“The Black Virus”
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Mandatory Data Retention by the Backdoor
statewatch monitoring the state and civil liberties in the UK and Europe vol 12 no 6 November-December 2002 Mandatory data retention by the backdoor EU: The majority of member states are adopting mandatory data retention and favour an EU-wide measure UK: Telecommunications surveillance has more than doubled under the Labour government A special analysis on the surveillance of telecommunications by states have, or are planning to, introduce mandatory data Statewatch shows that: i) the authorised surveillance in England, retention (only two member states appear to be resisting this Wales and Scotland has more than doubled since the Labour move). In due course it can be expected that a "harmonising" EU government came to power in 1997; ii) mandatory data retention measure will follow. is so far being introduced at national level in 9 out of 15 EU members states and 10 out of 15 favour a binding EU Framework Terrorism pretext for mandatory data retention Decision; iii) the introduction in the EU of the mandatory Mandatory data retention had been demanded by EU law retention of telecommunications data (ie: keeping details of all enforcement agencies and discussed in the EU working parties phone-calls, mobile phone calls and location, faxes, e-mails and and international fora for several years prior to 11 September internet usage of the whole population of Europe for at least 12 2000. On 20 September 2001 the EU Justice and Home Affairs months) is intended to combat crime in general. Council put it to the top of the agenda as one of the measures to combat terrorism. -
Investigating Italy's Past Through Historical Crime Fiction, Films, and Tv
INVESTIGATING ITALY’S PAST THROUGH HISTORICAL CRIME FICTION, FILMS, AND TV SERIES Murder in the Age of Chaos B P ITALIAN AND ITALIAN AMERICAN STUDIES AND ITALIAN ITALIAN Italian and Italian American Studies Series Editor Stanislao G. Pugliese Hofstra University Hempstead , New York, USA Aims of the Series This series brings the latest scholarship in Italian and Italian American history, literature, cinema, and cultural studies to a large audience of spe- cialists, general readers, and students. Featuring works on modern Italy (Renaissance to the present) and Italian American culture and society by established scholars as well as new voices, it has been a longstanding force in shaping the evolving fi elds of Italian and Italian American Studies by re-emphasizing their connection to one another. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14835 Barbara Pezzotti Investigating Italy’s Past through Historical Crime Fiction, Films, and TV Series Murder in the Age of Chaos Barbara Pezzotti Victoria University of Wellington New Zealand Italian and Italian American Studies ISBN 978-1-137-60310-4 ISBN 978-1-349-94908-3 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-349-94908-3 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016948747 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. -
HOW BLACK IS BLACK METAL [JOURNALISMUS] Nachrichten Von Heute
HOW BLACK IS BLACK METAL [JOURNALISMUS] nachrichten von heute Kevin Coogan - Lords of Chaos (LOC), a recent book-length examination of the “Satanic” black metal music scene, is less concerned with sound than fury. Authors Michael Moynihan and Didrik Sederlind zero in on Norway, where a tiny clique of black metal musicians torched some churches in 1992. The church burners’ own place of worship was a small Oslo record store called Helvete (Hell). Helvete was run by the godfather of Norwegian black metal, 0ystein Aarseth (“Euronymous”, or “Prince of Death”), who first brought black metal to Norway with his group Mayhem and his Deathlike Silence record label. One early member of the movement, “Frost” from the band Satyricon, recalled his first visit to Helvete: I felt like this was the place I had always dreamed about being in. It was a kick in the back. The black painted walls, the bizarre fitted out with inverted crosses, weapons, candelabra etc. And then just the downright evil atmosphere...it was just perfect. Frost was also impressed at how talented Euronymous was in “bringing forth the evil in people – and bringing the right people together” and then dominating them. “With a scene ruled by the firm hand of Euronymous,” Frost reminisced, “one could not avoid a certain herd-mentality. There were strict codes for what was accept- ed.” Euronymous may have honed his dictatorial skills while a member of Red Ungdom (Red Youth), the youth wing of the Marxist/Leninist Communist Workers Party, a Stalinist/Maoist outfit that idolized Pol Pot. All who wanted to be part of black metal’s inner core “had to please the leader in one way or the other.” Yet to Frost, Euronymous’s control over the scene was precisely “what made it so special and obscure, creating a center of dark, evil energies and inspiration.” Lords of Chaos, however, is far less interested in Euronymous than in the man who killed him, Varg Vikemes from the one-man group Burzum. -
Alliance Between Putin and European Far-Right: Where Does the Convergence of Interests Lead?
