Old World, New World, Third World? Reconceptualising the Worlds of Wine

Home , Algerian wine, New World wine, Old World wine

Journal of Wine Research, 2010, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 57–75

GLENN BANKS and JOHN OVERTON Original manuscript received, 08 April 2009 Revised manuscript received, 18 November 2009

ABSTRACT This paper argues that existing categories defining the geography of the world’s wine industry, principally the Old World/New World dichotomy, are flawed. Not only do they fail to represent adequately the complexity of production and marketing in those two broad regions but also, crucially, they do not acknowledge the significant and rapidly expanding production and consumption of wine in ‘Third World’ developing countries. Rather than argue for the addition of a ‘Third World’ category, we instead use the lens of recent work on globalisation to argue that such production requires us to re-examine the dichotomous Old/New distinction which structures much of the thinking around the global wine industry. It also requires us to more closely link changes in patterns of global wine consumption with developments in global production. Changing geographies of wine production have been driven, to a large extent, by the rapid expansion of both local wealthy elites and burgeoning middle classes in countries such as China and India. This has resulted in the development of local wineries, large and small, throughout the developing world. It has also seen new flows of investment both from established wine regions to these new sites of production and from companies and individuals in the developing world who have invested in established wine regions, whether in France or Australia. Increasingly, the various worlds of wine will become more complex, accommodating new regions and also different forms of production and marketing, from traditional and modern artisanal production, closely tied to place and vintage, to large-scale industrial production for a mass market.

1. Introduction: The Old World and the New World of Wine For many years, the world’s wine industry has been seen in terms of a simple dichotomy between the ‘Old World’ and the ‘New World’. This distinction has been emphasised by many wine writers, both popular and academic (for example, Aylward, 2003; Clarke, 2003; Remaud and Couderc, 2006; Robinson, 2006; Campbell and Guibert, 2007), and undoubtedly embedded in the minds of wine consumers worldwide. It is

Glenn Banks (corresponding author), School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University, Private Bag 11–222, Palmerston North, New Zealand (E-mail: [email protected]). John Overton, School of Geography, Environment and Earth Sciences, Victoria University of Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington, New Zealand (E-mail: [email protected]).

ISSN 0957-1264 print/ISSN 1469-9672 online/10/010057-19 # 2010 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/09571264.2010.495854 58 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON a distinction that has appeal, for it simplifies and categorises many of the supposed differences to be found in wine production and it has suited both the marketing strategies and the political stances of wine producers on different sides of the globe. In this paper, however, we argue that this distinction—and other associated ones that are frequently used—are flawed and themselves offer little of analytical value. We adopt instead the critical lens of globalisation to examine recent developments in the global wine industry. In this approach it is necessary to go beyond the Old World – New World distinction. We also introduce the concept of a Third World of wine but argue that this additional category adds little beyond further highlighting the inadequacies of the Old/New dichotomy. In order to understand the wine industry as a complex global phenomenon, one characterised by integration and homogenisation in some aspects but also differentiation and localisation in others, we instead argue for an approach which foregrounds the multiple ‘worlds of wine’ as cross- cutting, contingent and contextual. The process of globalisation has attracted a considerable amount of critical analysis in the past decade and much of the literature is relevant to the wine industry (Anderson et al., 2003; Campbell and Guibert, 2007). One of the strongest themes to emerge from work on globalisation has been the view that the global economy is increasingly interconnected by flows of capital investment, commodities, technologies and labour. These flows act to integrate the economies of the world through the ways in which enterprises are more vertically integrated, principally resulting from the way large corporations own different parts of the commodity chains, from production to retailing (Gwynne, 2008). Globalisation also involves the continuing search for lowest-cost sources of production so that goods are produced cheaply in different parts of the world and distrib- uted to markets worldwide. There is also the phenomenon of global brands so that certain products become homogenised, developed by careful marketing and supported by production strategies that ensure that a certain brand will be of reliable and consistent quality wherever it appears in the global market (Waters, 1995). Applying these concepts from theories of globalisation would see a wine industry that moves towards more low-cost production of high-volume brands of wine produced in parts of the world where favourable environmental conditions or low costs of labour allow large economies of scale and production of consistent quality wine from one vintage to another (Anderson et al., 2003). Another side of the globalisation literature, however, stresses that globalisation is a process that does not inevitably lead to these forms of agglomeration, homogenisation or even industrialisation (Murray, 2005). As individual wealth has grown in the wake of an expanding global economy, consumer preferences particularly amongst the wealthy or middle class seek not low-cost high volume products in all cases but instead more differentiated and higher-status products. Such products are also marked by brands but they are brands that often emphasise factors such as traditional or artisanal methods of production (or alternatively, extremely high-tech production), quality assurance and indications of a product’s provenance in terms of place of origin, type or purity of inputs and method of production (Charters, 2006; Goodman, 2003). Another aspect that coincides with this trend towards product differentiation is the phenomenon of resistance to globalisation. Here some producers are able to resist the trend to agglomeration or homogenisation by protecting or marketing their intellectual property in the form of product and place names or methods of production (Moran, 1993a). Putting these processes together, we see that globalisation may involve greater inter-connectedness of the economy but also leads to quite different manifes- tations at different spatial scales and in different places (for example, see Barton and RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 59

