The Question of War Reparations in Polish-German Relations After World War Ii
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The Oder-Neisse Line As Poland's Western Border
Piotr Eberhardt Piotr Eberhardt 2015 88 1 77 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/ GPol.0007 April 2014 September 2014 Geographia Polonica 2015, Volume 88, Issue 1, pp. 77-105 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0007 INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl THE ODER-NEISSE LINE AS POLAND’S WESTERN BORDER: AS POSTULATED AND MADE A REALITY Piotr Eberhardt Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization Polish Academy of Sciences Twarda 51/55, 00-818 Warsaw: Poland e-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article presents the historical and political conditioning leading to the establishment of the contemporary Polish-German border along the ‘Oder-Neisse Line’ (formed by the rivers known in Poland as the Odra and Nysa Łużycka). It is recalled how – at the moment a Polish state first came into being in the 10th century – its western border also followed a course more or less coinciding with these same two rivers. In subsequent cen- turies, the political limits of the Polish and German spheres of influence shifted markedly to the east. However, as a result of the drastic reverse suffered by Nazi Germany, the western border of Poland was re-set at the Oder-Neisse Line. Consideration is given to both the causes and consequences of this far-reaching geopolitical decision taken at the Potsdam Conference by the victorious Three Powers of the USSR, UK and USA. Key words Oder-Neisse Line • western border of Poland • Potsdam Conference • international boundaries Introduction districts – one for each successor – brought the loss, at first periodically and then irrevo- At the end of the 10th century, the Western cably, of the whole of Silesia and of Western border of Poland coincided approximately Pomerania. -
Yalta Conference
Yalta Conference 1 The Conference All three leaders were attempting to establish an agenda for governing post-war Europe. They wanted to keep peace between post-world war countries. On the Eastern Front, the front line at the end of December 1943 re- mained in the Soviet Union but, by August 1944, So- viet forces were inside Poland and parts of Romania as part of their drive west.[1] By the time of the Conference, Red Army Marshal Georgy Zhukov's forces were 65 km (40 mi) from Berlin. Stalin’s position at the conference was one which he felt was so strong that he could dic- tate terms. According to U.S. delegation member and future Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, "[i]t was not a question of what we would let the Russians do, but what Yalta Conference in February 1945 with (from left to right) we could get the Russians to do.”[2] Moreover, Roosevelt Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin. Also hoped for a commitment from Stalin to participate in the present are Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov (far left); United Nations. Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, RN, Marshal of the RAF Sir Charles Portal, RAF, Premier Stalin, insisting that his doctors opposed any (standing behind Churchill); General George C. Marshall, Chief long trips, rejected Roosevelt’s suggestion to meet at the of Staff of the United States Army, and Fleet Admiral William Mediterranean.[3] He offered instead to meet at the Black D. Leahy, USN, (standing behind Roosevelt). -
World War I: the War to End All Wars and the Birth of a Handicapped International Criminal Justice System
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 30 Number 3 Summer Article 3 May 2020 World War I: The War to End All Wars and the Birth of a Handicapped International Criminal Justice System M. Cherif Bassiouni Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation M. Cherif Bassiouni, World War I: The War to End All Wars and the Birth of a Handicapped International Criminal Justice System, 30 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 244 (2002). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. WORLD WAR I: "THE WAR TO END ALL WARS"AND THE BIRTH OF A HANDICAPPED INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI* "Strategy is a system of stop-gaps." -Moltke' INTRODUCTION The words of Von Moltke, Germany's well-known general, are an apt prelude to the strategy of justice pursued by the Allies after World War I. It was, indeed, a "system of stop-gaps." World War I, commonly referred to as the "Great War" and "the war to end all wars," took place between 1914 and 1918 and "was the first general war, involving all the Great Powers of the day, to be fought out in the modem, industrialized world."2 The trigger for the war was an incident that occurred in the volatile Balkans 3 on June 28, 1914, in which Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife were assassinated by Gavrilo Princip as they rode in a car in Sarajevo.4 The " Professor of Law, President, International Human Rights Law Institute, DePaul University College of Law; President, International Association of Penal Law; President, International Institute for Higher Studies in Criminal Sciences. -
