Celebrating the Stateless Nation, Or How the "Polish Question" Stayed Afloat

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Celebrating the Stateless Nation, Or How the Patrice M. Dabrowski. Commemorations and the Shaping of Modern Poland. Blommington: Indiana University Press, 2004. 313 S. $45.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-253-34429-8. Reviewed by Laurie Koloski Published on HABSBURG (May, 2007) The Poles' "long nineteenth century" was in a mythologized past, and committed to an inde‐ even longer than that of most European nations, pendent Polish future. In so doing, they kept the stretching as it did from the frst partition of 1772, Polish nation, and the "Polish question," alive and when Prussia, Austria, and Russia claimed chunks well. Commemorations and the Shaping of Mod‐ of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, to 1918, ern Poland, Patrice Dabrowski's excellent new when an independent Polish state re-emerged. Be‐ study, shows how. tween the third partition of 1795 and the end of The Polish "predicament" in the nineteenth World War I, Poland as a political entity essential‐ century, as Dabrowski points out early in the ly disappeared from the map of Europe, and eth‐ book, involved "the mind of a large nation in a nic Poles found themselves governed by three dif‐ stateless body" (p. 7). This dilemma turned out to ferent imperial states. Had the partitions hap‐ be a source of inspiration for Polish national ac‐ pened a century earlier, the "Polish question" tivists who had two goals: frst, to broaden the na‐ might have settled into historical obscurity. What tion to include the peasantry (only an inclusive Poland's partitioners could not know in the late nation would be strong enough to revive an inde‐ eighteenth century, however, was that in a few pendent state); and second, not only to avoid the short decades, their new subjects would make trauma of failed uprisings (several had been good use of the emergent ideology of nationalism launched, in 1794, 1831, and 1863), but also the and that, not long thereafter, an "age of commem‐ apolitical tactics and implications of "organic oration" would render memories and monuments work," the post-1863 efforts to turn away from the perfect venue for putting Polish national iden‐ anti-imperial resistance and focus on economic tity and political aspirations on display. As the and social modernization. Commemoration met nineteenth century gave way to the twentieth, both needs. Celebrations and monuments carried Polish activists used Krakow and other patriotic national and political messages, and "gave rise to settings to promote a new kind of Polish nation, a more palpable sense of national unity and one broadened to include the peasantry, steeped H-Net Reviews strength" (p. 6), appealing to even the "nationally will readers familiar with Polish history be sur‐ indifferent" (p. 15). As Dabrowski describes them, prised to learn that the Polish nation which commemorations were a "new brand of Polish emerged by the turn of the twentieth century was 'defiance' ... tempered by concrete deeds ... a con‐ simultaneously more expansive (socioeconomical‐ structive, creative, yet intensely national variant ly) and exclusive (ethnically and culturally). Yet in of organic work--an attempt at national modern‐ considering Polish nation building through the ization, Polish style" (p. 15). prism of commemoration, Dabrowski gives us a Nowhere was Poland's commemorative age fresh and clearer picture of who and what were more visible than in Krakow, the provincial city involved in the process, and how "messy" it was sitting near the northwestern edge of Austrian (p. 16). Her work thus adds a great deal to existing Galicia, which occupies the center of Dabrowski's studies of Polish nationalism and nation-building story (though the book also includes case studies in east central Europe.[2] from Lwow, the Galician capital, and Warsaw, in Historiographically, Dabrowski seeks primari‐ the Russian partition, as well as brief discussions ly to contribute to discussions on the genesis of of other locales).[1] Krakow was the frst Galician modern Polish nationalism. She is critical of intel‐ city to benefit from limited self-rule in 1866, lectual historians' emphasis on "the logic of which meant city residents could conduct their of‐ ideas," which, as she argues, "moved the masses ficial business in Polish, send their children to Pol‐ rarely--if ever" (p. 16), and of scholars who em‐ ish schools, and, as it turned out, host huge public phasize the critical role conservative Galician celebrations in honor of national heroes and an‐ leaders played in fostering a new sense of Polish‐ niversaries. This was no small matter, particular‐ ness (p. 17).