Potsdam Agreement Protocol of the Proceedings, August L, 1945
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The Oder-Neisse Line As Poland's Western Border
Piotr Eberhardt Piotr Eberhardt 2015 88 1 77 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/ GPol.0007 April 2014 September 2014 Geographia Polonica 2015, Volume 88, Issue 1, pp. 77-105 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0007 INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl THE ODER-NEISSE LINE AS POLAND’S WESTERN BORDER: AS POSTULATED AND MADE A REALITY Piotr Eberhardt Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization Polish Academy of Sciences Twarda 51/55, 00-818 Warsaw: Poland e-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article presents the historical and political conditioning leading to the establishment of the contemporary Polish-German border along the ‘Oder-Neisse Line’ (formed by the rivers known in Poland as the Odra and Nysa Łużycka). It is recalled how – at the moment a Polish state first came into being in the 10th century – its western border also followed a course more or less coinciding with these same two rivers. In subsequent cen- turies, the political limits of the Polish and German spheres of influence shifted markedly to the east. However, as a result of the drastic reverse suffered by Nazi Germany, the western border of Poland was re-set at the Oder-Neisse Line. Consideration is given to both the causes and consequences of this far-reaching geopolitical decision taken at the Potsdam Conference by the victorious Three Powers of the USSR, UK and USA. Key words Oder-Neisse Line • western border of Poland • Potsdam Conference • international boundaries Introduction districts – one for each successor – brought the loss, at first periodically and then irrevo- At the end of the 10th century, the Western cably, of the whole of Silesia and of Western border of Poland coincided approximately Pomerania. -
Yalta Conference
Yalta Conference 1 The Conference All three leaders were attempting to establish an agenda for governing post-war Europe. They wanted to keep peace between post-world war countries. On the Eastern Front, the front line at the end of December 1943 re- mained in the Soviet Union but, by August 1944, So- viet forces were inside Poland and parts of Romania as part of their drive west.[1] By the time of the Conference, Red Army Marshal Georgy Zhukov's forces were 65 km (40 mi) from Berlin. Stalin’s position at the conference was one which he felt was so strong that he could dic- tate terms. According to U.S. delegation member and future Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, "[i]t was not a question of what we would let the Russians do, but what Yalta Conference in February 1945 with (from left to right) we could get the Russians to do.”[2] Moreover, Roosevelt Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin. Also hoped for a commitment from Stalin to participate in the present are Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov (far left); United Nations. Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, RN, Marshal of the RAF Sir Charles Portal, RAF, Premier Stalin, insisting that his doctors opposed any (standing behind Churchill); General George C. Marshall, Chief long trips, rejected Roosevelt’s suggestion to meet at the of Staff of the United States Army, and Fleet Admiral William Mediterranean.[3] He offered instead to meet at the Black D. Leahy, USN, (standing behind Roosevelt). -
World War I: the War to End All Wars and the Birth of a Handicapped International Criminal Justice System
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 30 Number 3 Summer Article 3 May 2020 World War I: The War to End All Wars and the Birth of a Handicapped International Criminal Justice System M. Cherif Bassiouni Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation M. Cherif Bassiouni, World War I: The War to End All Wars and the Birth of a Handicapped International Criminal Justice System, 30 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 244 (2002). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. WORLD WAR I: "THE WAR TO END ALL WARS"AND THE BIRTH OF A HANDICAPPED INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI* "Strategy is a system of stop-gaps." -Moltke' INTRODUCTION The words of Von Moltke, Germany's well-known general, are an apt prelude to the strategy of justice pursued by the Allies after World War I. It was, indeed, a "system of stop-gaps." World War I, commonly referred to as the "Great War" and "the war to end all wars," took place between 1914 and 1918 and "was the first general war, involving all the Great Powers of the day, to be fought out in the modem, industrialized world."2 The trigger for the war was an incident that occurred in the volatile Balkans 3 on June 28, 1914, in which Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife were assassinated by Gavrilo Princip as they rode in a car in Sarajevo.4 The " Professor of Law, President, International Human Rights Law Institute, DePaul University College of Law; President, International Association of Penal Law; President, International Institute for Higher Studies in Criminal Sciences. -