Political, Moral and Legal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II
POLISH REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL AND EUROPEAN LAW 2018, Vol. 7, Issue 2 WOLLT IHR DEN TOTALEN KRIEG? Political, Moral and LEGal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II Jerzy Kranz* Abstract: Germany had started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. They constituted a manifestation of the Allies’ rights and responsibilities. The territorial changes of Germany and the transfer of population were part of the general regulation of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be perceived in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement by Germany of ethnic Germans to the Reich or to the territories it occupied constituted an instrument of National Socialist policy. This German policy turned out in 1945 to be a tragic irony of fate. The resettlement decided in Potsdam must be perceived in the context of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from * Professor, Department of International Law and European Union, Kozminski University 9 Jerzy Kranz the international responsibility of the state and from the political-historical responsibility of the nation. In our discussion we made the distinction between the individual and the collective aspect as well as between the legal and historical/ political aspect. We deal with the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states, and the political and historical responsibility of nations (societies). -
Der Prozess Der Deutschen Wiedervereinigung Aus Der Sicht Der Angelsächsischen Partner, Dem Vereinigten Königreich Und Den Vereinigten Staaten Von Amerika
1 Dissertation Der Prozess der deutschen Wiedervereinigung aus der Sicht der angelsächsischen Partner, dem Vereinigten Königreich und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika von Jörg Beck betreut durch Herrn Professor Dr. Hermann Hiery Lehrstuhl für Neueste Geschichte an der Universität Bayreuth Zweitkorrektor: Professor Dr. Jan-Otmar Hesse 2 Zum sehr großen Dank für die extrem starke Unterstützung an meine Mutter Frau Ilse Beck 3 Vorwort Die Dissertation „Der Prozess der Deutschen Wiedervereinigung aus der Sicht der angelsächsischen Partnerstaaten, dem Vereinigten Königreich und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika“ an der Kulturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Bayreuth wurde begutachtet von Herrn Professor Dr. Hermann Hiery, Inhaber des Lehrstuhls für Neueste Geschichte an der Kulturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Bayreuth und Herrn Professor Dr. Jan-Otmar Hesse, Inhaber des Lehrstuhls für Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte an der Kulturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Bayreuth. Die Dissertation wurde am 15. November 2017 angenommen. Jörg Beck Bayreuth, 24. Juli 2019 4 5 Inhaltsverzeichnis Seite Einleitung 8 A Problembereich und Fragestellungen 8 B Zum Forschungsinteresse der Kapitel im Einzelnen 9 C Forschungsstand 12 C 1 Forschungsstand in der Sekundärliteratur 12 C 2 Überblick und Kritik der verwendeten Quellen 15 Methodik 25 Materialzugang 25 Der Prozess der deutschen Wiedervereinigung aus der Sicht der angelsächsischen Partner, dem Vereinigten Königreich und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika 29 1 Das -
The RAMPART JOURNAL of Individualist Thought Is Published Quarterly (Maj'ch, June, September and December) by Rampart College
The Wisdom of "Hindsight" by Read Bain I On the Importance of Revisionism for Our Time by Murray N. Rothbard 3 Revisionism: A Key to Peace by llarry Elmer Barnes 8 Rising Germanophohia: The Chief Oh~~tacle to Current World War II Revisionism by Michael F. Connors 75 Revisionism and the Cold War, 1946-1~)66: Some Comments on Its Origins and Consequences by James J. Martin 91 Departments: Onthe Other Hand by Robert Lf.~Fevre 114 V01. II, No. 1 SPRING., 1966 RAMPART JOURNAL of Individualist Thought Editor .. _. __ . .__ _ __ .. __ _. Ruth Dazey Director of Publications - ---.- .. J. Dohn Lewis Published by Pine Tree Press for RAMPART COLLEGE Box 158 Larkspur, Colorado 80118 President -----------------.------------------ William J. Froh Dean . .. .__ ._ Robert LeFevre Board of Academic Advisers Robert L. Cunningham, Ph.D. Bruno Leoni, Ph.D. University of San Francisco University of Pavia San Francisco, California Turin, Italy Arthur A. Ekirch, Ph.D~ James J. Martin, Ph.D. State University of New York Rampart College Graduate School Albany, New York Larkspur, Colorado Georg. Frostenson, Ph.D. Ludwig von Mises, Ph.D. Sollentuna, Sweden New York University New York, New York J. P. Hamilius, Jr., Ph.D. Toshio Murata, M.B.A. College of Esch-sur-Alzette Luxembourg Kanto Gakuin University Yokohama, Japan F. A. Harper, Ph.D. Wm. A. Paton, Ph.D. Institute for Humane Studies University of Michigan Stanford, California Ann Arbor, Michigan F. A. von Hayek, Ph.D. Sylvester Petro, Ll.M. University of Freiburg New York University Freiburg, Germany New York, New York W. -