Murray, 2009). Indeed, place itself emerges as a critical factor both as a site for the construction of new local identities within the global economy and also as a marker (and sometimes a brand) of difference, exclusivity and quality (Jackson, 2004; Johnson and Brewer, 2007; Colman, 2008). In this sense, the wine industry can be seen as being characterised by complex processes of change in which the undoubted forces that are moving towards integration, industrialisation and sameness (as seen in bulk wines: Davis, 2005) are counterbalanced by those which are leading to a continuation and even expansion of place-specific artisanal production of premium wines (Aylward and Zanko, 2008). Furthermore, these changes are not just being driven from the centre, by large corporations or old established markets, but also by new developments on the periphery, whether the rapidly growing number of new middle-class consumers in the developing world or newly developed wine producing regions in many different parts of the world. These two approaches to globalisation seem to offer contradictory interpretations of the wine industry. Yet both elements may operate simultaneously and in related ways. However, in attempting to understand how these global processes are operating, it is useful to return initially to the Old World – New World discourse to identify some of the dimensions of difference that may exist within these different worlds of wine. The dichotomy between the Old and New worlds of wine is based on a number of putative differences to be found in the nature of wine production. Such differences are portrayed in either a positive or negative light depending on the perspectives of the writers. The Old World (largely Western and Southern Europe), it is argued by its supporters, is characterised by long-established and relatively unchanging methods and locations of wine production. Centuries of trial and error have perfected viticultural and winemaking techniques that are suited to particular places. Certain varieties have been selected and refined over many years that seem to ‘belong’ to certain regions and not others. Likewise, the methods of growing grapes and making wine have developed slowly and been perfected by generations of small-scale, locally based artisanal producers. The qualities of different wines are explained—and mar- keted—with reference to their terroir: their place of origin (Charters, 2006). Terroir encapsulates a wide range of factors, from the particular climatic and micro-climatic conditions, to soils, underlying geology, topography, aspect and even landscape, as well as the cultural and historical dimensions of winemaking traditions and techniques that imbue unique characteristics on the wine that is produced in a certain place (Wilson, 1998; Vaudour, 2002; Barham, 2003). This strong attachment of wine to place has been reinforced by the evolution of a regulatory framework, such as the appellation d’origin coˆntroleé (AOC) system in France or the Denominazione di Origine Controllata (DOC) in Italy, which protect and control a wide range of aspects of the industry, from (depending on local regulations) the varieties that can be grown, the yields, the winemaking techniques and the regional descriptors used to market the wine. Thanks to the power of European negotiators in global trade talks and deals, this protection of place of origin of wine has gradually been accepted as an element of ‘intellectual property’ and it has become one of the few aspects of local protection that has been allowed in the emerging liberalised world trade environment (Josling, 2006). Yet whilst the backers of this Old World model of wine production and marketing stress attachment to place, terroir, artisanal modes of production and the unchanging nature, and high quality, of wine, others are more critical. Some see the Old World as a place of conservatism and trade protectionism. To them, the old ways inhibit experimentation and quality improvement and encourage artificially high costs of 60 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON production. Terroir and the laws that protect it are merely devices to maintain particular—and archaic—modes of production, prop up land and wine prices and allow the persistence of myths about the particularities of certain places and wines that cannot be replicated elsewhere (as noted in Moran, 1988, 1993b; Barham, 2003). By contrast, according to the discourse of the dichotomy, the New World—the vineyards and wineries of North America, South Africa, Chile, Australia, Argentina and New Zealand—are places where experimentation and development are encouraged. Innovation is the watchword, not conservatism. Varieties are not limited to certain places and winemakers are free to trial ‘modern’ oenological techniques. Differentiation of wines is based on an explicit declaration of grape variety rather than disguised by deliberate obfuscation through inordinately complex place of origin labelling. The New World wine industry has thus expanded rapidly, its quality improved significantly and its place in world wine markets become firmly established. Trade liberalisation is to be encouraged in order to end de facto protectionism by means of place of origin laws and open lucrative European markets to free competition. On the other hand, critics argue that the New World has abandoned the mystique of wine and winemaking and instead resorted to large-scale ‘industrial’ modes of production, eschewing the subtleties of place and terroir and generations of expertise and empathy in favour of artificial chemicals and new techniques. Regulation and protection is critical to save the wine industry from a globalised ‘fast-food’ fate: a homogenisation of product that divorces it from its geography and history and which is driven by competition over price points. This argument was neatly captured in the 2004 documentary movie Mondovino. This dichotomy between the old and new worlds of wine makes an interesting (if ultimately immaterial) debate. Both sides can find—and disseminate—narratives which support their products, marketing strategies and positions in trade negotiations. Wine writers can also attach themselves to this debate for their readers—and wine consumers—have at hand an appealing and simple categorisation of wines that can guide their buying decisions. However, this dichotomy is flawed. First, it is far from accurate to depict European winemaking as governed simply by regulation, conservatism and stasis.1 Although small-scale artisanal production remains the dominant form throughout much of Europe, historically the use of co-operatives has provided economies of scale of production. One of the key features of the French wine industry in the past decade has been the emergence of regions in the south—Languedoc-Roussillon in particular. This region (and others) have been producing large quantities of wine often characterised by varietal labelling, large-scale production and New World winemaking techniques (and even the employment of New World winemakers). The Spanish, Italian and Portuguese industries have been similarly transformed by expansion and innovation with notable improvements in quality and product differentiation. Even established and highly regulated regions, such as Champagne (Allen, 2008) and Burgundy (Kelly, 2008), have experienced significant change through expansion and the redefinition of boundaries. And in the New World, the picture of large-scale industrial production that underplays terroir is far from applicable beyond the most general level. New World producers have been keen to embrace the newly (or soon-to-be) introduced laws regarding place of origin, although they are quite different from the European models in many respects, being concerned only with the specification of geographical origin rather than prescribing elements such as yields, methods of production or quality designations. Winemakers in Coonawarra (Banks and Sharpe, 2006) and Hawkes Bay (Overton and Heitger, 2008), for example, have been active RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 61 in defining and protecting their own regional wine appellations. They can see notable advantages in specifying and codifying certain favoured regions that can be promoted in the market-place as being associated with uniqueness of product and high quality. Furthermore, whilst very large winemaking companies may dominate much of the volume of production (incidentally some of the most significant of these large companies, such as Pernod Ricard, are European), many of the industries of the New World are characterised by small ‘boutique’ or medium-sized enterprises that promote their distinctive and personalised approach to (artisanal) winemaking (Charters, 2006). Another aspect that is not captured in the Old World/New World categorisation is the belief that consumer preferences are gradually turning towards subtle cooler climate wines and away from ‘hot climate’, high alcohol wines. This new distinction transcends the Old World/New World division, for whilst many of the hot climate wines styles derive from Southern California or Australia, they are also strongly evident in Italy or Spain. And, whereas cooler climate wine production is found in Burgundy, Alsace or even England, it is also expanding significantly in New Zealand, Tasmania or Canada. Whilst there are these objections to the Old World/New World dichotomy, the debate has illuminated several important dimensions of difference which do exist in various ways in the global wine industry. These include distinctions such as: artisanal/industrial; cool climate/warm climate; conservatism/experimentation; place designation/varietal specification; and regulated/unregulated. These binary distinctions are all questionable at a finer level of resolution but they do illustrate some important differences within the global industry as a whole. Rather than existing simply on one or other side of the Old World/New World divide, it is clear that these differences exist throughout the world and can be seen in newly emerging wine markets and sites of production. This paper now turns to this aspect: the rise and reformation of wine regions outside of the Western European or New World cores. We examine first the ways that rapidly changing patterns of wine consumption are driving the global industry then turn to examine more closely the emergence of new patterns and locations of wine production before analysing how these new wine regions are now beginning to have a wider impact and are shaping a new global geography of multiple worlds of wine.