Political, Moral and Legal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II
POLISH REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL AND EUROPEAN LAW 2018, Vol. 7, Issue 2 WOLLT IHR DEN TOTALEN KRIEG? Political, Moral and LEGal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II Jerzy Kranz* Abstract: Germany had started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. They constituted a manifestation of the Allies’ rights and responsibilities. The territorial changes of Germany and the transfer of population were part of the general regulation of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be perceived in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement by Germany of ethnic Germans to the Reich or to the territories it occupied constituted an instrument of National Socialist policy. This German policy turned out in 1945 to be a tragic irony of fate. The resettlement decided in Potsdam must be perceived in the context of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from * Professor, Department of International Law and European Union, Kozminski University 9 Jerzy Kranz the international responsibility of the state and from the political-historical responsibility of the nation. In our discussion we made the distinction between the individual and the collective aspect as well as between the legal and historical/ political aspect. We deal with the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states, and the political and historical responsibility of nations (societies). -
Common Ground
1 Common Ground The Papal Encyclical, Science and the Protection of Planet Earth Hans Joachim Schellnhuber Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, Germany; Santa Fe Institute for Complex Systems Research, USA Laudato si’, the Papal Encyclical[1], is compiled at a crucial moment in the history of humanity: today. We are faced with the great challenge of limiting global warming to below 2°C while fostering development for the poorest. But we are also experiencing a special window of opportunity because the knowledge about the Earth system has never been greater. Moreover, we have the technical and economic solutions at hand to overcome the challenges we are confronted with. The urgency to act on these pressing issues that is expressed in the Encyclical mirrors the scientific findings which have accumulated into an overwhelming body of evidence. The science is clear: global warming is driven by greenhouse-gas emissions which are the result of burning fossil fuels. If we fail to strongly reduce these emissions and to bend the warming curve, we, our neighbors and children will be exposed to intolerable risks. The scientific consensus as represented by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has been continuously reaffirmed by the most eminent scientific academies, including the Pontifical Academy of Sciences and the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences which have congregated several times over the past years to address the topics of climate change and global sustainability ([2]–[5]). As any further delay to mitigation measures may jeopardize climate stability and thus our future, it is time to form alliances, find common ground and act together as humankind -- but also to take on individual responsibility and change what is in our power to change. -
The Question of War Reparations in Polish-German Relations After World War Ii
Patrycja Sobolewska* THE QUESTION OF WAR REPARATIONS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS AFTER WORLD WAR II DOI: 10.26106/gc8d-rc38 PWPM – Review of International, European and Comparative Law, vol. XVII, A.D. MMXIX ARTICLE I. Introduction There is no doubt that World War II was the bloodiest conflict in history. Involv- ing all the great powers of the world, the war claimed over 70 million lives and – as a consequence – has changed world politics forever. Since it all started in Poland that was invaded by Germany after having staged several false flag border incidents as a pretext to initiate the attack, this country has suffered the most. On September 17, 1939 Poland was also invaded by the Soviet Union. Ultimately, the Germans razed Warsaw to the ground. War losses were enormous. The library and museum collec- tions have been burned or taken to Germany. Monuments and government buildings were blown up by special German troops. About 85 per cent of the city had been destroyed, including the historic Old Town and the Royal Castle.1 Despite the fact that it has been 80 years since this cataclysmic event, the Polish government has not yet received any compensation from German authorities that would be proportionate to the losses incurred. The issue in question is still a bone of contention between these two states which has not been regulated by both par- ties either. The article examines the question of war reparations in Polish-German relations after World War II, taking into account all the relevant factors that can be significant in order to resolve this problem. -
Download CV (.Pdf)