ISSN 2335-870X LITHUANIAN ANNUAL STRATEGIC REVIEW 2019 Volume 17 157 Veronica Arridu*, Arūnas Molis** The General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania*** Alliance between Putin and European Far-Right: Where Does the Convergence of Interests Lead? The study traces the development occurred in the alliance between Putin’s Russia and the European far-right parties since the European Parliamentary election held in May 2019. The article briefly sum- marizes the populist upsurge in Europe, exploring the reasons behind it. Consequently, the relations established between the political actors are outlined, starting with the concept of “sovereign democ- racy” to cover all the eventual points where the interests of the Kremlin match with those of the Euro- pean far-right populists. The ultimate purpose of the study is to define three possible macro-scenarios for the alliance and, indirectly, for the European Union in the near term, concluding that even though the uprising of the populist parties has been somehow contained and the alliance has been widely exposed, the far-right still benefits from great success among public opinion. Furthermore, however ephemeral and transitory the collaboration between Putin and the populists may be, it has already laid the foundations for a more fruitful understanding. Russia’s importance as an economic and political partner will grow as its friendly political forces do and their mutual sympathy will stand until there are reciprocal gains. Introduction Connections between Western populists and the Russian Federation are not completely new but recently the phenomenon increased so much that it captured the attention of the media and political analysts, especially in the light of the threats that populism is projecting all over Europe. -
Different Shades of Black. the Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament
Different Shades of Black. The Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament Ellen Rivera and Masha P. Davis IERES Occasional Papers, May 2019 Transnational History of the Far Right Series Cover Photo: Protesters of right-wing and far-right Flemish associations take part in a protest against Marra-kesh Migration Pact in Brussels, Belgium on Dec. 16, 2018. Editorial credit: Alexandros Michailidis / Shutter-stock.com @IERES2019 Different Shades of Black. The Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament Ellen Rivera and Masha P. Davis IERES Occasional Papers, no. 2, May 15, 2019 Transnational History of the Far Right Series Transnational History of the Far Right Series A Collective Research Project led by Marlene Laruelle At a time when global political dynamics seem to be moving in favor of illiberal regimes around the world, this re- search project seeks to fill in some of the blank pages in the contemporary history of the far right, with a particular focus on the transnational dimensions of far-right movements in the broader Europe/Eurasia region. Of all European elections, the one scheduled for May 23-26, 2019, which will decide the composition of the 9th European Parliament, may be the most unpredictable, as well as the most important, in the history of the European Union. Far-right forces may gain unprecedented ground, with polls suggesting that they will win up to one-fifth of the 705 seats that will make up the European parliament after Brexit.1 The outcome of the election will have a profound impact not only on the political environment in Europe, but also on the trans- atlantic and Euro-Russian relationships. -
Introduction to Part I
2_BULL-INTRO1P017-028 3/10/07 15:04 Page 17 Part I Villains? The Judicial Truth 2_BULL-INTRO1P017-028 3/10/07 15:04 Page 18 2_BULL-INTRO1P017-028 3/10/07 15:04 Page 19 Introduction to Part I Stragismo, as discussed in Chapter 1, refers to a bombing campaign which started in the late 1960s and lasted for several years, causing a high toll in terms of the number of people killed and wounded. Initially, investigations targeted extreme- left, especially anarchist, groups (the so-called ‘red trail’), since the available evi- dence appeared to point in their direction. Later investigations started to probe an alternative path, the so-called ‘black trail’, which pointed the finger at extreme- right groups as the culprits for the massacres, albeit acting in ways that would pin the blame upon the extreme left. In connection to this discovery, investigating magistrates also brought to light the existence of a strategy, which became widely known as the Strategy of Tension, whose aim was to create an atmosphere of sub- version and fear in the country so as to promote a turn to an authoritarian type of government. Since the strategy was mainly directed at containing communism in Italy (especially in the light of the formation of centre-left governments from 1963, and increasing unrest on the part of students and workers in 1968 and 1969), it was an essential part of this strategy that the threat of political subversion should be seen as coming from the left, not from the right. This explained to many why much of the early evidence had appeared to point in the direction of anarchist groups. -
Violence in Newspaper's Language
