Political, Moral and Legal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political, Moral and Legal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II POLISH REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL AND EUROPEAN LAW 2018, Vol. 7, Issue 2 WOLLT IHR DEN TOTALEN KRIEG? Political, Moral and LEGal Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population After World War II Jerzy Kranz* Abstract: Germany had started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. They constituted a manifestation of the Allies’ rights and responsibilities. The territorial changes of Germany and the transfer of population were part of the general regulation of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be perceived in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement by Germany of ethnic Germans to the Reich or to the territories it occupied constituted an instrument of National Socialist policy. This German policy turned out in 1945 to be a tragic irony of fate. The resettlement decided in Potsdam must be perceived in the context of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from * Professor, Department of International Law and European Union, Kozminski University 9 Jerzy Kranz the international responsibility of the state and from the political-historical responsibility of the nation. In our discussion we made the distinction between the individual and the collective aspect as well as between the legal and historical/ political aspect. We deal with the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states, and the political and historical responsibility of nations (societies). For the difficult process of understanding and reconciliation between Poles and Germans, the initiatives undertaken by some social circles, and especially the church, were of vital importance. The question of the resettlement became a theme of numerous publications in Poland after 1989. In the mid 1990s there was a vast debate in the media with the main question of: should we apologize for the resettlement? Tracing a line from wrongdoing/harm to unlawfulness is not easy. In 1945 the forcible transfer of the German population was an act that was not prohibited by international law. What is significant is that this transfer was not a means of war conduct. It did not apply to the time of a belligerent occupation, in terms of humanitarian law, but to a temporary, specific, international post-conflict administration. Maybe for some people Potsdam decisions will always be seen as an illegal action, for others as an expression of strict international legal responsibility, for some as a kind of imperfect justice, and still for others as an opening of a new opportunity for Europe. Key words: World War II, Germany, international law, international humanitarian law List of Contents • Preface • Chapter 1: Introduction • Chapter 2: The Western Polish Border and the German Unification • Chapter 3: The Resettlement of Germans—War and Causality • Chapter 4: Guilt and Responsibility • Chapter 5: Apology for Resettlement? • Chapter 6: Tracing a Line from Wrongdoing/Harm to Illegality 10 Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?… Preface* Despite the passage of time, there remains divergence between Polish and German legal and political opinions concerning the course and impact of the Second World War. While the historical experience of different generations is not hereditary, the interest in these questions persists, as does their effects. Societies cannot ignore the past, in which they were forged, because the past is prologue to their future fate. Individual nations’ perceptions of history are often at odds. If two sides cannot agree on the history or legal questions underlying an issue, each must come to an understanding of the point of view of the other side in the course of dialogue. Otherwise, the risk arises that controversies live on as tools for current political purposes, especially in the context of historical policies, which are the DNA of every state and society. Germany started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The imperial and racist foundations of Nazi Germany and its methods of war led to irreversible outcomes for Germany itself. The resettlement of the German population after the Second World War by the victorious powers is an example of contested history that lives on with modern repercussions. How were resettlement decisions justified? Were they illegal in light of international law in force at that time? Propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels called for total war, adding that the defeat of Germany might lead to its destruction. Would the German defeat be less total than their victory? On what could the German state and its people count in 1945? The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. The territorial changes of Germany and * In memory of my mother and grandparents, who in March 1940 were forced to abandon their family home in Poznań forever, with two hours’ notice and two suitcases between them. Their forcible transfer was dictated to make room for baltendeutsche Umsiedler. After a few days in Lager Glowno (Posen-Ost), they were transported /Liste N°. 23 der evakuierten Personen, die in das Generalgouvernement abtransportiert worden sind/ to Mielec (city in South East Poland). They spent five difficult and hungry years in Mielec, under constant threat to their lives. Their return home became possible as a result of unexpected consequences of WWII, which turned out to be a tragic irony for Germany and for the Germans. 