2. Changing Geographies of Wine Consumption Although winemakers and journalists might debate the merits (or otherwise) of particular regions, styles, varieties, or winemaking techniques, it is ultimately the wine consumer who determines the way the wine industry is shaped and developed. In this section we outline some of the broad features and trends in global wine consumption, noting in particular the rise of wine markets in rapidly developing economies. Following our argument introduced above, we highlight the fact that despite globalising and homogenising tendencies in wine consumption (particularly around varieties and different wine styles) there is a diversity of local responses and trajectories among consumers in different parts of the global industry. World wine consumption (as measured by OIV statistics, see Wine Institute 2007a, 2010b, 2010c, 2010d) is still dominated by Western Europe which accounted for 54% of world wine consumption in 2008 (Figure 1). When the North American and Eastern European markets are added (together comprising about 16% of the world’s popu- lation), over three-quarters of the world’s wine consumption is accounted for. Countries in Western Europe—France, Italy and Spain—also ﬁgure amongst the 62 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON

Figure 1. Share of world wine consumption by region, 2008 Source: Based on data from Wine Institute (2010a) highest per capita consumers of wine: France at around 53 litres of wine per capita per year, compared to only 9 litres for USA or 7 litres in Russia. Oceania—principally Australia and New Zealand—are relatively insigniﬁcant in the world market with only 2% of total wine consumption but they have quite high levels of per capita consumption at around 22 litres. Together, the New World markets (North and Latin America, and Oceania) account for 23% of world wine consumption but Asia and Africa are relatively small markets with only 7.6% and 2.5% respectively. Yet these data for present wine consumption disguise some important changes that have taken place in recent years. Figure 2 depicts rates of change in consumption over the years 2001 to 2005 and Figure 3 plots change in per capita consumption against change in per capita income. The signiﬁcant feature from these data is that the larger wine markets—Western Europe and North America—are relatively stable2 but it is in Eastern Europe, Asia and even Africa where the highest growth rates have occurred. Furthermore, what seems to be driving this growth in wine consumption is rapid overall economic growth. Those countries with the fastest growing wine markets in terms of wine consumption (Hong Kong, China, and Russia among them) have experienced impressive rates of economic growth, usually real growth rates of income of over 5% per annum and sometimes approaching 10%. There appears to be a strong correlation between economic growth and growth in wine consumption. Some accounts estimate an even more rapid growth in demand for wine than the OIV data above: in India, for example, it is estimated that wine sales have been growing annually by ‘25% to

Figure 2. Wine consumption per capita by region, against GNI per capita Source: Based on data from the Wine Institute (2010d) Note: Data only analyses countries with over 5 million litres total consumption of wine RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 63

Figure 3. Wine consumption rate of change per capita by country (2001–2008) against GDP growth rate 2006 Source: Based on data from the Wine Institute (2010d) Note: data only analyses countries with over 5 million litres total consumption of wine

35% over the past 5 years’ (Arora, 2008: 36) and there are reports in China of sales increasing by 68% from 2001 to 2006, although accurate figures are difficult to access (Thach, 2007). What is notable is that many of these countries are to be found in either Eastern Europe (countries of the former Soviet bloc) or Asia (the ‘Asian tiger’ economies). In addition, there are some exceptional cases to be found in Africa (Ivory Coast, Mozambique, Togo) and Latin America (Peru, Colombia). Here, rapid economic growth has created new wealth and this new wealth has been gathered in the hands of the very rich but also the middle class. Both these groups are emerging as significant wine consumers. Furthermore, it is not just the rate of economic growth that is critical but also the very large size of the markets. China was reported as having over 345,000 US dollar millionaires in 2006 (Arab Times, 2008) and the figure for India may be similarly significant. New wealth has helped drive new consumer demands and, to a large extent, the products that are demanded are icons of Western consumerism, whether luxury German cars, designer-labelled clothing or Bordeaux wines. These items are often regarded as ‘conspicuous consumption’ (with reference to Veblen’s [1899] term), their labels prominently displayed in public demonstrations of the wealth and prestige of both the product and its new owner. In the case of wine, there are stories (Anderson, 2003; Kjellgren, 2004), some undoubtedly apocryphal, of how wealthy business people enter- tain guests to dinner and spend very large sums on fine wines but either do not drink the wine themselves or add water or soda drinks to make it more palatable to them. Visits by wine writers such as Robert Parker or Hugh Johnson to China—and the high prices people pay to attend their seminars and dinners—are strong indicators of a willingness to learn about wine and adopt the language and manners of a new wine culture. Purchase and collection of wine is also important: a Chinese billionaire recently paid the highest price ever for a single lot of wine sold through the London-based Antique Wine Company—£250,000 pounds for 27 bottles of wine Romane´ e Conti, Burgundy (Anon, 2008a). It is display of the product as much as its actual consumption that is valued. Wine—expensive wine in particular—has been adopted as a marker of wealth and sophistication and its adoption by the newly rich draws on imagery of ele- gance, affluence and worldliness. Money alone cannot provide the social status and 64 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON respect sought by some—conspicuous consumption, apparently, is needed to demonstrate real success. Yet it would be wrong to see the adoption of wine purely as a device for the super rich to demonstrate and affirm their wealth and class. The rich may look to the expensive wines of Bordeaux or Burgundy but it is also apparent that new wealth amongst the middle classes is being spent on wine, albeit in lower price brackets. Wine, in this respect, is like other markers of Westernisation and wealth, akin to hamburgers or ice cream, though its producers try to position wines as a higher status product than these. Here it is not so much the label that is critical (though an imported rather than a local brand may be more favoured) but the fact that what is being consumed is wine. Young professionals appear to be the target of marketing campaigns for wine in China or India and the symbolism of wine as a product associated with wealth and sophistication is strong (Fang Liu and Murphy, 2007; Jenster and Cheng, 2008). Kjellgren (2004) even argues that wine in China is seen as a national project that seeks to assert a distinctly Chinese form of engagement with modernity. Initially, this demand for wine as a beverage (though not as an icon) can be met from expanded domestic sources in countries such as China or Russia where wine production has been in place for many years. Over time, though, there appears to be a shift from mere quantitative increases to a qualitative shift: either through improvements in the local wines or increased imports. Often the two went together, with the opening up of domestic wine markets with trade liberalisation forcing local producers to improve quality so as to compete with the new range of imported wines. Wine consumption, then, has a symbolic value as important for the emergent middle classes as it is for the very wealthy. Indeed, given the size and rapid growth of the middle class in countries such as China and India and Russia, it is this group that has the greatest potential for increased consumption of a wide range of wine styles and price levels. There is speculation that sometime before 2010 China’s wine consumption will rank fourth in the world, behind the United States, France and Italy (Mitry et al., 2009) and the potential market of a billion new consumers (McGregor, 2005) (perhaps of wine) is obviously attractive to both local and foreign winemakers. Realisation of the importance and potential of these new markets has led a number of global wine producers to turn their attention to cultivating and supplying them. Wine fairs in Asia, for example, have given prominence to imported brands and marketing trips to Asia are increasingly frequent for sales staff from France, Italy, Spain and Australia. In line with the notion of ‘worlds of wine’, it is clear that this is not necessarily a simple one way influence—even in the face of global homogenising influences, local tastes and styles do still matter, and the need to understand changing local tastes and palates (particularly in Asia [Fang Liu and Murphy, 2007], but also in evolving established markets such as the UK) has assumed a high profile in recent times. This realisation has, in part, also led both local and global wine companies to turn their attention to wine production in the new markets.