Legal Issues in the United Nations Compensation Commission on Iraq
Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3240 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3259 (Online) Vol.14, 2013 Legal Issues in the United Nations Compensation Commission on Iraq Monday Dickson Department of Political Science, Akwa Ibom State University, Obio Akpa Campus, P. M. B. 1167,Uyo, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article is a comprehensive interrogation of the legality or otherwise of the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) on Iraq; its establishment, operations and manifestations as the very first war reparation facility adopted by the Security Council on the basis of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, and making it binding on an aggressor State. The paper argued that the UNCC, which is an interesting example of the institutionalisation of the United Nations compensation mechanism, is unprecedented in the UN’s compensation experience, in many respect. Although the design of the UNCC, however, fell within the tradition of war reparation facilities, in some respect, its operations, particularly subjecting the whole economy of Iraq to international control violated Iraq’s sovereignty. The paper concludes that despite the lacuna, the design of the UNCC would serve as a model for future compensation schemes. Keywords: Iraq, Compensation, Reparation, United Nations, UNCC, International Law. 1. Introduction Traditionally, under international law, a State that has violated the right of another is obligated to pay “appropriate compensation” or to make “reasonable reparation” to the victim State, besides providing guarantees against non-repetition and assurances in favour of discontinuance of the wrongful act (Eminue, 1999). According to Article 50 of the 1949 Geneva Convention I, Article 51 of the 1949 Geneva Convention II and Article 147 of the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (the Fourth Convention) “extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly” are grave breaches. -
Building an Unwanted Nation: the Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository BUILDING AN UNWANTED NATION: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP AND AUSTRIAN PROPONENTS OF A SEPARATE NATIONHOOD, 1918-1934 Kevin Mason A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: Dr. Christopher Browning Reader: Dr. Konrad Jarausch Reader: Dr. Lloyd Kramer Reader: Dr. Michael Hunt Reader: Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Kevin Mason ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Kevin Mason: Building an Unwanted Nation: The Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934 (Under the direction of Dr. Christopher Browning) This project focuses on American and British economic, diplomatic, and cultural ties with Austria, and particularly with internal proponents of Austrian independence. Primarily through loans to build up the economy and diplomatic pressure, the United States and Great Britain helped to maintain an independent Austrian state and prevent an Anschluss or union with Germany from 1918 to 1934. In addition, this study examines the minority of Austrians who opposed an Anschluss . The three main groups of Austrians that supported independence were the Christian Social Party, monarchists, and some industries and industrialists. These Austrian nationalists cooperated with the Americans and British in sustaining an unwilling Austrian nation. Ultimately, the global depression weakened American and British capacity to practice dollar and pound diplomacy, and the popular appeal of Hitler combined with Nazi Germany’s aggression led to the realization of the Anschluss . -
<K>EXTRACTS from the REPORT on the TRIPARTITE
Volume 8. Occupation and the Emergence of Two States, 1945-1961 Excerpts from the Report on the Potsdam Conference (Potsdam Agreement) (August 2, 1945) The Potsdam Conference between the leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain was held at Cecilienhof Palace, the home of Crown Prince Wilhelm Hohenzollern, in Potsdam, Germany, from July 17 to August 2, 1945. The Soviet Union was represented by Josef Stalin; the U.S. was represented by President Harry S. Truman, who had only been in office for a few months, having succeeded Franklin Delano Roosevelt on April 12, 1945. Winston Churchill represented Great Britain at the start of the conference, but after the Labor Party won the elections of July 27, 1945, he was replaced by the new prime minister, Clement R. Attlee, who signed the agreement on behalf of Great Britain on August 2, 1945. The agreement reached by Stalin, Truman, and Attlee formed the basis of Allied occupation policy in the years to come. The provisions with the most far-reaching consequences included those concerning borders. It was agreed, for example, that the Oder- Neisse line would be established as Poland’s provisional western boundary, meaning that Poland would undergo a “western shift” at the expense of German territories in Pomerania, Silesia, and Eastern Prussia. It was also agreed that the territory around East Prussian Königsberg would be ceded to the Soviet Union. In addition, the conference settled upon the “transfer” of Germans from the new Polish territories and from Czechoslovakia and Hungary. These measures constituted an essential basis for the division of Germany and Europe. -
