest, has © Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801004 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 10:27:26AM via free access <UN> 62 Wolff been a growing phenomenon in Italy over the last ten years.1,2,3 The populist Movimento Cinque Stelle [M5S; Five-Stars Movement] is most critical towards representative democracy and the Lega Nord party [LN; Northern League], which has definitively abandoned its regionalist stance by even erasing ‘North- ern’ from the party’s name, has recently shifted its focus to anti-immigration, xenophobic and openly racist political propaganda.4 Alongside the abovemen- tioned parties, which reached a considerable support by voters at last elections in March 2018 and joined in a governmental coalition, the political panorama in Italy is also characterized by the presence of extra-parliamentary movements and organizations that increasingly engage in the public debate by present- ing radically positioned arguments and propositions. One of these is the social movement and political party CasaPound Italia (cpi), founded on December 27, 2003, when a group of neo-fascists led by the punk musician Gianluca Ian- none (1974-) occupied a state-owned building near Rome’s Termini Central Sta- tion.5 At that time, Iannone was known to the wider public as the founder of ZetaZeroAlfa, a fascist punk band that since 1997 had played in a small pub in Rome called Cutty Sark, a meeting point for Rome’s far right. The name Casa- Pound had a great symbolic meaning, with a clear reference to the American poet and modernist Ezra Pound, who wrote extensively during the war against 1 The slogan ‘Torna a credere. Ricomincia a lottare’ is found in the pamphlet Questa è CasaPound Italia 2, accessed April 2, 2019, https://www.docdroid.net/iEyLzrj/brochurechisiamo.pdf. 2 Both the Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History, and C-REX contributed financially to the writing of this article. 3 For a detailed definition of right-wing radicalism as ultranationalism opposed to pluralistic democracy, individualism and universalism, see: Michael Minkenberg, ‘The Renewal of the Radical Right: Between Modernity and Anti-Modernity,’ Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (2000): 174. 4 The work edited by Filippo Tronconi on M5S is the most comprehensive on the subject: Beppe Grillo’s Five Star Movement: Organization, Communication and Ideology (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015). On Lega Nord there is an immense literature that deals with both radical and populist features of this ever changing party. See for example the works by Anna Cento Bull and Daniele Albertazzi. 5 As an introduction to cpi, and for an understanding of their political and non-political activi- ties since 2003, see: Elia Rosati, CasaPound Italia: Fascisti del Terzo Millennio (Milano: Mimesis Edizioni, 2018); Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, Fascisti del Terzo Millennio: Per un’antropologia di CasaPound (Verona: Ombre Corte, 2015); Matteo Albanese, Giorgia Bulli, Pietro Castelli Gattinara and Caterina Froio, Fascisti di un altro millennio? Crisi e partecipazione in Casa- Pound Italia (Acireale/Roma: Bonanno Editore, 2014); Heiko Koch, CasaPound Italia: Mus- solinis Erben (Münster: Unrest-Verlag, 2013); Daniele di Nunzio and Emanuele Toscano Dentro e fuori CasaPound: Capire il fascismo del terzo millennio (Roma: Armando Editore, 2011). Downloadedfascism from Brill.com09/30/2021 8 (2019) 61-88 10:27:26AM via free access <UN> Casapound Italia: ‘back To Believing. The Struggle Continues’ 63 housing rent as usury, as well as anti-Semitism.6 Pound was the incarnation of the ideal fascist revolution, meaning by that the struggle against plutocracy. The symbol of the party is a stylized turtle, embodying the right to housing. The turtle carries its own home and is among the animals that live longest. But this symbol also refers to the Roman formation called Testudo, the army of Rome that, in the words of cpi, showed the greatness and force of the Em- pire, which emerged ‘from a vertical order and from a hierarchical principle’.7 Contextually, the octagonal shape is reminiscent of the historical monument Castel del Monte, built by the ‘last Cesare’ in Italy, the emperor Federico ii. The arrow is the same we find in other far-right movements’ flags in Europe, such as that of The Nordic Resistance Movement (nrm) in Scandinavia. The activists have declared themselves to be ‘the fascists of the new millen- nium’, a self-chosen definition that has become a sort of political brand.8 As a matter of fact, on February 2018, during the electoral campaign in Naples, cpi spokesman Simone Di Stefano (1977-) stated in public that the party was the legitimate heir of Italian Fascism, as the Movimento Sociale Italiano [msi; Ital- ian Social Movement, 1946–1995] was until its dissolution.9 This article intends to be a contribution to the ongoing debate among scholars concerning the question of whether recently formed radical/extremist/neo-fascist parties rep- resent a new phenomenon and a breach with the fascist tradition or whether they remain close to a fascist ideological core. In the following, after a short presentation of cpi as the party appears today to the public, I will explain how I intend to proceed in order to give an answer to that question from a strictly historical perspective. 6 See Tim Redman, Ezra Pound and Italian Fascism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Matthew Feldman, Ezra Pound’s Fascist Propaganda, 1935–45 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2013). 7 ‘Il Simbolo,’ Casapounditalia.org, accessed February 10, 2019, https://www.casapounditalia .org/p/il-simbolo.html. 8 Simona Brandolini, ‘Il leader di CasaPound: “È vero, siamo fascisti. Ma del terzo millennio”,’ Il Corriere del Mezzogiorno, October 1, 2009; Alessandro Capriccioli, ‘Roma, CasaPound spiazza tutti,’ L’Espresso, February 8, 2012. 9 ‘Di Stefano: “Casapound è l’erede del fascismo” e in sala scatta la standing ovation,’ Youtube, February 18, 2018, accessed February 20, 2018, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A2M6U pclVCk&feature=youtu.be. On msi see: Nicola Rao, Trilogia della celtica (Milano: Sperling & Kupfer, 2014); Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, L’inchiostro dei vinti: Stampa e ideologia fascista 1945–1953 (Milano: Mursia, 2012); Giuseppe Parlato, Fascisti senza Mussolini: Le origini del neofascismo in Italia, 1943–1948 (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2006); Alessandro Tarchi, Esuli in patria: I fascisti nell’Italia repubblicana (Parma: Guanda, 1995); Piero Ignazi, Il polo escluso: Profilo storico del Movimento sociale italiano (Bologna: il Mulino 1998 [1989]). fascism 8 (2019) 61-88 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 10:27:26AM via free access <UN> 64 Wolff 1 Recent History of CasaPound Italia Until a few years ago, cpi presented itself as a ‘political movement organized as an association for social promotion’ and in fact sociologists such as Di Nun- zio and Toscano have seen the cpi primarily as a national social movement.10 Their studies have focused on the relationship between individuality and the experience of collective engagement, not only in political gatherings, but also in leisure activities such as concerts, socializing in pubs, and sport. From this perspective, their research is aimed at understanding the limitations and the opportunities ‘that CasaPound militants have in their quests for subjective self- realization’.11 The party’s engagement in society covers indeed a wide range of different activities, from house-occupation and street protest to social welfare and housing programmes, from vigilantes’ excursions against illegal migrants in the peripheries of Italian cities or against illegal street sellers on the Italian beaches to pro-bono and health legal counselling, first aid teams, fundraising activities for foreign populations, aid to orphans and single-mothers. Concerts are still an important tool for communication, as the experience with Ian- none’s band ZetaZeroAlfa shows, but no longer a privileged one. cpi is also engaged with a number of youth clubs dedicated to sports such as parachuting and martial arts, and with art galleries and theatre schools. The increasing of such activities goes together with an evident effort to distance themselves from violence. As already noted by Kristian A.
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