11 Jerzy Kranz the transfer of population were part of the general regulating of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be analysed in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement decided in Potsdam was part of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from the international responsibility of the state and from the political/historical responsibility of the nation. The international legal responsibility of states inevitably affects their population, which shares the fate of the state both in times of peace and in war. In our discussion we made the distinction between the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states and the political/historical responsibility of nations (societies). For the difficult process of understanding and reconciliation between Poles and Germans, the initiatives undertaken by some social circles, and especially the church, were of vital importance. The question of the resettlement became a theme of numerous publications in Poland after 1989. In the mid 1990s there was a vast debate in the media with the main question of: should we apologize for the resettlement? Tracing a line from wrongdoing/harm to unlawfulness is not easy. In 1945 the forcible transfer of the German population was an act that was not prohibited by international law. What is significant is that this transfer was not a means of war conduct. It did not apply to the time of a belligerent occupation, in terms of humanitarian law, but to a temporary, specific, international post-conflict administration. The resettlement of the German population after the Second World War by the victorious powers is an example of contested history that lives on with modern repercussions. We attempt to provide a perspective on the problem: the first part (Chapters 1 and 2) deals with the border change as an essential precondition of resettlement; the second part (Chapters 3, 4 and 5) presents the political and moral aspects; and the third part (Chapter 6) appraises the resettlement in the light of international law. 12 Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?… Chapter 1: Introduction For they sow the wind, and they shall reap the whirlwind1 1.1. Legal controversies between Poland and Germany were inevitable following the Second World War.2 The peace settlement with Germany, announced at the Potsdam Conference (11 July – 2 August, 1945), never went into effect. The collapse of the victorious coalition and the division of Europe (including Germany) into two opposing blocs (“the Iron Curtain”, “the Cold War”) ensured a contested future for Poland. Several elements contributed to the situation which arose in 1945. 1 Old Testament, Hosea 8:7. 2 See J. Kranz, Polsko-niemieckie kontrowersje prawne – próba syntezy, [in:] W.M. Góralski (ed.), Przełom i wyzwanie . XX lat polsko-niemieckiego Traktatu o dobrym sąsiedztwie i przyjaznej współpracy – 1991-2011, Warszawa 2011, pp. 477-520 (English version: Polish-German Legal Controversies – An Attempt At Synthesis, [in:] W.M. Góralski (ed.), ‘Breakthrough and Challenges. 20 Years of the Polish-German Treaty on Good Neighbourliness and Friendly Relations’, Warsaw 2011, pp. 419-460); W. Czapliński, B. Łukańka (eds), Problemy prawne w stosunkach polsko-niemieckich u progu XXI wieku [Legal issues in Polish-German relations on the brink of XXI century], Warszawa 2009; W.M. Góralski (ed.), Polska-Niemcy 1945-2007 . Od konfrontacji do współpracy i partnerstwa w Europie . Studia i dokumenty [Poland-Germany. From confrontation to cooperation and partnership in
Recommended publications
  • The Oder-Neisse Line As Poland's Western Border
    Piotr Eberhardt Piotr Eberhardt 2015 88 1 77 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/ GPol.0007 April 2014 September 2014 Geographia Polonica 2015, Volume 88, Issue 1, pp. 77-105 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0007 INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl THE ODER-NEISSE LINE AS POLAND’S WESTERN BORDER: AS POSTULATED AND MADE A REALITY Piotr Eberhardt Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization Polish Academy of Sciences Twarda 51/55, 00-818 Warsaw: Poland e-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article presents the historical and political conditioning leading to the establishment of the contemporary Polish-German border along the ‘Oder-Neisse Line’ (formed by the rivers known in Poland as the Odra and Nysa Łużycka). It is recalled how – at the moment a Polish state first came into being in the 10th century – its western border also followed a course more or less coinciding with these same two rivers. In subsequent cen- turies, the political limits of the Polish and German spheres of influence shifted markedly to the east. However, as a result of the drastic reverse suffered by Nazi Germany, the western border of Poland was re-set at the Oder-Neisse Line. Consideration is given to both the causes and consequences of this far-reaching geopolitical decision taken at the Potsdam Conference by the victorious Three Powers of the USSR, UK and USA. Key words Oder-Neisse Line • western border of Poland • Potsdam Conference • international boundaries Introduction districts – one for each successor – brought the loss, at first periodically and then irrevo- At the end of the 10th century, the Western cably, of the whole of Silesia and of Western border of Poland coincided approximately Pomerania.