3. Changing Geographies of Wine Production As with consumption, a geography of contemporary wine production shows an initial picture of European dominance hiding signs of signiﬁcant changes elsewhere. Figure 4 and Table 1 clearly show that established European wine producing countries continue to dominate global production. France, Italy and Spain in particular are key RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 65

Figure 4. Share of world wine production by region, 2008 Source: Based on data from the Wine Institute (2010b) producers: together accounting for just over 47% of world wine production in 2008 (Wine Institute, 2010b). The New World—USA, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Chile and Argentina—has become significant with over 27% of world wine production but they are still relatively dwarfed by the Old World (Wine Institute, 2010b). Behind these macro-level data, however, there have been some interesting trends in global wine production, with apparently global processes sparking very different local responses that reflect local histories, geographies and cultures. When we examine data for changes in area planted in grapes3 (Figure 5) it can be seen that there are some significant contrasts from one part of the world to another. In Western Europe, there was some decline in area in the 1990s (perhaps as a result of a fall in table grape production or a movement away from low priced bulk wine production) but signs of a recovery in recent years. In Eastern Europe the decline in the 1990s (and for Romania in the early 2000s) probably reflected an end to Soviet-style state-directed production of bulk local wines. It is notable that this decline in production has occurred at a time when wine

Table 1. Wine production trend for leading producers, 1991/1995–2008 (000 hectolitres) (Wine Institute 2010b)

1991–1995 1996–2000 average average 2002 2004 2006 2008

Italy 60768 54386 44604 44086 50566 51500 France 52886 56271 50353 57386 53400 45692 Spain 26438 34162 33478 41843 36158 36781 USA 17619 20386 20300 24110 24298 24274 Argentina 15588 13456 12695 15464 15396 15013 Australia 4810 7380 11509 15048 14628 14750 China 5140 9581 11200 11700 13000 14500 Germany 10391 9989 9885 10107 9256 10363 South Africa 8228 7837 7189 9279 10130 10300 Chile 3326 5066 5623 6550 8450 8690 Portugal 7276 6828 6677 7340 7267 6049 Romania 5529 6173 5461 5555 2602 5288 Russia 3348 2512 4060 5120 5000 5000 Moldova 4008 2151 2251 3488 3597 3650 Greece 3668 3832 3085 3815 3997 3337 Hungary 3823 4126 3333 3880 3103 3222 Brazil 3095 2920 3212 3925 2372 3000 Ukraine 1741 1414 2430 2400 2460 2400 Bulgaria 3462 2811 1982 2327 1708 1800 66 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON

Figure 5. Changes in vineyard area and wine production for major producers, 1986–2008 Source: Based on data from the Wine Institute (2010b, 2010c) consumption has increased: again a reﬂection of the rising demand for higher quality and imported wines. Elsewhere in the world, there is a more consistent, though not even, pattern of increase. The main New World producers experienced signiﬁcant increases in vineyard area throughout the 1990s: Australia, USA and Chile in particular. Yet there have also been some decreases: Argentina in the early 1990s and USA in the 2000s, possibly because of afallintablegrapeproductionbutalsoperhaps because of a qualitative shift. In Argen- tina, for example, well established productionoflocallowcostwinesfordomesticconsump- tion has shifted to more expensive wine production using classical varieties, much of it for export (McDermott, 2007).4 Even in Australia, there have been recent concerns that the expansion of the 1990s involving the production of too much lower-end bulk wine—often using scarce irrigation resources—is not sustainable in either environmental or economic terms and may need to be reversed (Anon, 2009; Taylor, 2009). Yet, whilst these increases have often been impressive, they pale in comparison with what is happening in some ‘Third World’ vineyards. China increased its area under grapes over three-fold in the twenty years prior to 2004 and now has a larger area under grapes than USA, Australia, or Argentina and Chile combined. Even Indian vineyards have expanded rapidly and there is now more than double the area under grapes there than there is in New Zealand (Wine Institute, 2010c). Granted, some (perhaps much, see Naik [2006]) of the area under grapevines in India and China may be destined for table grapes rather than wine, but as data for wine production show a very similar growth trend, it can be concluded that Third World wine production is not only the fastest growing sector of the world’s wine industry but it is also emerging as a rival in size to established ‘New World’ producers outside Europe. Such a situation has led one commentator to conclude “The true wines of the new world are the wines of China or India” (Robert Beynat, Director of Vinexpo Asia, cited in Anon, 2008b). RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 67

In many cases, this rapid expansion has involved an extension of existing vineyards and varieties. Some commentators would argue that much of this local wine production is of inferior quality and barely palatable to those used to classical varieties and Western wine styles (Robinson, 2008).5 Given the rapid growth of local demand, and the presence of established wine brands, it is understandable if the early growth in the industry is based upon this lower-end market segment of bulk wines. Third World wine production is, however, also showing signs of qualitative improvements. This has come about in several different ways. First, the bulk wine local supply has been augmented by the use ofimportedbulkwinesfromestablished wine producing countries such as Australia, Spain or Chile. Australian exports of wine to China, for example, showed a huge growth (350%) in the bulk wine category in 2006, much of which was shipped in enormousbladdersinsideshippingcontainers and blended with local wines (Patton, 2006).6 Second, local producers are investing heavily in upgrading their vineyards and winemaking facilities. For some local entrepreneurs with new-found wealth to invest, the establishment of their own wineries, complete with the trappings of European winemaking imagery (for example, being called chateaux), could be seen as a form of‘conspicuousproduction’matching almost to the extreme the conspicuous consumption of others. Yet these are no mere playthings of the idle rich, for there isclearevidencethatsomeofthesenewbou- tique Third World wineries are seeking Old and New World winemaking expertise (see Gudgeon [2005] for example) and classic varieties to plant (Cabernet Sauvignon is the most widely planted variety in China [Robinson, 2008]7). Finally, quality improvements are occurring as a result of foreign investment and technology transfer. European and American wine companies such as Pernod Ricard, Seagram’s and Remy-Cointreau have established joint venture operations in China and India. These operations are designed to tap into the burgeoning local market for wine but they also offer local vineyards the chance to learn from their foreign partners and produce local wines that mimic European and other desired wine styles. In 2008 the University of Adelaide signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Champagne Indage (India’s largest winemaker) to establish a very large tertiary training programme in viticulture and winemaking near Pune, India, with an initial enrolment of 600 students (Anon, 2008c). Elsewhere, Third world producers are looking to learn about winemaking offshore—Mitry et al. (2009: 22) report that Longhai International Trading Co. Ltd recently acquired Chaˆ teau Latour Laguens in Bordeaux (one of a number of such purchases in the last decade) so as ‘‘to master the techniques of winemaking in France’’, and Indage Holdings (a subsidiary of Champagne Indage) recentlysoughttoacquiretwoAustralianwine- ries, partly for the same reason (Chappell, 2008).8 Again we can draw on the contrasting constructions of globalisation to make sense of these trends in global wine production. It is clear that not only is the New World/Old World dichotomy no longer an accurate representation of the realities of world wine production, but also that ‘Third World’ wine production and producers are likely to ﬁgure much more prominently in future. It is to this that we now turn to examine the ways in which an understanding of globalisation as both integrating process and differentiated response can produce a more accurate understanding of the worlds of wine.

4. A Third World of Wine? The term ‘Third World’ has been widely used for the past 50 years to describe a group of countries characterised, usually, by low levels of economic development (Buchanan, 68 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON

1964). Originally in the 1950s and 1960s, the term was used to define countries, mostly newly independent ex-colonies, that were not aligned to either the Western capitalist bloc, led by USA and Western Europe, or the communist ‘second world’ led by the Soviet Union. However, over time, the term came to be a euphemism for ‘underdeve- loped’ or ‘poor’, in comparison to the West, and included China and other countries that did align with one or other of the superpowers. It is a term that has not gone unquestioned, for many have criticised the tendency to generalise about, and even belittle (through the use of the word ‘third’), a set of states with highly diverse economic, social and environmental conditions (Escobar, 1995). With regard to the world of wine, the term ‘Third World’ is similarly problematic but it potentially retains some value as a device to categorise regions (and processes) that are neither simply ‘Old World’/European nor ‘New World’/European-settled and which are now experiencing various forms of economic transformation. It is important, though, to flag some significant differences within the Third World category with regard to their wine industries. We do this by dividing the ‘Third World’ wine industry into four relatively distinct categories. The first of these is those parts of the ‘Third World’ that have been represented as being part of the ‘New World’ of wine, countries such as Chile, Argentina, Brazil or South Africa. These are countries that have been categorised as part of the Third World according to economic and political criteria (former colonies, non-aligned and marked by generally low per capita incomes compared to the First World). However, it is their colonial heritage—particularly the Spanish or Portuguese heritage in Latin America— that established and shaped their long-established wine industries. Conquerors and settlers from the Iberian Peninsula took European vinifera to the continent (as Dutch, Portuguese and others established vines in southern Africa) and vineyards and winemaking became widespread in some areas. Production was for the domestic market, in many cases producing local wines by and for the rural peasantry as well as sometimes for the small local elite. Per capita consumption rates were relatively high but production methods remained basic and largely small-scale and local, and costs were low. In recent years, this sector of the Third World has seen a major change in wine production, often involving a decline in peasant-based and semi-subsistence production oriented to local markets towards more export orientation, classical varieties (some of which survived from early colonial introductions) and New World production techniques borrowed from the USA or Australia. Sometimes, as in Chile or South Africa, there has been expansion; sometimes, as in Argentina, there has been contraction followed by renewed growth. In all cases there has been a marked change and development of more modern techniques of production and a reorientation of quality and markets. A second similar group to these largely Latin America or Southern African producers are the North African wine producers such as Algeria, Morocco or Tunisia, or Middle Eastern regions such as Lebanon. Again these are countries which have been seen as part of the Third World on economic and political grounds but the historical development of their wine industries has been rather different from the first group. Here, grapes had been grown for many centuries—it could be argued that such countries were the historical hearth for winemaking—and pre-dated European coloni- alism. However, the colonial influence was strong and colonial era plantings and production were very extensive. In the case of Algeria, the links between the French and Algerian wine industries and markets were very close. However, since the end of colonial rule, wine production has fallen, in some cases very significantly, partly as a result of religious opposition to alcohol production and consumption. These are no RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 69 longer significant producers on the world market but there remain some notable pockets of production. Algeria is still the world’s 30th largest wine producer and Morocco, Tunisia and Lebanon are not far behind. Turkey has a larger area planted under grapes than either China or the USA, albeit mainly for the production of table grapes. Furthermore, there is evidence that Middle Eastern wine production is increasing in some cases. In Egypt, for example, production has expanded to meet the demand of tourists for a local wine product: three-quarters of its production of 8.5 million bottles per year is consumed by the tourist market (Styles, 2008). A third sector within the Third World of wine is comprised of countries where wine has been made for centuries and there has been little or no colonial influence. China is particularly significant here, though the small Japanese industry might also be included. In China, grapevines and winemaking had been known and practised since the first century BC (Kjellgren, 2004). More recently though, production remained small scale but, owing to the isolation from the outside world, wine styles and production techniques evolved locally so that the wines bore little resemblance to Europe or elsewhere. In particular, they met local preferences for sweet and acces- sible styles (Kjellgren, 2004; Robinson, 