Violence in newspaper’s language Alessia Zocca Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg Universität Basel [email protected] This study investigates the relationship between violence and language. It is based on the linguistic analysis of one page of the Italian national daily La Stampa. The issue took under consideration was published after a violent episode during the so- called Anni di Piombo [‘Years of Lead’] in Italy: the bombing at the Bologna railway Station occurred on August 2, 1980. The analysis of the language is organized on three different levels: lexis, morphology and syntax. Keywords: Violence; newspaper; Bologna Massacre 1. Introduction Violence is recognizable in several situations in which human beings are involved. Is it possible to identify it in language too? This paper is part of a bigger research involving the linguistic analysis of seven Italian newspapers and the goal is to study the language used in the account of different violent episodes. The idea of recognizing violence in language was born of a primary need to discover its reproducibility. Is it possible that the word manages to reproduce the violence? If it does succeed in doing so, what tools are used? The analysis in this paper demonstrates that violence can be part of language, not only in its content, but also in its form. The paper is structured as follows: Section 2 introduces the meaning of violence, whereas Section 3 presents violence in recent Italian History, examining in particular the Bologna Massacre. Section 4 consists of an explanation of the meaning of violence with reference to language. In Section 5 the issue of the Italian newspapers La Stampa, published on August, 3 1980 following the events of the Bologna Massacre, is analyzed. -
Conversations with Francesco Cossiga
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 2, No. 2, 2010, 141-162 Conversations with Francesco Cossiga Alison Jamieson The article is an extract from five exclusive interviews, recorded over several months in 2009, with former Italian president, Francesco Cossiga, who died on 17 August 2010. Born in 1928 in Sardinia, Cossiga was a life Senator in the Italian parliament, to which he was first elected for the Christian Democratic Party in 1958. His second cousin, Enrico Berlinguer, was secretary of the Italian Communist party from 1972 until his death in 1984. Cossiga held the offices of interior minister, prime minister, speaker of the Senate and president of the republic. He resigned as interior minister on 9 May 1978 after the murder of Aldo Moro, but returned as prime minister from August 1979 till October 1980. Considered a specialist in the areas of intelligence and security, Cossiga was proud of his association with the secret Stay Behind network known as Gladio, and took credit for setting up Italy’s anti-terrorist rapid response units. Church and State The first of five recorded conversations with President Cossiga occurred on the thirty-fifth anniversary of the divorce referendum. I began by asking him about the political significance of the vote, which had returned a large majority in favour of retaining divorce. The victories of the Christian Democratic party in 1947 and 1948 were erroneously seen as those of the Catholic Church and of Catholicism. The victories were due to a more complex series of factors: many non-believers voted DC, most Italian Jews voted DC while the others voted for the Republican Party. -
Nicolae Ceaușescu Portrayed by the Italian Press (1968-1974)*
HUMANITIES - Anno IV, Numero 8, Dicembre 2015 DOI: 10.6092/2240-7715/2015.2.144-160 Francesco Magno NICOLAE CEAUȘESCU PORTRAYED BY THE ITALIAN PRESS (1968-1974)* Abstract Il contributo si concentra sui modi in cui Nicolae Ceauşescu e la Romania comunista furono presentati al pubblico italiano dalla stampa nazionale, sia di partito che d’opinione, tra il 1968 e il 1974, periodo in cui il leader romeno godette indubbiamente di un ampio apprezzamento nel mondo occidentale. In particolare, viene messo in luce come gli interessi di diversi gruppi di potere, sia politici che economici, influenzassero in quegli anni l’immagine e il giudizio che della Romania comunista erano offerti dalla stampa italiana. Alcuni giornali, tra i quali soprattutto «l’Unità» e «La Stampa», espressioni di mondi e interessi contrapposti, si distinsero allora nell’opera di manipolazione della verità a proposito di Nicolae Ceauşescu e del suo regime in Romania, omettendo o sfumando le informazioni sui caratteri autoritari del sistema o esaltandone in maniera strumentale i meriti e le “aperture”. °°°°° The ways in which Nicolae Ceaușescu and communist Romania have been portrayed in Italian public discourse are various and complex. They do not follow any kind of ideological coherence, but only political and economical opportunism. The biggest mistake would be to imagine Nicolae Ceaușescu being praised and appreciated in communist and left wing newspapers and, at the same time, denigrated and criticised in conservative ones. The main aim of this paper is to demonstrate how ideological distinctions did not always count in the report of Romanian facts and how, behind the articles that * This paper has been presented at the Session of Scientific Communications held at the Faculty of History of the University of Alba Iulia (Romania) on 16th November 2014. -