    [Show full text]
  • Yalta Conference
    Yalta Conference 1 The Conference All three leaders were attempting to establish an agenda for governing post-war Europe. They wanted to keep peace between post-world war countries. On the Eastern Front, the front line at the end of December 1943 re- mained in the Soviet Union but, by August 1944, So- viet forces were inside Poland and parts of Romania as part of their drive west.[1] By the time of the Conference, Red Army Marshal Georgy Zhukov's forces were 65 km (40 mi) from Berlin. Stalin’s position at the conference was one which he felt was so strong that he could dic- tate terms. According to U.S. delegation member and future Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, "[i]t was not a question of what we would let the Russians do, but what Yalta Conference in February 1945 with (from left to right) we could get the Russians to do.”[2] Moreover, Roosevelt Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin. Also hoped for a commitment from Stalin to participate in the present are Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov (far left); United Nations. Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, RN, Marshal of the RAF Sir Charles Portal, RAF, Premier Stalin, insisting that his doctors opposed any (standing behind Churchill); General George C. Marshall, Chief long trips, rejected Roosevelt’s suggestion to meet at the of Staff of the United States Army, and Fleet Admiral William Mediterranean.[3] He offered instead to meet at the Black D. Leahy, USN, (standing behind Roosevelt).
    [Show full text]
  • Revisiting Zero Hour 1945
    REVISITING ZERO-HOUR 1945 THE EMERGENCE OF POSTWAR GERMAN CULTURE edited by STEPHEN BROCKMANN FRANK TROMMLER VOLUME 1 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University REVISITING ZERO-HOUR 1945 THE EMERGENCE OF POSTWAR GERMAN CULTURE edited by STEPHEN BROCKMANN FRANK TROMMLER HUMANITIES PROGRAM REPORT VOLUME 1 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©1996 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-15-1 This Humanities Program Volume is made possible by the Harry & Helen Gray Humanities Program. Additional copies are available for $5.00 to cover postage and handling from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite 420, 1400 16th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036-2217. Telephone 202/332-9312, Fax 202/265- 9531, E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.aicgs.org ii F O R E W O R D Since its inception, AICGS has incorporated the study of German literature and culture as a part of its mandate to help provide a comprehensive understanding of contemporary Germany. The nature of Germany’s past and present requires nothing less than an interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of German society and culture. Within its research and public affairs programs, the analysis of Germany’s intellectual and cultural traditions and debates has always been central to the Institute’s work. At the time the Berlin Wall was about to fall, the Institute was awarded a major grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities to help create an endowment for its humanities programs.