2008). Expansion of production, usually involving larger-scale collectivised units, occurred during the inward-looking communist era but since the opening up of the Chinese economy in the late 1970s, profound changes have occurred. Old styles and brands—such as ‘Great Wall Wine’—have continued and expanded significantly but, as we have seen, there is considerable activity not only expanding the existing base but also attempting to change towards more Euro- pean styles of wine and to imitate Western modes of production. Similarly, but without a significant history (colonial or pre-colonial) of winemaking, is a fourth group of Third World countries that have recently adopted winemaking. This category includes India (where pre-colonial and colonial wines did exist, but on a very small scale) and also Thailand and Vietnam. Here, often in tropical locations that have not in the past been deemed suitable for grape production, recent exper- iments have proved that some localities, particularly in higher altitudes, can be success- ful in producing grapes suitable for winemaking. One of the most exotic examples must be the 12 ha of vineyard established on Rangiroa atoll in French Polynesia (Dubs, 2005) These are countries also where there has been no history of wine consumption amongst the local populace but this too is changing with rapid industrialisation creat- ing new classes with high disposable income and a desire to seek new high status consumer goods. Imports of wine have helped drive the change in consumer tastes but local entrepreneurs have also attempted to localise these products. Here they have tended not to find local antecedents in terms of varieties or styles but instead go straight to (usually) European models: varieties, styles, names, iconography, and techniques: Champagne Indage’s Sparkling Madame Pompadour and Marquise De Pompadour being extreme examples. Consumer tastes have helped make such enterprises viable but, no doubt, they have also been helped by a high degree of protection: India still imposes a 150% duty on imported wines (Arora, 2008), much higher than China which reduced tariffs on imported wines to 14% in 2004 (Kjellgren, 2004). What is of interest in this Indian case—and to a lesser extent in China—is the way investment has been derived from the local economy. Rapid industrialisation has created new fortunes for some and, although there are new outlets for further investment of this new wealth (and many more opportunities for consumption) some investors have chosen to invest in what might be called lifestyle investments: those, such as wineries, which may have a low or uncertain return, but which, through their association with a high status product, may bring particular interest and satisfaction to 70 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON investors particularly when they have a growing interest in the consumption of fine wine. Thus we see wineries that have consumed very large amounts of investment capital not only in land but also often new plant and lavish buildings. The new wineries look overseas for models of what wine to produce and draw heavily on overseas winemaking knowledge. This is the ‘conspicuous production’ mentioned earlier. However, such investment has not stopped at small but expensive local wineries. Just as the Indian industrial company Tata recently purchased the iconic Jaguar auto- mobile brand, and Indian entrepreneurs have funded a revolution in cricket compe- titions, so too are Indian investors now seeking a place in established wine companies offshore. The two Australian wineries Indage recently sought to acquire were part of a strategy to produce and source wine from 10 countries over the next five years so as to broaden the range of Indage wines domestically and overseas (Indage exports to the United Kingdom and the United States) (Chappell, 2008). Such a strategy may serve a number of purposes. It may help secure supplies of imported wine for the Indian market—even if under the cover of a locally recognised brand (the equivalent of the way Tesco supermarkets, for example, market wine under their own brand in the UK). It may allow Indian wine companies to relate more closely with winemaking ventures overseas in order to learn new techniques, ensure training and experience for their own winemaking staff, and achieve economies of scale. And it may have marketing benefits in developing a portfolio of wines and brands from around the world that local brands can attach to. Therefore, it can be seen that there are a very diverse and wide-ranging set of enterprises, styles and markets, in and of the Third World, that are rapidly becoming a significant feature in the worlds of wine. Globalisation (as greater international integration and common processes) is driving the spread of new forms of economic and cultural attachments to the wine industry, but locally specific sets of historical, geographic, religious, and cultural practices are simultaneously producing very differentiated local responses. It is not just a matter of a fast-expanding market that can be filled from established wine producing regions (although that does offer many opportunities) but it is also a matter of considerable dynamism within those new markets and sources of supply. Greater inter-connectedness between the Third World wine industry and the rest of the world through wine trade, investment and flows of ideas and people is inevitable.