An Unholy Alliance
An Unholy Alliance The European Far Right and Putin’s Russia Antonis Klapsis Antonis Klapsis Antonis Credits Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE 1000 The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.martenscentre.eu Editor: Ingrid Habets, Research Officer, Martens Centre External editing: Communicative English bvba Layout and cover design: RARO S.L. Typesetting: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies 2015 The European Parliament and the Wilfied Martens Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies with the author of this publication. ISBN (to come) Table of Contents About us 04 About the author 06 Acknowledgements 08 Executive summary 10 Introduction 12 The ideological connection 16 Russia as a geopolitical alternative 24 Maintaining close contacts 32 Ukraine and Crimea 38 Exercising pressure from within 48 Conclusions 54 Policy recommendations 58 Bibliography 60 Keywords Far right – Political extremism – Russia – European Union – NATO – Anti-Americanism – Euroscepticism – Ukraine – Crimea – Populism About us Martens Centre profile The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, established in 2007, is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP). The Martens Centre embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. -
Italy and Its Traumatic Past
How to Transform a ‘Place of Violence’ into a ‘Space of Collective Remembering’: Italy and its Traumatic Past Anna Lisa Tota* Abstract: This paper seeks to analyse cultural trauma theories and their consequences as well as their potential applicability to cases of collective trauma where access to the legal arena in the rehabilitation process is not possible. When ‘state terror’ occurs, such as in Latin America, or, more arguably Italy, access to the legal arena is systematically denied through a variety of criminal strategies. In these cases, the cultural working through of trauma takes place on the aesthetic level. What are the consequences of this process both for the inscription of the crucial event in public discourse and for its relationship with justice? Moreover, how do aesthetic codes affect the public definition of justice and a collective understanding of what happened? Introduction1 A new wave of international terrorism has emerged in the wake of the attacks of September 11, March 11 and July 7 affecting our common perceptions of risk, justice and everyday life. These attacks challenged existing ideas about the state, war, torture, prison, human rights and presented a host of new questions for intellectuals, social scientists, artists, politicians and common citizens to consider. The question of how to locate terror in the public space is a complex question but it can be analysed by considering the nature itself of the aesthetic codes used to transform a place of violence into a space of collective remembering. This process of transforming place is shaped by the performative nature of the narratives used in the different national contexts. -
Casapound Italia: 'Back to Believing. the Struggle Continues'
fascism 8 (2019) 61-88 brill.com/fasc CasaPound Italia: ‘Back to Believing. The Struggle Continues’ Elisabetta Cassina Wolff University of Oslo, Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History and C-REX - Center for Research on Extremism [email protected] Abstract This article aims to be a contribution to the ongoing debate among scholars concern- ing the question whether recently formed right-wing radical parties represent a new phenomenon and a break with the fascist tradition or whether they remain close to a fascist ideology. The author focuses on a specific national radical right-wing party: CasaPound Italia (cpi), founded at the beginning of this century, which declares itself to be ‘fascist’. While existing research insists on the intervention of external factors such as the economic crisis of 2008 in order to explain a new ‘wave’ of right-wing radicalism in Italy, this article will show the constant evolving of right-wing radical discourse over a longer historical period. The analysis will mainly delve into the ideological and politi- cal role played by three leading exponents of the Italian and European radical right: Pino Rauti, Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi. Through a narrative style, and using a historical approach and qualitative analysis, this paper argues that their experiences represent the roots and sources for Gianluca Iannone’s project with cpi. Keywords Italy – neo-fascism – CasaPound Italia – Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo – Movimento Sociale -Fiamma Tricolore – Terza Posizione – Forza Nuova – Centro Studi Orientamenti e Ricerca – Sinergie Europee Political right-wing radicalism as challenge to the principles, methods and in- stitutions of liberal democracy, and as a form of anti-establishment protest, has © Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801004 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication.