"Western Influence" Investigating Allegations of Discrimination at the 1948 Montreal Womens Olympic Athletic Trials

Ornella Nzindukiyimana St Francis Xavier University,

In anticipation of the first post-WWII Olympics, Canadian female track and field athletes headed to Montreal in July 1948 for the national Olympic trials. Athletes travelled from as far as British Columbia to give their best performances and expecting to become a part of the national team that would soon sail for England. However, the Women's Amateur Athletic Federation's (WAAF) selection of the seven- athletes team was not exclusively based on their Montreal results. According to a WAAF representa­ tive on the Canadian Olympic Committee (COC), certain athletes did not just require a winning per­ formance at the trials, but also competitive world-level results. However, several daily newspapers reported that there were ulterior motives to why some athletes were not chosen. Although the WAAF denied the allegations, some reporters claimed that bias and racism were behind the selection com­ mittee's choices, which indeed did not favour the best athletes in all cases. For instance, there were claims that athletes from British Columbia were selected because of a " Western influence" by the Vancouver-based WAAF. Reports also suggested that Rosella Thorne, a Black 80m hurdles sprinter from Montreal who won her event, had been robbed of a place in favour of Elaine Silburn, a White long jumper from Vancouver who underperformed at the trials. After the team left for London, 's Globe and Mail columnist Bobbie Rosenfeld maintained that "certain quarters" were convinced that Thorne had been a victim of the colour line. Yet, the 'truth' of the trials and the choices of the WAAF selection committee are difficult to garner from the newspapers alone. Yesterday like today, the kind of allegations leveled against the Federation are diffi­ cult to fully ascertain. But, whether some reporters got carried away, as one columnist suggested, or whether there was truth to the allegations, the reports indicated that there were several individuals who were ready to denounce bias and discrimination in Canadian sport. One must also ask what prompted the allegations. I conclude that further research is needed to investigate such discrimina­ tion within the COC and the WAAF prior to the latter's disbandment in 1953.

In the summer of 1948, allegations of regional bias and racial prejudice emerged against the Cana­ dian Women's Amateur Athletic Federation (WAAF). On the eve of the first post-WWII , as athletes were returning from the Montreal athletic trials, Bobbie Rosenfeld firm ly sug­ gested in her Toronto Globe and Mail column that at least two coaches from Toronto had leveled accusations of discrimination against the Federation.1 The heaviest of these was an accusation of bla- tant racism against a young female Black athlete from Montreal. The national team selection, it was reported, was not fair to all. Although publicly made and explicitly formulated, there is speculation as to whether these accusations were well founded. Nevertheless, whether some reporters got carried away, as one Montreal Gazette sport columnist suggested,2 or whether there was truth to the allega­ tions, the reports indicated that a) there were several individuals who were ready to denounce rac­ ism, bias, and discrimination in Canadian sport, and b) one must question the circumstances in which such allegations could be brought forth. The series of incidents that prompted reports such as Rosenfeld's suggested that Black athletes stood on uncertain grounds. I argue that the outrage against what only amounted to speculations raises enough questions to warrant a historical investigation of racial prejudice within Canadian sport federations. Untangling the various threads of the Montreal trials episode is made difficult by the muddled details about what transpired. Coverage of the trials began early, and there was great anticipation for it, as seen through the lens of columnist who would make the first reports of alle­ gations— Bobbie Rosenfeld. In June 1948, the focus was on promising athletes like Jean Lowe, a Black sprinter from Toronto who travelled to the trials with members of the Malvernettes Athletic Club and their coach, Abbie Foster. Lowe had spent that summer in Toronto training with her old club (the Malvernettes) away from her current team, the Tuskegee Institute's Tigerettes (Alabama). She had left Toronto to pursue an education at Tuskegee, but had remained in touch with her Toronto coach, Foster. A fundraiser was even organized for Lowe and a few other athletes so that they could travel to Montreal.3 It was upon their return in July that Foster and another Toronto administrator were quoted as saying that the WAAF was biased in its selections. Coverage of the trials over their course was concerned with competition results and selections for Canada's team. As it turned out, at least two of the Toronto Malvernettes (Nancy Mackay and Viola Myers) were selected to go to London. However, Rosenfeld indicated that Jean Lowe, despite being one of Toronto's best bets to qualify, placed last in her event at the trials.4 This contradicts the Toronto reports in Lowe's Tuskegee Hall of Fame profile (written in the 1 980s). The profile suggests that, rather than a last place at the trials, Lowe "won a position on the Canadian Olympic Team in 200 meter [sic] and relay, however, she was unable to participate because of an injury received in Grand Rapids, Michigan while competing for Tuskegee."5 Indeed, the Grand Rapids Championships occurred two days after the Montreal trials. While Lowe placed off the podium in both the long jump (5th) and the 200 metres (6th), there were no American press reports of dashed Olympic dreams, although there was one report of an injury.6 The Toronto press did not report on the Grand Rapids event or on an injury. Ultimately, Lowe was not a part of the 1948 Canadian Olympic team. However, whether she initially qualified or not may have been irrelevant; the controversy and tumult that followed the WAAF's selection of athletes suggests that, regardless of her results, she may not have been on the team. Initial accounts7 suggested bias against non-British Colombians, a discrimination which may have robbed others of deserved spots on the Olympic roster. This went further in the case of Black athletes Jean Lowe and fellow Montrealer, Rosella Thorne, as it was suggested that there were racist motives for their failure to qualify.8 Coach Foster of the Malvernettes and Dallas Kirkey, president of the Toronto Ted Day Athletic Club, made the first complaints, both alleging that there had been some questionable decisions by the WAAF. According to Rosenfeld, the Montreal production insulted the contingent to the point of violence and a threat to withdraw its members from the Olympic team. What a way to start the Olym­ pics! ... Since this is an immaculate family journal, I hesitate to print the verbal salvos fired in the general direction of the Canadian Olympic Committee. Translated into qui- eter tones, the returning Toronto officials and coaches insist that the trials were loaded with favoritism.9 Kirkey went on to suggest that this was premeditated because Vancouver athletes reportedly traveled to the trials ready with their passports and that some of them went on to be selected ahead of non-British Columbians, despite not winning respective their event. He was quoted using the term "sharp practices" to designate the "travesty on sport" to which he had been witness.10 Note, however, that the trials were completed close to the date set for Team Canada to sail for England from Montreal. It is conceivable that, hopeful of being selected for the team, athletes would bring their passports to Montreal to avoid travelling all the way back to British Columbia to get them and return to Quebec to board the ship. But, whether or not Eastern athletes were short-changed, Rosenfeld seemed convinced that Van­ couver athletes received better treatment even before the Toronto officials 'confirmed' her a priori suspicions.11 And, it was a fact that, of the seven track and field female athletes initially selected (prior to Nancy Mackay of the Malvernettes' inclusion at the last minute, following complaints), five were from British Columbia.12 Furthermore, once at the Games in London, the "western influence"13 remained: Rosenfeld reported that Nancy Mackay was originally excluded from the 4x100m relay team, despite having one of the four best times. Mackay was eventually included, and the relay team went on to win the Olympic bronze medal.14 More 'damning' was the case of Rosella Thorne, then a rising hurdles champion based in Mon­ treal, who was seemingly robbed of a place on the national team despite winning her event at the tri­ als (80 metres hurdles). Reports in the press soon implied that racism was a factor, although Rosenfeld first simply reported on an undescribed sort of injustice. As she wrote at the bottom of her already heated entry, "Abbie Foster, coach of Toronto Malvernettes, is back home with a story, which, if true, is tragic. He charges discrimination against Rosella Thorne, colored star of Montreal."15 The coach was quoted as saying that, In [his] opinion, Miss Thorne was the victim of discrimination. She won the 80-metre hurdles in 12.6 seconds, three tenth away from the standard, but was left off the team in favor of Elaine Silburn of British Columbia, who didn't win an event and was inches off the standard in both the high jump and the broad [long] jump.16 In the Winnipeg Free Press, Foster was quoted as saying that he thought the "Montreal Negress was left off the team 'because she is coloured'."17 Still, according to the Free Press, the coach added that Thorne was "'left off deliberately' while girls 'who didn't make the standard and weren't as close as she was' were included," before regretfully adding that "[Thorne] is a comer [and that she] would improve every time out and be a credit to Canada."18 Thus, Foster suggested, the choice to send the British Columbian athlete in her place was not only unfair, but also short-sighted. The decision to send her to London did not need to be based on her abilities to earn a medal that year, but on the valuable experience she could gain by attending the Games.19 Even Montreal Gazette columnist Carol Mauer, who made an effort to remain impartial in her commentary, agreed, and "only hoped" that Thorne's Blackness had not been a factor.20 Rosenfeld additionally wondered whether "any whisper of discrimination reached the ears of Jean Lowe, Toronto's colored trackster," who had come in "dead last in her heat, which is unusual for a gal who repeatedly has shown the way in the 200 metres."21 Rosenfeld did not explicitly label it a display of racism, as the Free Press reported, but the reference to Lowe when speaking about Thorne is compelling. Note also that Nancy Mackay, a White athlete, was reportedly dealt the same blow as Thorne, but that the selection committee finally included her on the team after a protest by Ontario representatives. If Quebec officials saw an injustice they did not act on Thorne's behalf; and, if they logged a complaint, it was unsuccessful.22 Irate, the Toronto columnist continued to express frustra­ tion with the WAAF the following day in her signature style: Not that it's any import now that the Canadian team has sailed, but for the sake of the records the United States women's Olympic track team has five colored members.... this is noted in lieu of the brown-in-the-mouth taste left over the treatment given Rosella Thorne, Montreal's colored 80-metre hurdling star, who was left behind to pon­ der man's inhumanity to man.23 In closing, Rosenfeld asserted that "certain quarters" continued to believe that the colour line had been drawn in front of the Montreal athlete.24 There was no explicit suggestion that Jean Lowe was also implicated, but the uncertain circumstances surrounding her failure to perform to her usual level at the trials remain. There is also no indication that Lowe, or Thorne, registered their thoughts on the situation. In an interview with historian Ann M. Hall, Thorne only brought up an incident on the way to the 1950 New Zealand Empire Games as the sole example of racial discrimination that she faced in her ath­ letic career.25 However, considering Rosenfeld's statement symbolically linking Lowe to the Thorne case, the columnist's position was clear: race had been an issue and perhaps we should question Lowe's poor results in her signature events. Certainly, one must account for the inconsistency between Rosenfeld's report that she was dead last in her events and Lowe's 1980s Tuskegee Hall of Fame profile that she had, in fact, qualified for the Olympics and been taken out by a later injury. It is difficult to ascertain who is in error. Ann Clark, the Vancouver-based representative of the WAAF on the Canadian Olympic Association, as well as the Canadian Olympic headquarters, dismissed all allegations of discrimination. Clark "ridi­ culed any suggestion that the color bar had been drawn in the selection."26 In fact, according to the Free Press, she denied knowing that Thorne was Black before the decision was made. Clark was quoted as saying that "it was felt that unless the Canadian Olympic standard of 12.3 seconds was met or approached to one-tenth of a second, no hurdle selections would be made, with the selection commit­ tee limited to eight [women athletes] for all track and field events."27 And, according to Rosenfeld, the representative explained that Thorne was ousted simply because her "time of 12.6 seconds wasn't nearly good enough,"28 which meant that her time was not expected to rival the best in Europe.29 How did that explanation stand up under scrutiny? Before the trials, Thorne had 1948's best Canadian time in the hurdles and the sixth-best distance in long jumping. For her part, Elaine Silburn, the British Columbian who went in Thorne's stead, held that year's Canadian best long jump results (achieved ahead of the trials).30 At the 1948 Olympics, the top five hurdlers finished under 12 sec­ onds, effectively much faster than Thorne's best that year. However, not only did Silburn fail to qualify for the long jump finals at the Games, but her distance was between 35.5 and 47.5 centimetres shorter than that of the Olympic medallists.31 It is safe to say that neither athlete was competitive enough in their respective disciplines at the world level. But, in retrospect, the decision to send Sil­ burn instead of Thorne appears questionable and vindicates Coach Foster's position and Rosenfeld's scepticism. In a display of perspicacity, Rosenfeld had cautioned against a colour bar in sport a few months before the Olympic trials. She reported that her colleague at the Montreal Star believed Rosella Thorne's place on the Olympic team to be guaranteed, short of an earthquake, and emphasized Thorne's versatility as a sprinter, high jumper, and long jumper. The key part of Rosenfeld's entry was that it was prefaced with the following commentary on Herb Carnegie, the eminent hockey player who tenured in Quebec provincial and senior hockey leagues at the time: Can anybody in the house tell me whether Herbie Carnegie, classy Negro hockey player, has ever been offered a pro contract? ... Herb, a prolific scorer, has for years been one of the top players down Quebec way ... wound up with 90 points this sea­ son, good for second place in the provincial (Quebec) league.32 The profile on Thorne swiftly followed the Carnegie comment without transition. By discussing Carnegie, arguably the best hockey player to never