    [Show full text]
  • German Jewish Refugees in the United States and Relationships to Germany, 1938-1988
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO “Germany on Their Minds”? German Jewish Refugees in the United States and Relationships to Germany, 1938-1988 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Anne Clara Schenderlein Committee in charge: Professor Frank Biess, Co-Chair Professor Deborah Hertz, Co-Chair Professor Luis Alvarez Professor Hasia Diner Professor Amelia Glaser Professor Patrick H. Patterson 2014 Copyright Anne Clara Schenderlein, 2014 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Anne Clara Schenderlein is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically. _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ Co-Chair _____________________________________________________________________ Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2014 iii Dedication To my Mother and the Memory of my Father iv Table of Contents Signature Page ..................................................................................................................iii Dedication ..........................................................................................................................iv Table of Contents ...............................................................................................................v
    [Show full text]
  • The Question of War Reparations in Polish-German Relations After World War Ii
    Patrycja Sobolewska* THE QUESTION OF WAR REPARATIONS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS AFTER WORLD WAR II DOI: 10.26106/gc8d-rc38 PWPM – Review of International, European and Comparative Law, vol. XVII, A.D. MMXIX ARTICLE I. Introduction There is no doubt that World War II was the bloodiest conflict in history. Involv- ing all the great powers of the world, the war claimed over 70 million lives and – as a consequence – has changed world politics forever. Since it all started in Poland that was invaded by Germany after having staged several false flag border incidents as a pretext to initiate the attack, this country has suffered the most. On September 17, 1939 Poland was also invaded by the Soviet Union. Ultimately, the Germans razed Warsaw to the ground. War losses were enormous. The library and museum collec- tions have been burned or taken to Germany. Monuments and government buildings were blown up by special German troops. About 85 per cent of the city had been destroyed, including the historic Old Town and the Royal Castle.1 Despite the fact that it has been 80 years since this cataclysmic event, the Polish government has not yet received any compensation from German authorities that would be proportionate to the losses incurred. The issue in question is still a bone of contention between these two states which has not been regulated by both par- ties either. The article examines the question of war reparations in Polish-German relations after World War II, taking into account all the relevant factors that can be significant in order to resolve this problem.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Memory of German Victimhood in Post-1990 Popular German Literature and Television
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons@Wayne State University Wayne State University Wayne State University Dissertations 1-1-2010 The ulturC al Memory Of German Victimhood In Post-1990 Popular German Literature And Television Pauline Ebert Wayne State University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/oa_dissertations Part of the European History Commons, European Languages and Societies Commons, and the German Literature Commons Recommended Citation Ebert, Pauline, "The ulturC al Memory Of German Victimhood In Post-1990 Popular German Literature And Television" (2010). Wayne State University Dissertations. Paper 12. This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@WayneState. It has been accepted for inclusion in Wayne State University Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@WayneState. THE CULTURAL MEMORY OF GERMAN VICTIMHOOD IN POST-1990 POPULAR GERMAN LITERATURE AND TELEVISION by ANJA PAULINE EBERT DISSERTATION Submitted to the Graduate School of Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 2010 MAJOR: MODERN LANGUAGES Approved by: ________________________________________ Advisor Date ________________________________________ ________________________________________ ________________________________________ ________________________________________ © COPYRIGHT BY ANJA PAULINE EBERT 2010 All Rights Reserved Dedication I dedicate this dissertation … to Axel for his support, patience and understanding; to my parents for their help in financial straits; to Tanja and Vera for listening; to my Omalin, Hilla Ebert, whom I love deeply. ii Acknowledgements In the first place I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Professor Anne Rothe.
    [Show full text]
  • <K>EXTRACTS from the REPORT on the TRIPARTITE