Titus von der Malsburg Curriculum Vitae Address: Institute of Linguistics Homepage: tmalsburg.github.io University of Stuttgart GitHub: github.com/tmalsburg Keplerstraße 17 OSF: osf.io/pfkez 70174 Stuttgart OCRID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5925-5145 Phone: +49-(0)711 / 685-84873 E-mail: [email protected] Academic employment 2021 – University of Stuttgart, Assistant Professor, tenure-track Institute of Linguistics 2017 – Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Research Affiliate Department Brain and Cognitive Sciences 2018 – 2021 University of Potsdam, Researcher and Lecturer Department of Linguistics 04 – 08/2019 – Parental leave – 2016 – 2018 University of Potsdam, Visiting Professor for Psycho- and Neurolinguistics Department of Linguistics 2014 – 2016 UC San Diego, Research Fellow Department of Psychology, Department of Linguistics Funded through two-year grant awarded to my by the Alexander von Human Foundation Supervisors: Keith Rayner, Roger Levy 2014 University of Oxford, Research Associate St John’s College, Department of Experimental Psychology Supervisor: Kate Nation 2012 – 2013 University of Potsdam, Postdoctoral Researcher DFG Research Group 868: Mind and Brain Dynamics Supervisors: Frank Rösler, Shravan Vasishth Education 2008 – 2012 Dr. phil. in Cognitive Science, grade: summa cum laude University of Potsdam Advisors: Shravan Vasishth, Reinhold Kliegl 2009 Summer School on Embodied Language Games and Construction Grammar, Cortona, Italy 2008 15th International Summer School in Cognitive Science, New Bulgarian -
Building an Unwanted Nation: the Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository BUILDING AN UNWANTED NATION: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP AND AUSTRIAN PROPONENTS OF A SEPARATE NATIONHOOD, 1918-1934 Kevin Mason A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: Dr. Christopher Browning Reader: Dr. Konrad Jarausch Reader: Dr. Lloyd Kramer Reader: Dr. Michael Hunt Reader: Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Kevin Mason ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Kevin Mason: Building an Unwanted Nation: The Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934 (Under the direction of Dr. Christopher Browning) This project focuses on American and British economic, diplomatic, and cultural ties with Austria, and particularly with internal proponents of Austrian independence. Primarily through loans to build up the economy and diplomatic pressure, the United States and Great Britain helped to maintain an independent Austrian state and prevent an Anschluss or union with Germany from 1918 to 1934. In addition, this study examines the minority of Austrians who opposed an Anschluss . The three main groups of Austrians that supported independence were the Christian Social Party, monarchists, and some industries and industrialists. These Austrian nationalists cooperated with the Americans and British in sustaining an unwilling Austrian nation. Ultimately, the global depression weakened American and British capacity to practice dollar and pound diplomacy, and the popular appeal of Hitler combined with Nazi Germany’s aggression led to the realization of the Anschluss . -
<K>EXTRACTS from the REPORT on the TRIPARTITE
Volume 8. Occupation and the Emergence of Two States, 1945-1961 Excerpts from the Report on the Potsdam Conference (Potsdam Agreement) (August 2, 1945) The Potsdam Conference between the leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain was held at Cecilienhof Palace, the home of Crown Prince Wilhelm Hohenzollern, in Potsdam, Germany, from July 17 to August 2, 1945. The Soviet Union was represented by Josef Stalin; the U.S. was represented by President Harry S. Truman, who had only been in office for a few months, having succeeded Franklin Delano Roosevelt on April 12, 1945. Winston Churchill represented Great Britain at the start of the conference, but after the Labor Party won the elections of July 27, 1945, he was replaced by the new prime minister, Clement R. Attlee, who signed the agreement on behalf of Great Britain on August 2, 1945. The agreement reached by Stalin, Truman, and Attlee formed the basis of Allied occupation policy in the years to come. The provisions with the most far-reaching consequences included those concerning borders. It was agreed, for example, that the Oder- Neisse line would be established as Poland’s provisional western boundary, meaning that Poland would undergo a “western shift” at the expense of German territories in Pomerania, Silesia, and Eastern Prussia. It was also agreed that the territory around East Prussian Königsberg would be ceded to the Soviet Union. In addition, the conference settled upon the “transfer” of Germans from the new Polish territories and from Czechoslovakia and Hungary. These measures constituted an essential basis for the division of Germany and Europe. -
Bayesian Downscaling of Building Exposure Models with Remote Sensing and Ancillary Information