make it to the National Hockey League, alongside Thorne, a rising young Black athletic talent, the "Sports Reel" column made a subtle note about the colour line in sport, notably in Quebec. The events at the trials a few months later cannot have been a surprise to 'certain quarters' who had been somewhat cognizant of the race factor. It should be underscored that this appears to be the only time, over the course of more than a decade of reports in the two largest Toronto newspapers— the Toronto Globe and Mail and Daily Star— that there were explicit discussions on the systemic issues facing athletes of colour.33 It remains to be seen what other press media said about this. There were, however, reports about the rise of Black athletes which often lamented how much White athletes were losing ground. The juxtaposition of some reports' contempt for racial discrimination in the WAAF case and evidence that Black ath­ letes' success induced some anxiety amongst the same commentators complicates the narrative. Ath­ letes' Blackness continuously set them apart, framing them separately from 'mainstream' W hite athletes. For instance, in 1950, writing about the potential of Black baseball players on the Toronto Maple Leafs (a minor league team), Jim Vipond, a Globe and Mail sports editor remarked that, A Negro ball player would be a great attraction in this town. Many a sport fan will recall the tremendous crowd appeal of Dr. Phil Edwards, the middle-distance runner; Sammy Richardson, the broad jumper; Jean Lowe, the sprinter, or Arthur King, the boxer. ... Boy, what gates another Monte Irvin would draw at Maple Leaf Stadium!34 It was implied that a Negro ball player would be attractive because they were Black. It is worth noting that Vipond listed Jean Lowe alongside male athletes when the subject of the article was a male base­ ball player. It was not an intolerant call for society to deny or summarily dismiss their performances; however, the racialization of these athletes reproduced the notion of the 'natural Black athlete,' a pil­ lar of the racial ideology in sport. Vipond presented 'Negro athletes' as having specific talents. The discourse parallels sociologist Ben Carrington's statement regarding Black sportsmen who balance social powerlessness with a hypermasculine image especially attached to them through sport.35 Under the White gaze, Black athletes were hyper-athletic bodies largely divested of agency. As such, many of those invested in defending the abilities of Black people in the athletic arena did not seem as invested in truly empowering them as members of a marginalized group in the rest of society.36 Bob­ bie Rosenfeld too was prone to observe how much Black athletes were distinguishing themselves on the field of play, reducing this success to race even as she was vocal against anti-Black discrimination in sport— i.e. social injustice.37 Thus, even 'advocates' for Black athletes sometimes betrayed wider society's racialization of the 'Negro's' and 'Negress'' body in their commentary. In their praises, Vipond and Rosenfeld left out how some athletes, like several other Black people, were not inclined to stay in Canada because of a lack of socio-economic opportunities. Not every athlete successfully pursued a degree in Medicine at McGill University like Dr. Phil Edwards. Sammy Richardson, Ontario track star mentioned by Vipond, was a case in point.38 On the eve of the 1938 Empire Games, Alexandrine Gibb wrote that Richardson, a 1936 Olympian, did not intend to repre­ sent Canada in Sydney (Australia).39 He was headed to Detroit for an education and a job for himself and his father, which, he noted, he could not get in Canada. Even at the best of times during that period, doors were not open for Black workers in Canada, whether they were successful elite athletes or not.40 Perhaps Jean Lowe, too, would have left Toronto earlier if not for the Great Depression and WWII, because if one was Black and wanted an education and/or a job, choices were slim in Can­ ada. Clearly, Lowe also saw a better opportunity open up at Tuskegee and readily took it. In closing, I note that there remain many points to be unpacked about this case to understand what it may tell us about Canadian sport history. The allegations in question are difficult to substanti­ ate even with plenty of primary source material. Perhaps WAAF archives, Canadian Olympic Com­ mittee archives, and key actors' personal archives can clear up some blind spots, but this is uncertain. In fact, the 'truth' of the matter is less important than the fact that the allegations were made. The con­ troversy may have been short lived, but decades later, it tells us that there were vocal individuals who understood and were ready to denounce social injustice. Athletes like Rosella Thorne had people in their corner. Also, this underscores a need for historical research of anti-Blackness, bias, and discrim­ ination within organizations like the WAAF and the Canadian Olympic Committee. Underlying the reports about the Montreal trials, especially from the likes of long-time Canadian sports commenta­ tors like Bobbie Rosenfeld, was the notion that some of the most important sport institutions in the country were capable of overt prejudice.

Endnotes 1 Bobbie Rosenfeld, "Sports Reel," Globe and Mail, July 14, 1 948, 15. 2 Gazette (Montreal, QC), July 20, 1 948, 15. 3 Globe and Mail, June 29, 1948, 19. 4 Bobbie Rosenfeld, "Sports Reel," Globe and M ail (Toronto, ON), June 29, 1948, 19. 5 "A. Eugenia Lowe Butler: Class of 1950," Tuskegee University Athletic Hall of Fame (Tuskegee, AL), 1985. 6 Her best time in the 200 metres that year was obtained in a June Hamilton (ON) meet and was only the 9th best Canadian time. Note that the Kansas City Plain Dealer reported Lowe coming in third place in the long jump, while the online record places her in fifth place. McNulty and Radcliffe, Canadian Athletics 1839-1992, 230; "Misses Young and Robin­ son Eye Olympics," Defender, July 17, 1948, p. 11; "Stella Walsh Wins Three A.A.U. Titles," Courier-Journal (Louisville, KY), July 7, 1 948, p. 16; "Tuskegee Team Cops Women's AAU Title," Plain Dealer (Kansas City, Kansas), July 16, 1 948, 4; "USA National Championship, Grand Rapids 1948: Women, Track Statistics," Track and Field Statistics, accessed March 13, 2018. http://trackfield.brinkster.net/USATournaments.asp?TourCode=N&Year=1 9 4 8 & G e n - der=W&TF=T&By=Y&Count=&P=F 7 Globe and Mail, July 14, 1948, 15. 8 "Another O lym pic Team 'Rhubarb'," Free Press (Winnipeg, MB), July 14, 1948, 1 6; Globe and Mail, July 14, 1 948, 15. 9 Globe and Mail, July 14, 1948, 15. 10 Bobbie Rosenfeld, "Sports Reel," Globe and Mail, July 28, 1 948, 15. 11 On July 13, Rosenfeld had written, "W ell, what did I tell you about the best bets for Canada's O lym pic women's track and field team! H'mmm, what did I tell you? My memory seems to have gone blank. Apparently the Olympic track and field selection committee is having trouble with its mind, too. After much debate it finally added the names of Nancy Mackay, Toronto to Malvernettes, and Elaine Silburn, Vancouver, to the track team... And whatever happend [sic] to O n­ tario's supremacy in girls' track and field?... Five Vancouver tracksters on the O lym pic team against Toronto's Viola Myers and Nancy Mackay...Oi, oi, oi!" [Ellipses in original]. Bobbie Rosenfeld, "Sports Reel," Globe and Mail, July 13, 1948, 15. See also Globe and Mail, July 28, 1948, 15. 12 The initial track and field women's Olympic team was comprised of four athletes from Vancouver, one from New West­ minster (British Columbia), one from Toronto (Myers from the Malvernettes), and one from Kelvington (Saskatchewan). Pat Curran, "Olympic Track and Field Athletes Are Chosen After Dominion Trials," Gazette, July 12, 1948, 18. 13 Gazette, July 20, 1948, 15. 14 The other members on that team were Viola Myers (of the Malvernettes), Diane Foster (Vancouver), and Pat Jones (New Westminster, British Columbia). A few years earlier, Jean Lowe had good chances of being a part of this medaling team alongside her old teammates Mackay and Myers. McNulty and Radcliffe, comp. Canadian Athletics 1839-1992, 230; "Canada Athletics at the 1948 London Summer Games," Sport Reference/Olympic Sport, accessed March 14, 2018. https://www.sports-reference.com/olympics/countries/CAN/summer/1948/ATH/ _ 15 Globe and Mail, July 14, 1948, 15. 16 Ibid. 17 Free Press, July 14, 1 948, 16. 18 Free Press, July 14, 1 948, 16. 19 According to the columnist Carol Mauer, she had steadily been improving in the last few months. Carol Mauer, "Follow the Girls," Gazette, July 17, 1948, 18. 20 Gazette, July 20, 1948, 15. 21 Globe and Mail, July 14, 1948, 15. 22 Thorne did not make the team that year, although she made the 1952 Olympics team. 23 Ellipses in original. Globe and Mail, July 1 6, 1948, 17. 24 Ibid., 15. 25 In fact, Thorne did not recall Jean Lowe (nor Barbara Howard who was afew years her senior) and was quiteamused upon learning from Hall that Black athletes, including herself, were referred to as 'dusky' in the press. Note that the in­ terview was conducted in 2000, when Thorne was in her 70th year, and more than 50 years after the Montreal trials. Hall, The Girl and the Game, 1 70; Rosella (Thorne) Johnson, interview by Ann M. Hall, August 1, 2000, transcript courtesy of Ann M. Hall. 26 Free Press, July 14, 1 948, 16. 27 Ibid. 28 Globe and Mail, July 16, 1948, 15. 29 "Another O lym pic Team 'Rhubarb'," Free Press, July 14, 1948, 1 6. 30 Note, however, that Silburn had the first- and second-best Canadian results in the long jum p that year, although both records were posted ahead of the trials in Montreal. M cN ulty and Radcliffe, Canadian Athletics 1839-1992, 230. 31 The top five finalists in the hurdles were all under the 12 seconds mark. Silburn finished 16th in the qualifying rounds, after jumping 5.220m. The top three in the final round in that event jumped between 5.695m and 5.575m. "Athletics at the 1948 London Summer Games: Women's 80 metres Hurdles Final," Sport Reference/Olympic Sport, accessed March 14, 201 8. https://www.sports-reference.com/olympics/summer71 948/ATH/womens-80-metres-hurdles-final.html; "Ath­ letics at the 1948 London Summer Games: Women's Long Jump Final Round," Sport Reference/Olympic Sport, accessed March 14, 201 8. https://www.sports-reference.com/olympics/summer/1 948/ATH/womens-long-jump-final-round.html; "Elaine Silburn," Sport Reference/Olympic Sport, accessed March 14, 2018. https://www.sports-reference.com/olym- pics/athletes/si/elaine-silburn-1.html; "Olga Gyarmati," Sport Reference/Olympic Sport, accessed March 14, 2018. https://www.sports-reference.com/olympics/athletes/gy/olga-gyarmati-1.html 32 Ellipses in original. Bobbie Rosenfeld, "Feminine Sports Reel," Globe and Mail, March 26, 1948, 1 9. 33 This is based on the study and on a search through the Globe and Mail's electronic database. W ith keywords 'dusky'/ 'coloured'/'negro'/'negress' & 'athlete'/'player'/'trackster,' I accessed reports and discussions of athletes other than Lowe. 34 Jim Vipond, "Leafs Make Deal but Still on Trial," Globe and Mail, May 20, 1 950, 16. 35 Ben Carrington, Sporting Negritude: Commodity Blackness and the Liberation o f Failure (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2010), 103. 36 Ibid. 37 In one instance, Rosenfeld qualified it as an undisputable "supremacy of the colored lads in the sprints and field events." Globe and Mail, March 4, 1 943, 17. 38 Alexandrine Gibb, "Richardson Heads for Detroit," Daily Star (Toronto, ON), August 23, 1937, 8. 39 Daily Star, August 23, 1 937, 8. 40 Black people with no access to schooling for specialized jobs had very few prospects in Canada. It is reported, for in­ stance, that women who left to pursue their studies (to Detroit, Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, etc.) often did not come back to Canada. Despite the 1944 Discrimination Act of Ontario and similar acts across other provinces in the follow ing years, the struggle for Black workers would last until the 1960s. Dionne Brand, "'W e W eren't Allowed to Go in the Factory W ork until Hitler Started the War': The 1 920s to the 1940s," in We're Rooted Here and They Can't Pull Us Up: Essays in African Canadian Women's History, coord. Peggy Bristow (Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 177, 1 78; Karen Flynn, " 'I'm Glad That Someone Is Telling the Nursing Story'," Journal o f Black Studies 38, no. 3 (2008), 446; Ida C. Greaves, The Negro in Canada, M cG ill University Economic Studies; No. 16. (Orillia, ON: Packet- Times Press for the McGill University Department of Economics and Political Science, 1930), 50-74; Cheryl Thompson, "Cultivating Narratives of Race, Faith, and Community: The Dawn of Tomorrow, 1923-1971," Canadian Journal o f His­ tory 50, no. 1 (2015): 63; James W. St G. Walker, "Race", Rights and The Law in The Supreme Court o f Canada: Historical Case Studies (Toronto, ON: Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History & W ilfrid Laurier University Press, 1997), 197. Walker, Discrimination in Canada, 18.