    Volume 8. Occupation and the Emergence of Two States, 1945-1961 Excerpts from the Report on the Potsdam Conference (Potsdam Agreement) (August 2, 1945) The Potsdam Conference between the leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain was held at Cecilienhof Palace, the home of Crown Prince Wilhelm Hohenzollern, in Potsdam, Germany, from July 17 to August 2, 1945. The Soviet Union was represented by Josef Stalin; the U.S. was represented by President Harry S. Truman, who had only been in office for a few months, having succeeded Franklin Delano Roosevelt on April 12, 1945. Winston Churchill represented Great Britain at the start of the conference, but after the Labor Party won the elections of July 27, 1945, he was replaced by the new prime minister, Clement R. Attlee, who signed the agreement on behalf of Great Britain on August 2, 1945. The agreement reached by Stalin, Truman, and Attlee formed the basis of Allied occupation policy in the years to come. The provisions with the most far-reaching consequences included those concerning borders. It was agreed, for example, that the Oder- Neisse line would be established as Poland’s provisional western boundary, meaning that Poland would undergo a “western shift” at the expense of German territories in Pomerania, Silesia, and Eastern Prussia. It was also agreed that the territory around East Prussian Königsberg would be ceded to the Soviet Union. In addition, the conference settled upon the “transfer” of Germans from the new Polish territories and from Czechoslovakia and Hungary. These measures constituted an essential basis for the division of Germany and Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Expulsion of Ethnic Germans from Breslau/Wroclaw in the Wake of World War II Nathan Stepp
    Historical Perspectives: Santa Clara University Undergraduate Journal of History, Series II Volume 15 Article 9 2010 Determining the "Homeland": Expulsion of Ethnic Germans from Breslau/Wroclaw in the Wake of World War II Nathan Stepp Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/historical-perspectives Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Stepp, Nathan (2010) "Determining the "Homeland": Expulsion of Ethnic Germans from Breslau/Wroclaw in the Wake of World War II," Historical Perspectives: Santa Clara University Undergraduate Journal of History, Series II: Vol. 15 , Article 9. Available at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/historical-perspectives/vol15/iss1/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Historical Perspectives: Santa Clara University Undergraduate Journal of History, Series II by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Stepp: Determining the "Homeland" 66 Historical Perspectives May 2010 Determining the "Homeland": Expulsion of Ethnic Germans from Breslau/Wroclaw in the Wake of World War II Nathan Stepp Introduction The Holocaust and World War II were, without a doubt, two of the most horrific events in the 20th century. Tragedies continued after the guns were silenced, however, and these have tended to be overlooked. At the conclusion of World War II, Europe's national borders were hastily redrawn. Truman, Churchill, and Stalin determined at the Potsdam Conference in May 1945 that the borders of Poland and Germany should shift "back" to the Oder­ Neisse line. l Germany, under Hitler's Third Reich, was certainly guilty of unjustly seizing much of Poland's land during the war.
    [Show full text]
  • German-Polish Reconciliation in Comparative Perspective: Lessons for Japan? ドイツ・ポーランド和解を比較的視野に置 く——日本にとっての教訓たり得るか
    Volume 8 | Issue 16 | Number 1 | Article ID 3344 | Apr 19, 2010 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus German-Polish Reconciliation in Comparative Perspective: Lessons for Japan? ドイツ・ポーランド和解を比較的視野に置 く——日本にとっての教訓たり得るか Lily Gardner-Feldman Japan, has chosen to entertain the possibility of a paradigm shift in how Japan deals with China German-Polish Reconciliation in and South Korea. In a June 2009 visit to the Comparative Perspective: Lessons Republic of Korea as head of the Democratic for Japan?1 Party of Japan (DPJ), when elaborating on his vision for an East Asian or Asian-Pacific Lily Gardner Feldman Community, Hatoyama drew on the Franco- German experience of creating a regional The Japanese Case and the Benefits of organization for embedding their relationship Comparison on foundations of permanent peace. In 2008 and 2009, a series of historical issues once again defined the public space of Japanese-South Korean and Japanese-Chinese relations: the revisionist essay of General Tamogami Toshio; Prime Minister Aso Taro’s acknowledgement of the use of slave labor in his family’s wartime mine; new flare-ups in the longstanding territorial disputes over the Senkaku/Diaoyu and Takeshima/Dokdo islets; ministerial visits to the Yasukuni Shrine; and Japanese government approval of another amnesiac history textbook whitewashing Japan’s World War II aggression.2 These developments could be viewed as another episode in the periodic eruption of Hatoyama (left) and Lee in Seoul, October history-related problems that have affected 9, 2009 Japan’s bilateral ties openly since 1982, with the anticipation that they will ebb and flow Since assuming office, Prime Minister depending on domestic and international Hatoyama’s first visit to Seoul instead of circumstances.
    [Show full text]
  • Forging a New Heimat
    Transkulturelle Perspektiven Band 10 Herausgegeben von Sylvia Hahn, Dirk Hoerder, Dobrochna Kałwa und Anne Winter Pascal Maeder Forging a New Heimat Expellees in Post-War West Germany and Canada With 7 figures V&R unipress 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek 18 19 Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen 20 Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über 21 http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. 22 23 ISBN 978-3-89971-805-8 24 ISBN 978-3-86234-805-3 (E-Book) 25 26 Publiziert mit Unterstützung des Schweizerischen Nationalfonds zur Förderung der 27 wissenschaftlichen Forschung, der Christine Bonjour-Stiftung und des Max Geldner- 28 Dissertationenfonds der Universität Basel. 29 30 2011, V&R unipress in Göttingen / www.vr-unipress.de 31 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede 32 Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen 33 schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Hinweis zu § 52a UrhG: Weder das Werk noch seine 34 Teile dürfen ohne vorherige schriftliche Einwilligung des Verlages öffentlich zugänglich gemacht 35 werden. Dies gilt auch bei einer entsprechenden Nutzung für Lehr- und Unterrichtszwecke. 36 Printed in Germany. 37 Titelbildvermerk: Railway workers in Bremerhaven load the baggage of emigrants, November 1952, 38 Digital Picture Archives of the German Federal Archives 39 Druck und Bindung: Hubert & Co., Göttingen 40 41 Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. For Vivienne Contents Acknowledgements . .................. 11 List of Abbreviations . .................. 15 List of Maps and Charts . .................. 17 Introduction . ............................... 19 Expellees in West Germany and Canada .
    [Show full text]
  • “Then He, Who Would Not Need to Do This, Kneels Down in Lieu of All Those Who Should, but Who Do Not Kneel Down” – Wil- Ly Brandt in Warsaw on 7 December 1970
    “Then he, who would not need to do this, kneels down in lieu of all those who should, but who do not kneel down” – Wil- ly Brandt in Warsaw on 7 December 1970 Fifty years ago, the then Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Willy Brandt, came to Poland to sign an agreement on normalisation of mutual relations between both countries. This visit, as well as the most famous event related to it, were described by Prof. Grzegorz Berendt, a historian and vice- director of the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk. The meaning of a single poem can sometimes have more impact than a volume of scientific studies on the same subject. It is similar as in the case of gestures which are more memorable than any words. One of such gestures was the way of paying tribute to the victims of the Holocaust chosen by the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Willy Brandt, on 7 December 1970 in Warsaw. For over two decades, the governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic were led by people who opposed the Nazis during the Third Reich. Both countries condemned the persecution and extermination of Jews in the period of 1933-1945. However, it was the state authorities of the FRG who undertook to actively express repentance of the crimes committed on the Jewish people by the representatives of Germany. This was motivated by the fact that the Soviet Union adopted a deeply reluctant attitude towards Israel and the Zionist movement, even before the creation of the FRG and the GDR at the turn of 1948 and 1949.
    [Show full text]
  • Raimund Lammersdorf the Question of Guilt, 1945-47: German and American Answers
    The American Impact on Western Europe: Americanization and Westernization in Transatlantic Perspective Conference at the German Historical Institute Washington, D.C., March 25-27, 1999 Raimund Lammersdorf The Question of Guilt, 1945-47: German and American Answers www.ghi-dc.org/conpotweb/westernpapers/lammersdorf.pdf © Raimund Lammersdorf 1999 Raimund Lammersdorf, DHI Washington "The Question of Guilt, 1945-47: German and American Answers" The concept of German westernization implies a process of change in German society from a non-Western condition to one that can be characterized in part as an ideological kinship with the United States. Westernization as the rise of a growing cultural, philosophical as well as practical awareness and realization of Western values among Germans can be analyzed by comparisons of the two value systems. The discussion during the years 1945-47 of German guilt for the devastation of World War II offers one opportunity to observe the point of departure of this process. A defeated and still non-Western Germany no longer functioned as the enemy but was not yet considered a kindred spirit, friend or even a useful, if dubious, ally. It was the time when Germans began to rebuild the country and needed to readjust their self-conception as a culture and society. For the majority, the switch to a wholly different ideological matrix was less important than bare survival. Yet beyond the question of day to day survival and the fears of an uncertain future one of the issues that dominated German public opinion was the beginning of a still ongoing project to analyze the recent past.
    [Show full text]