Celebrating the Stateless Nation, Or How the "Polish Question" Stayed Afloat
Patrice M. Dabrowski. Commemorations and the Shaping of Modern Poland. Blommington: Indiana University Press, 2004. 313 S. $45.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-253-34429-8. Reviewed by Laurie Koloski Published on HABSBURG (May, 2007) The Poles' "long nineteenth century" was in a mythologized past, and committed to an inde‐ even longer than that of most European nations, pendent Polish future. In so doing, they kept the stretching as it did from the frst partition of 1772, Polish nation, and the "Polish question," alive and when Prussia, Austria, and Russia claimed chunks well. Commemorations and the Shaping of Mod‐ of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, to 1918, ern Poland, Patrice Dabrowski's excellent new when an independent Polish state re-emerged. Be‐ study, shows how. tween the third partition of 1795 and the end of The Polish "predicament" in the nineteenth World War I, Poland as a political entity essential‐ century, as Dabrowski points out early in the ly disappeared from the map of Europe, and eth‐ book, involved "the mind of a large nation in a nic Poles found themselves governed by three dif‐ stateless body" (p. 7). This dilemma turned out to ferent imperial states. Had the partitions hap‐ be a source of inspiration for Polish national ac‐ pened a century earlier, the "Polish question" tivists who had two goals: frst, to broaden the na‐ might have settled into historical obscurity. What tion to include the peasantry (only an inclusive Poland's partitioners could not know in the late nation would be strong enough to revive an inde‐ eighteenth -
Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific Ap Ct Syrus Jin
Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses Undergraduate Research Spring 5-2019 The aC sualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific aP ct Syrus Jin Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/undergrad_etd Part of the Asian History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, Korean Studies Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Jin, Syrus, "The asC ualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific aP ct" (2019). Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses. 14. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/undergrad_etd/14 This Unrestricted is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Casualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific Pact By Syrus Jin A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for Honors in History In the College of Arts and Sciences Washington University in St. Louis Advisor: Elizabeth Borgwardt 1 April 2019 © Copyright by Syrus Jin, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Jin ii Dedicated to the members of my family: Dad, Mom, Nika, Sean, and Pebble. ii Jin iii Abstract From August 1945 to September 1951, the United States had a unique opportunity to define and frame how it would approach its foreign relations in the Asia-Pacific region. -
Polish National Identity Under Russian, Prussian, and Austro
Three Paths to One State: Polish National Identity under Russian, Prussian, and Austro- Hungarian Occupation after 1863 Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Adam Wanter The Ohio State University June 2012 Project Advisor: Professor Jessie Labov, Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures 2 Table of Contents: Introduction 1 Section One: Background 7 Section Two: Composition 15 Section Three: Imperial History 22 Section Four: Political Ideologies and Political Figures 37 Conclusion 50 Bibliography 54 i Illustrations: Figure 1, map of Russian Poland 8 Figure 2, map of Austrian Poland 10 Figure 3, map of Prussian Poland 11 ii Introduction After over 100 years of foreign occupation by three different powers, a common Polish national identity was able to emerge and unite the three partitioned areas. How was this possible? What conditions existed that were able to bring together three separate and distinct areas together? This thesis will look into the development of Polish national identity in the three partitioned areas of Poland during the late 19th and early 20th centuries and in particular the role that imperial policy played in its formation. The purpose of this thesis is to carry out a comparative study of the three partitioned areas of Poland between roughly 1863 and the outbreak of World War I. Specifically, the thesis compares the effects of the three Imperial powers on the economic landscape of each region, as well as the environment in which Polish political thought, specifically different forms of Polish nationalism, emerged, analyzing how that environment help contribute to its development.