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The Transformation of Political Institutions: Investments in Institutional Resources and Gradual Change in the National Party Committees

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The Transformation of Political Institutions: Investments in Institutional Resources and Gradual Change in the National Party Committees Studies in American Political Development, 26 (April 2012), 50–70. ISSN 0898-588X/12 doi:10.1017/S0898588X12000028 # Cambridge University Press 2012 The Transformation of Political Institutions: Investments in Institutional Resources and Gradual Change in the National Party Committees Daniel J. Galvin, Northwestern University Institutional theorists have made major progress in recent years examining gradual processes of endogenous insti- tutional change. Building on this line of theorizing, this article highlights an often overlooked source of incremen- tal change in political institutions: investments in institutional resources. Unlike path-dependent processes, which are relatively open at the front end and relatively closed at the back end, resource investments made in one period serve to widen an institution’s path and enhance its capacity to undertake a broader range of activities in subsequent periods. Drawn out over time, these investments can gradually transform institutional operations and purposes. To illustrate these dynamics, this article reconsiders the transformation of the national party com- mittees into “parties in service” to their candidates. The most influential theoretical explanation for this change is supplied by actor-centered functionalist accounts that either ignore the parties’ institutional forms or treat them as mere reflections of actors’ preferences. As an alternative, I suggest that investments in two types of institutional resources—human resources and information assets—were integral to the process through which each party changed. Piecemeal investments in these resources gradually enabled each national party committee to provide a wider range of campaign services to its candidates, thereby producing ostensibly new “functions” over time. Though the process of institutional change unfolded at very different times in each party, the same dynamics were on display in both cases. The transformation of political institutions has change. Questioning the distinction between stability long been identified as both a driver and a marker of and change, they have shifted emphasis away from transformative moments and toward transformative major political change. This may be why political 2 scientists are so preoccupied with understanding pro- processes. Though some important institutional cesses of institutional change: to uncover the mechan- changes are still acknowledged to occur at critical isms through which political institutions are directed to new purposes is to gain insight into the underlying dynamics of change in the polity.1 To that end, scho- 2. Elisabeth S. Clemens and James M. Cook, “Politics and Insti- tutionalism: Explaining Durability and Change,” Annual Review of lars have made significant progress in recent years Sociology 25 (1999): 441–66; Kathleen Thelen, “Historical Institu- examining different types and motors of institutional tionalism in Comparative Politics,” Annual Review of Political Science 2 (1999): 369–404; James Mahoney, “Path Dependence in Histori- cal Sociology,” Theory and Society 29 (2000): 507–48; Adam D. The author gratefully acknowledges helpful comments and sug- Sheingate, “Political Entrepreneurship, Institutional Change, and gestions on the latest version from Elisabeth Clemens, Matthew Glass- American Political Development,” Studies in American Political Devel- man, Katherine Glassmyer, Scott James, Stephen Skowronek, and two opment 17 (2003): 185–203; Jacob S. Hacker, “Privatizing Risk anonymous reviewers. For constructive comments on earlier versions, without Privatizing the Welfare State: The Hidden Politics of he thanks Julia Azari, Stephen Engel, Edward Gibson, Matthew Social Policy Retrenchment in the United States,” American Political Green, Laurel Harbridge, Paul Herrnson, Kenneth Janda, James Science Review 98 (2004): 243–60; Orren and Skowronek, The Search Mahoney, Robert Mickey, Sidney Milkis, Hans Noel, Mildred for American Political Development; Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: Schwartz, Byron Shafer, Colleen Shogan, Kathleen Thelen, and par- History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton: Princeton ticipants at the Institute for Policy Research and Comparative Histori- University Press, 2004); Wolfgang Streeck and Kathleen Thelen, cal Social Science colloquia at Northwestern University, the American Beyond Continuity: Institutional Change in Advanced Political Economies Bar Foundation, and the Miller Center of Public Affairs. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Stephen Skowronek and 1. Karen Orren and Stephen Skowronek, The Search for Ameri- Matthew Glassman, Formative Acts: American Politics in the Making can Political Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); James 2004), 78–119. Mahoney and Kathleen Thelen, eds. Explaining Institutional 50 THE TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 51 breakpoints and appear in equilibria-disequilibria- Treating institutions as more or less interchange- equilibria cycles, this new wave of scholarship has able with rules or constraints thus has many advan- demonstrated that gradual processes of change are tages, but it also has the unfortunate effect of in fact quite common, and can be extraordinarily blurring important distinctions between different significant. types of institutions. Through its very conceptual It is noteworthy, however, that most theoretical breadth and inclusiveness, it obscures the rich advances start from the premise that institutions are, variety of mechanisms of endogenous change that fundamentally, rules or constraints on actors’ behavior. can be found among institutions of different kinds. While they appear in many different forms, institutions Consider some of the most prominent and recogniz- are typically described as “instruments of stability” that able political institutions, such as the U.S. Congress, “limit, constitute, or constrain the range of alternatives bureaucratic agencies, or political parties: like rules, actors confront,” Adam Sheingate writes; Peter Hall, they produce stability, constrain behavior, and likewise, describes institutions as “sets of regularized enforce the “rules of the game”—but they do much practices with a rule-like quality” that “structure the be- else, too. They also mobilize people, enter into politi- havior of political and economic actors.”3 This familiar cal dialogues, compete for power, participate in conceptualization is sufficiently broad to encompass decision-making processes, and attempt to influence what most people think of as “institutions” but specific political outcomes. They strategically seek to reshape enough to enable scholars to pinpoint sources of the broader political environment in which they endogenous change within those rules and constraints operate.6 In order to carry out these myriad activities, themselves.4 It is also consistent enough with rational such proactive political institutions rely on oftentimes choice assumptions about what institutions do (help complex internal operating systems.7 Changes to actors solve problems, constrain choice sets, facilitate those internal attributes, I wish to suggest, may gener- collective action, enable equilibrium outcomes) to ate broader change in institutional operations and bridge work in that tradition with research in the purposes. historical and sociological-institutional traditions.5 Specifically, many political institutions contain within them complexes of rules, roles, routines, and resources that support and enable their political activities. Rules, roles, and routines have each Change: Ambiguity, Agency, and Power in Historical Institutionalism received a fair share of attention in this regard, but (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). the fourth “r”—resources—has received virtually 3. Sheingate, “Political Entrepreneurship, Institutional 8 Change, and American Political Development,” 185; Peter A. none. This is unfortunate, I will argue, because Hall, “Historical Institutionalism in Rationalist and Sociological Perspective,” in Explaining Institutional Change: Ambiguity, Agency, and Power in Historical Institutionalism, eds. James Mahoney and Kathleen Thelen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2005); Mahoney and Thelen, 204. Explaining Institutional Change. 4. Streeck and Thelen, Beyond Continuity; Mahoney and 6. For a similar but broader definition of political institutions, Thelen, Explaining Institutional Change. see Orren and Skowronek, The Search for American Political Develop- 5. Formal theorist Kenneth Shepsle, for example, defines insti- ment, 83–85. tutions as “a framework or rules, procedures, and arrangements” 7. These political institutions therefore share certain character- that “prescribes and constrains the set of choosing agents.” istics with political organizations; but they are not, or not only, Kenneth A. Shepsle, “Institutional Equilibrium and Equilibrium organizations. Because they help to enforce the “rules of the Institutions,” in Political Science: The Science of Politics, ed. Herbert game,” and because changes to their operations often have far- F. Weisberg (New York: Agathon, 1986), 52. William Riker likewise reaching “ripple effects” across the political system, they are more defines institutions as “conventions . which are simply rules properly understood as political institutions. They act in politics, about behavior, especially about making decisions.” William H. but their operations are also constitutive of politics.
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