[3] Instead, Dabrowski seeks to extend ly compared to the limitations and repressions of agency to historiographically marginalized everyday life under Prussian and Russian rule at groups, particularly Galicia's liberals and peas‐ the time. Moreover, though Krakow had no "na‐ ants, and to highlight the contested nature of na‐ tional" standing in the political or economic tion building and the changing "constellations" of realms, it could boast an impressive cache of me‐ political power that accompanied it. In this sense, dieval historical monuments. The combination of her book can be considered a valuable companion these sites with the city's relative cultural and po‐ to Keely Stauter-Halsted's excellent study of peas‐ litical autonomy was a potent one, and Krakow ant nationalism in Galicia (cited above), both his‐ "proved to be a national space par excellence," in torically--Dabrowski's story is an essentially ur‐ which Poles could literally see their national ban one, even if her protagonists are often seek‐ past--and, ideally, their future as well (p. 215). ing peasant support for their agendas--and histo‐ Dabrowski's is the frst monograph-length riographically. study of east central European commemoration- Dabrowski seems less eager to situate her as-nation-building to be published in English, and work within the broader scholarly literature on it is a welcome addition to the growing body of collective memory and its role in nation-building, work on "imagined" national communities in the but to my mind it belongs there as well.[4] This is, region. Her central questions are not new: how after all, a story of how individuals and groups did the modern Polish nation take shape? What mobilized the past in the service of their present were the mechanisms through which Polish sub‐ goals, and Dabrowski does an excellent job illumi‐ jects of three different imperial states were en‐ nating the political and social agendas that in‐ couraged to identify themselves as Poles? Which spired them and their audiences. Her book re‐ definitions of Polishness prevailed, and why? Nor minds me of Alon Confino's The Nation as a Local 2 H-Net Reviews Metaphor, in which he makes a convincing argu‐ monwealth's 1410 defeat of the Teutonic Knights ment for the centrality of local ideals in an emerg‐ at Grunwald (chapter 6) and the more recent an‐ ing German national identity and successfully bal‐ niversaries of the 1813 death of the Polish prince ances the power of representation with the agen‐ Jozef Poniatowski, who had fought with cy of reception.[5] Dabrowski's story is a very dif‐ Napoleon, and the 1863 anti-tsarist uprising ferent one, but its approach and lessons (though (chapter 7). In a lengthy conclusion, Dabrowski missing Confino's explicit theoretical apparatus) fleshes out the central implications of her study are similar and equally illuminating of the com‐ fully. plexities of national identity formation. The overall narrative that emerges is one of Dabrowski divides her monograph into three growing awareness and action, as previously dis‐ sections, each devoted to a stage in the commemo‐ engaged sectors of the population (with the peas‐ ration-as-nation-building process. Part 1 focuses antry at the forefront) came to acknowledge Pol‐ on the late 1870s/early 1880s and the frst of the ishness as their own and as Poles in all three par‐ "notable public celebrations with a broad reach titions came to prioritize a revived Polish state as and impact" that are the book's focus (p. 20). In well as the fghting spirit required to achieve it. the frst chapter, Dabrowski traces the many Commemorations, Dabrowski argues in the con‐ agendas visible in the 1879 jubilee of Jozef Ignacy clusion, helped consolidate Poles and Polishness Kraszewski, a prolific and popular writer from in four key ways. Along with the institutions they Prussian Poland. Chapter 2 chronicles the 1883 spawned (among them museums and educational commemoration of the 1683 "Relief of Vienna," a programs directed at peasants), celebrations drew battle against the Ottoman Turks led by Polish Poles from all three partitions, fostering "horizon‐ forces under King Jan Sobieski. In the book's sec‐ tal" integration. They led to "vertical" integration ond section, Dabrowski turns to commemorations as well, as peasants came to play an increasingly of the 1890s, exploring the interactions between pivotal role in visions and celebrations of Polish celebration and mass politics and the growing as‐ nationhood. No longer could nobles cast the na‐ sertiveness of the Polish peasantry and integral tion in their own image or avoid interacting with nationalists. Two of three chapters chart the com‐ "the people." Commemorations also "fostered memorative significance of national bard Adam what could be considered a notion of 'Polish' or Mickiewicz, whose remains were transferred 'national' time, a time that transcended partition from France to Krakow in 1890 (chapter 3) and and geography," and in this sense promoted "tem‐ whose Krakow and Warsaw monuments, erected poral" integration between past, present, and fu‐ in 1898, were the stuff of contest but also national ture (p. 215). Finally, as a "living national relic" (p. construction (chapter 5). In an intervening chap‐ 215), Krakow contributed to the Poles' "symbolic" ter, Dabrowski shows how Poles in Krakow, War‐ integration, serving as a "surrogate homeland" saw, and Lwow celebrated the Enlightened consti‐ and promoting a "shared vocabulary for a nation‐ tution of May 3, 1791 and Tadeusz Kosciuszko's al discourse" (p.
Recommended publications
  • Human Capital in the Aftermath of the Partitions of Poland Andreas Ba
    European Historical Economics Society EHES Working Paper | No. 150 | March 2019 Fading Legacies: Human Capital in the Aftermath of the Partitions of Poland Andreas Backhaus, Centre for European Policy Studies EHES Working Paper | No. 150 | March 2019 Fading Legacies: Human Capital in the Aftermath of the Partitions of Poland* Andreas Backhaus†, Centre for European Policy Studies Abstract This paper studies the longevity of historical legacies in the context of the formation of human capital. The Partitions of Poland (1772-1918) represent a natural experiment that instilled Poland with three different legacies of education, resulting in sharp differences in human capital among the Polish population. I construct a large, unique dataset that reflects the state of schooling and human capital in the partition territories from 1911 to 1961. Using a spatial regression discontinuity design, I find that primary school enrollment differs by as much as 80 percentage points between the partitions before WWI. However, this legacy disappears within the following two decades of Polish independence, as all former partitions achieve universal enrollment. Differences in educational infrastructure and gender access to schooling simultaneously disappear after WWI. The level of literacy converges likewise across the former partitions, driven by a high intergenerational mobility in education. After WWII, the former partitions are not distinguishable from each other in terms of education anymore. JEL Codes: N34, I20, O15, H75 Keywords: Poland, Human Capital, Education, Persistence * Research for this paper was conducted while the author was a Ph.D. candidate at LMU Munich. The author would like to thank Philipp Ager, Lukas Buchheim, Matteo Cervellati, Jeremiah Dittmar, Erik Hornung, Chris Muris, Christian Ochsner, Uwe Sunde, Ludger Wößmann, Nikolaus Wolf, and audiences at the University of Southern Denmark, the University of Bayreuth, UCLouvain, the FRESH Meeting 2018, the WEast Workshop 2018, and WIEM 2018 for their comments.
    [Show full text]
  • The Question of War Reparations in Polish-German Relations After World War Ii
    Patrycja Sobolewska* THE QUESTION OF WAR REPARATIONS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS AFTER WORLD WAR II DOI: 10.26106/gc8d-rc38 PWPM – Review of International, European and Comparative Law, vol. XVII, A.D. MMXIX ARTICLE I. Introduction There is no doubt that World War II was the bloodiest conflict in history. Involv- ing all the great powers of the world, the war claimed over 70 million lives and – as a consequence – has changed world politics forever. Since it all started in Poland that was invaded by Germany after having staged several false flag border incidents as a pretext to initiate the attack, this country has suffered the most. On September 17, 1939 Poland was also invaded by the Soviet Union. Ultimately, the Germans razed Warsaw to the ground. War losses were enormous. The library and museum collec- tions have been burned or taken to Germany. Monuments and government buildings were blown up by special German troops. About 85 per cent of the city had been destroyed, including the historic Old Town and the Royal Castle.1 Despite the fact that it has been 80 years since this cataclysmic event, the Polish government has not yet received any compensation from German authorities that would be proportionate to the losses incurred. The issue in question is still a bone of contention between these two states which has not been regulated by both par- ties either. The article examines the question of war reparations in Polish-German relations after World War II, taking into account all the relevant factors that can be significant in order to resolve this problem.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism
    Re-Branding a Nation Online Re-Branding a Nation Online Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism Magdalena Kania-Lundholm Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal IX, Universitets- huset, Uppsala, Friday, October 26, 2012 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Kania-Lundholm, M. 2012. Re-Branding A Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism. Sociologiska institutionen. 258 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2302-4. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more criti- cal literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the na- tionalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endur- ance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing con- texts.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland Historical Geography Handout
    Poland Historical Geography: Polish History through Maps and Gazetteers Daniel R. Jones, MS, AG® FamilySearch HISTORY OF POLAND Polish Commonwealth, 1600s-1795 Instead of a hereditary monarchy, they elected their own king. Because the king was elected, this allowed foreign powers to manipulate the elections for candidates, and to create turmoil for their own gain. The commonwealth was in a state of decline because of wars, political turmoil, and aristocratic rebellions. Although reforms were attempted, Poland’s neighbors saw opportunities for themselves. Partitions of Poland, 1772-1795 First partition, 1772: Rebellion occurred in 1768, bringing Poland into a civil war. Austria, Prussia, and Russia collectively decided to annex pieces of Poland for themselves during the war. Second partition, 1792: Poland institutes a constitution in 1791. This angered Russia, who encouraged another rebellion against the Polish king. Russia provided military support to the rebellion. After a few months, Russia and Prussia slice off large sections of Poland. Third partition, 1795: Some nobles were angry at their king for surrendering to Russia during the second partition, and created another uprising. Russia invaded again to crush the uprising. Russia, Austria, and Prussia decided to split the rest of Poland between themselves, and Poland disappeared off the map. Kingdom of Poland, 1815-1914 The French created the Duchy of Warsaw during the Napoleonic Wars as a semi-independent country. After the war, the Kingdom of Poland was established, but was joined to the Russian Empire; they were allowed their own constitution and military. After several uprisings, the Polish language and culture were suppressed, the kingdom was more integrated into the Russian Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine and Poland; a Personal Perspective
    1 Nationalism in Comparison: Palestine and Poland; A Personal Perspective Gregory P. Rabb Professor of Political Science Jamestown Community College INTRODUCTION Defining and understanding nationalism in general can be difficult when done without referencing a particular nation or people. This paper is an attempt to understand nationalism in a comparative perspective as recommended by Benedict Anderson in his work entitled “Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism” (2016). Mr. Anderson also recommends understanding nationalism by focusing on the western hemisphere (or so called “new world”) rather than analyzing nationalism in the context of the so-called “old world” from a Euro-centric perspective. I am no Benedict Anderson, but I hope I met his recommendation by understanding nationalism from a personal perspective which I will explain shortly. NATIONALISM When introducing these concepts to my students I talk about the nation-state as the way in which we have organized the world since the Treaty of Westphalia-a Euro-centric perspective. The state is the government, however that is organized, and the nation is the people who are held together by any one or more of the following characteristics: common language, religion, history, ethnicity, and/or national identity including a commitment to a certain set of values (e.g. the emphasis on individual rights and the Constitution as our civil religion as seen in the US) and symbols (e.g. the monarchy and currency in the UK and the flag in the US). We then discuss the “stresses” from above, below, and beside (without) which may be heralding the end of the so-called nation-state era.
    [Show full text]
  • How History Matters for Student Performance. Lessons from the Partitions of Poland Ú Job Market Paper Latest Version: HERE
    How History Matters for Student Performance. Lessons from the Partitions of Poland ú Job Market Paper Latest Version: HERE. Pawe≥Bukowski † This paper examines the effect on current student performance of the 19th century Partitions of Poland among Austria, Prussia and Russia. Despite the modern similarities of the three regions, using a regression discontinuity design I show that student test scores are 0.6 standard deviation higher on the Austrian side of the former Austrian-Russian border. This magnitude is comparable to the black vs. white test score gap in the US. On the other hand, I do not find evidence for differences on the Prussian-Russian border. Using a theoretical model and indirect evidence I argue that the Partitions have persisted through their impact on social norms toward local schools. Nevertheless, the persistent effect of Austria is puzzling given the histori- cal similarities of the Austrian and Prussian educational systems. I argue that the differential legacy of Austria and Prussia originates from the Aus- trian Empire’s policy to promote Polish identity in schools and the Prussian Empire’s efforts to Germanize the Poles through education. JEL Classification: N30, I20, O15, J24 úI thank Sascha O. Becker, Volha Charnysh, Gregory Clark, Tomas Cvrcek, John S. Earle, Irena Grosfeld, Hedvig Horvát, Gábor Kézdi, Jacek Kochanowicz, Attila Lindner, Christina Romer, Ruth M. Schüler, Tamás Vonyó, Jacob Weisdorf, Agnieszka WysokiÒska, Noam Yuchtman, the partici- pants of seminars at Central European University, University of California at Berkeley, University of California at Davis, Warsaw School of Economics, Ifo Center for the Economics of Education and FRESH workshops in Warsaw and Canterbury, WEast workshop in Belgrade, European Historical Economics Society Summer School in Berlin for their comments and suggestions.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies Cultural Exchange: from Medieval
    Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies Volume 1: Issue 1 Cultural Exchange: from Medieval to Modernity AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies JOURNAL OF IRISH AND SCOTTISH STUDIES Volume 1, Issue 1 Cultural Exchange: Medieval to Modern Published by the AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies at the University of Aberdeen in association with The universities of the The Irish-Scottish Academic Initiative and The Stout Research Centre Irish-Scottish Studies Programme Victoria University of Wellington ISSN 1753-2396 Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies Issue Editor: Cairns Craig Associate Editors: Stephen Dornan, Michael Gardiner, Rosalyn Trigger Editorial Advisory Board: Fran Brearton, Queen’s University, Belfast Eleanor Bell, University of Strathclyde Michael Brown, University of Aberdeen Ewen Cameron, University of Edinburgh Sean Connolly, Queen’s University, Belfast Patrick Crotty, University of Aberdeen David Dickson, Trinity College, Dublin T. M. Devine, University of Edinburgh David Dumville, University of Aberdeen Aaron Kelly, University of Edinburgh Edna Longley, Queen’s University, Belfast Peter Mackay, Queen’s University, Belfast Shane Alcobia-Murphy, University of Aberdeen Brad Patterson, Victoria University of Wellington Ian Campbell Ross, Trinity College, Dublin The Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies is a peer reviewed journal, published twice yearly in September and March, by the AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies at the University of Aberdeen. An electronic reviews section is available on the AHRC Centre’s website: http://www.abdn.ac.uk/riiss/ahrc- centre.shtml Editorial correspondence, including manuscripts for submission, should be addressed to The Editors,Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies, AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies, Humanity Manse, 19 College Bounds, University of Aberdeen, AB24 3UG or emailed to [email protected] Subscriptions and business correspondence should be address to The Administrator.
    [Show full text]
  • Upbringing of Girls As Reflected in the Activities and Views of Blessed Marcelina Darowska
    Marcelina Knop DOI: 10.14746/bhw.2018.38.33 Department of Didactic Method and History of Parenting University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn Upbringing of Girls as Reflected in the Activities and Views of Blessed Marcelina Darowska Abstract The article presents the life and educational activities of Blessed Marcelina Darowska, the co-found­ er of the Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and her views on up­ bringing of young women. Mother Marcelina’s perception of education of girls in the 19th century seemed modern and beyond her time. In her opinion, there was a need of putting a stop to produc­ ing “parlour dolls” and provide young women with practical education. For the betterment of the country, she set up schools in Jazłowiec, Jarosław, Niżniów and Nowy Sącz. The girls attending the schools were brought up according to the system developed by Marcelina Darowska, based on reli­ gious and patriotic values. The Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary continues the work commenced by its founder; over time Mother Marcelina’s message remains val­ id and serves the subsequent generations of young Polish girls. Keywords: Marcelina Darowska, Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Catholic schools, education of women in the nineteenth century 1. The life and educational work of Marcelina Darowska Marvelina Darowska née Kotowicz was both on the 16th1 of January 1827, as the fifth of seven children of Jan Kotowicz and Maximilia Jastrzębska. Raised in a wealthy land­ owner’s family on the Szulaki estate in the Kyiv2 province, even as a child, she showed 1 According to the Julian calendar, which was then used in Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • Polish National Identity Under Russian, Prussian, and Austro
    Three Paths to One State: Polish National Identity under Russian, Prussian, and Austro- Hungarian Occupation after 1863 Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Adam Wanter The Ohio State University June 2012 Project Advisor: Professor Jessie Labov, Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures 2 Table of Contents: Introduction 1 Section One: Background 7 Section Two: Composition 15 Section Three: Imperial History 22 Section Four: Political Ideologies and Political Figures 37 Conclusion 50 Bibliography 54 i Illustrations: Figure 1, map of Russian Poland 8 Figure 2, map of Austrian Poland 10 Figure 3, map of Prussian Poland 11 ii Introduction After over 100 years of foreign occupation by three different powers, a common Polish national identity was able to emerge and unite the three partitioned areas. How was this possible? What conditions existed that were able to bring together three separate and distinct areas together? This thesis will look into the development of Polish national identity in the three partitioned areas of Poland during the late 19th and early 20th centuries and in particular the role that imperial policy played in its formation. The purpose of this thesis is to carry out a comparative study of the three partitioned areas of Poland between roughly 1863 and the outbreak of World War I. Specifically, the thesis compares the effects of the three Imperial powers on the economic landscape of each region, as well as the environment in which Polish political thought, specifically different forms of Polish nationalism, emerged, analyzing how that environment help contribute to its development.
    [Show full text]
  • (Ethnic) Nationalism. the Origins and Critique of the Dichotomy
    polish 3()’ 171 10 sociological review ISSN 1231 – 1413 KRZYSZTOF JASKUŁOWSKI Warsaw School of Social Sciences and Humanities Western (civic) versus Eastern (ethnic) Nationalism. The Origins and Critique of the Dichotomy Abstract: The author focuses on Hans Kohn (1891–1971) who is generally regarded as the founding father of modern Anglophone academic research on nationalism. He was first to adopt a more neutral stance toward nationalism, one that made sustained attempt at dispassionate analysis of the phenomenon in order to define, classify and explain it. However, not only did he bring in a innovative and novel perspective to the subject by producing broad comparative studies but he was responsible for introducing one of the basic and long-lasting themes to the study of nationalism, namely a strongly moralistic distinction between a good nationalism, which he associated with the West, and a bad nationalism allegedly typical for the non-Western world. The paper discusses three questions: first, how did Kohn conceptualize the differences between the two types of nationalism? Second, how and why did he come to his conclusions and, finally, if it can be argued as many authors claim, that his discrimination between the two types of nationalism are valid and useful? Keywords: Hans Kohn; nationalism; Eastern nationalism; ethnic nationalism; Western nationalism; civic nationalism; nationalism studies. Introduction Anglophone students of nationalism have recognized Hans Kohn (1891–1971) as one of the most learned and influential authorities on history of nationalism (Wolf 1976: 651; Kuzio 2002; Özkirimli 2000; Snyder 1995). Kohn’s works together with the writings of Carlton Hayes are generally regarded as a turning point in the study of nationalism in the English-speaking world.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Agnieszka Barbara Nance 2004
    Copyright by Agnieszka Barbara Nance 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Agnieszka Barbara Nance Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Nation without a State: Imagining Poland in the Nineteenth Century Committee: Katherine Arens, Supervisor Janet Swaffar Kirsten Belgum John Hoberman Craig Cravens Nation without a State: Imagining Poland in the Nineteenth Century by Agnieszka Barbara Nance, B.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2004 Nation without a State: Imagining Poland in the Nineteenth Century Publication No._____________ Agnieszka Barbara Nance, PhD. The University of Texas at Austin, 2004 Supervisor: Katherine Arens This dissertation tests Benedict Anderson’s thesis about the coherence of imagined communities by tracing how Galicia, as the heart of a Polish culture in the nineteenth century that would never be an independent nation state, emerged as an historical, cultural touchstone with present day significance for the people of Europe. After the three Partitions and Poland’s complete disappearance from political maps of Europe, substitute images of Poland were sought that could replace its lost kingdom with alternate forms of national identity grounded in culture and tradition rather than in politics. Not the hereditary dynasty, not Prussia or Russia, but Galicia emerged as the imagined and representative center of a Polish culture without a state. This dissertation juxtaposes political realities with canonical literary texts that provide images of a cultural community among ethnic Germans and Poles sharing the border of Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Independence Regained
    1 INDEPENDENCE REGAINED The history of Poland in the modern era has been characterised by salient vicissitudes: outstanding victories and tragic defeats, soaring optimism and the deepest despair, heroic sacrifice and craven subser- vience. Underpinning all of these experiences and emotions, however, are the interrelated themes of national freedom, independence and sovereignty, which were sometimes lost, then regained, but never forgotten or abandoned. They, more than anything else, shaped Poland’s destiny in the modern era. And if there is one single, fundamental point of reference, then it is unquestionably the Partitions of the eighteenth century which resulted in Poland’s disappearance from the map of Europe for well over a century. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, as the Polish State was consti- tuted since the mid-sixteenth century, was for the next two hundred years one of the largest and most powerful in Europe, occupying a huge swathe of territory stretching from the area around Poznań in the west to far-off Muscovy in the east, and from Livonia in the north to the edge of the Ottoman Empire in the south. Famous kings, such as Stefan Batory (1575–86) and Jan Sobieski III (1674–96), and great landowning families, the Lubomirskis, Radziwiłłs, Zamoyskis, Czartoryskis and the like, played a leading role in moulding the economic, political and social life of the country and bringing it unprecedented international prestige. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, however, the first unmistakable signs of decline appeared, and were accentuated by the emergence of ambitious and expansionist neighbours in Russia, Prussia and Austria.
    [Show full text]