EGU2020-18240, updated on 28 Sep 2021 https://doi.org/10.5194/egusphere-egu2020-18240 EGU General Assembly 2020 © Author(s) 2021. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Bayesian downscaling of building exposure models with remote sensing and ancillary information Raquel Zafrir1,2, Massimiliano Pittore1,3, Juan Camilo Gomez- Zapata1,4, Patrick Aravena5, and Christian Geiß5 1Helmholtzcentre Potsdam GFZ German Research Centre for Geosciences, Potsdam, Germany ([email protected], [email protected], [email protected]) 2Hochschule für Technik Stuttgart - HFT Stuttgart, Stuttgart, Germany ([email protected]) 3Eurac Research, Bolzano, Italy 4University of Potsdam, Potsdam, Germany 5German Aerospace Center (DLR), Weßling, Germany ([email protected], [email protected]) Residential building exposure models for risk and loss estimations related to natural hazards are usually defined in terms of specific schemas describing mutually exclusive, collectively exhaustive (MECE) classes of buildings. These models are derived from: (1) the analysis of census data or (2) by means of individual observations in the field. In the first case, expert elicitation has been conventionally used to classify the building inventory into particular schemas, usually aggregated over geographical administrative units whose size area and shape are country-specific. In the second case, especially for large urban areas, performing a visual inspection of every building in order to assign a class according to the specific schema used is a highly time- and resource intensive task, often simply unfeasible. Remote sensing data based on the analysis of satellite imagery has proved successful in integrating large-scale information on the built environment and as such can provide valuable vulnerability-related information, although often lacking the level of spatial and thematic resolution requested by multi-hazard applications. -
V. A. Yakubovich - Mathematician, “Father of the field”, and Herald of Intellectual Democracy in Science and Society
Preprints, 1st IFAC Conference on Modelling, Identification and Control of Nonlinear Systems June 24-26, 2015. Saint Petersburg, Russia V. A. Yakubovich - mathematician, “father of the field”, and herald of intellectual democracy in science and society S. Abramovich, N.V. Kuznetsov, G.A. Leonov State University of New York at Potsdam, USA University of Jyvaskyl¨ a,¨ Finland Saint-Petersburg State University, Russia Abstract: The most important events of the remarkable life of V.A. Yakubovich the founder and chair (1970-2012)of the Department of Theoretical Cybernetics at the Faculty of Mathematics and Mechanics of Saint-Petersburg State University, the author/co-author of eight books and more than 300 journal articles and conference papers are considered through the lens of intellectual democracy movement in the modern Russia. Vladimir Andreevich Yakubovich (referred to below as V. A.), other accolades of V. A. is the following testimonial by the one of the founders of the modern control theory, passed away SIAM community regarding his relation to A. M. Lyapunov in at the age of 85 on August 17, 2012. He would have turned the history of the development of linear matrix inequalities in 90 in 2016. The authors of this paper are disciples of V. A. control: “It is fair to say that Yakubovich is the father of the and do remember him as an outstanding scholar and humanist, field, and Lyapunov the grandfather of the field” (Boyd et al., a person of extraordinary sagacity and exceptional goodwill, 1994, p.4). a truly courageous human being. Confined to the sorrowful milieu and precarious lifestyle of the totalitarian state, V.A. -
Chapter 3 the Work of National Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law 10
Chapter 3 The Work of National Military Tribunals under Control Council Law 10 Jackson Maogoto On 20 December 1945, the Allied Control Council promulgated Law No. 10 (CCL No. 10), which was to govern all further Nazi prosecutions in domestic courts.1 The law was the fulfilment of the vow made by the Allied Powers in the course of World War II to return war criminals so they could stand trial before tribunals in the ter- ritories in which their crimes had been committed.2 Many advances in enriching international jurisprudence and fleshing out the substantive content of international criminal law were made by post-World War II domestic tribunals in implementing the Nuremberg legacy. These national trials reaffirmed the triumph of international law over certain aspects of sovereignty. Literally thousands of trials were carried out in domestic tribunals in different countries and regions of the world subsequent to the Nuremberg and Tokyo international trials. CCL No. 10 was closely modelled on the Nuremberg Charter. Like the Nuremberg Charter, it abrogated the act of State doctrine3 and rejected superior orders as a defence.4 Prosecution was also not barred by any amnesty, immunity or pardon which may have been granted by the Nazi regime.5 It not only provided for a wide range of penalties for war crimes and crimes against humanity, but, like the Nuremberg Charter, 1 Allied Control Council Law No. 10, Punishment of Persons Guilty of War Crimes, Crimes against Peace and against Humanity (20 December 1945), Official Gazette of the Control Council for Germany, No 3, Berlin, 31 January 1946 (‘CCL No.