5. Conclusions: New Geographies of Wine There is, in the description and discussion above, enough to suggest that a new category—that of the Third World—could be added to the former Old World – New World categorisation of the global wine industry. The Third World is now very much part of the global wine landscape. However, given that the Third World itself is so diverse both in terms of its economic performance and the development of its wine industries, and that the Old World – New World distinction itself is so flawed, such a new categorisation would be misleading. Instead, we argue that we need to see the ‘worlds of wine’ as cut across by a number of factors. In line with contemporary understandings of globalisation, we can draw out a diverse set of local responses to global processes within the multiple worlds of wine consumption and production. These new ‘worlds of wine’ are marked by diverse sets of often contradictory impulses, connections, transgressions and integrations that are not easily contained within local, national or categorical (‘Old’/‘New’/‘Third’) boundaries. Place (as the site of grape production) does still matter to wine, but outside the top end of wine production RECONCEPTUALISING THE WORLDS OF WINE 71 and consumption, place is no longer merely a site of conservative localism (Winter, 2003). Instead, like the worlds of wine into which places are now integrally and glob- ally linked, there are a multiplicity of possible and often competing demands and agendas into which wine-producing places are implicated. First, it is important to recognise that some of the supposed bases for dividing the New World from the Old (industrial versus artisanal modes of production; innovation and experimentation versus conservatism and stasis; hot climate versus cold climate; untrammelled versus regulated industries; place designation versus varietal distinction) no longer—if they ever were able to—stand up to critical scrutiny. Indeed, we can find significant elements of all of these contrasts within both worlds, and also to varying extents within the emerging Third World of wine. As globalisation progresses and changes are implemented, such as those which will flow from the implementation of protected geographical indicators of wine origin, we are likely to see a much more differentiated global wine industry where divisions within countries are as great as differences between them. France is producing both established AOC wines and varietal labels based on New World styles and means of production at the same time, whilst a country such as New Zealand (or the Napa Valley in California) will try to emulate in many of its wines the association with terroir and quality that has more in common with Alsace or Burgundy than the large irrigated plantings of the Riverina in Australia or the Central Valley of Chile. Despite changing consumer preferences, in most cases moving consumption up the quality/price scale, it is probable that there will continue to be considerable room for both industrial-style bulk wines, characterised by low cost and a detachment from place (or even vintage), and higher priced wines that stress dis- tinctiveness and high quality based on place of origin, small scale of production and historical reputation. Furthermore, local cultures of consumption (Jackson, 2004) will shape local production strategies alongside global orientation and investment. New, Old and Third World producers will be responding in locally distinctive ways to the changes and trends within the global industry, adopting strategies that will evolve over time as their domestic (and potentially international) markets expand and mature. Second, the globalisation framework predicts that the interactions between wine regions in terms of investment, technology transfer, movement of winemakers and trade are likely to continue to expand. Furthermore, we can see that these interactions are certain to be two-way rather than just marked by a ‘colonisation’ of new wine regions by wine companies from established regions. Thus, there are likely to be further joint venture arrangements and investment by French, Australian or American wine companies in China but also further investment by Indian or Chinese companies in Australian or French winemaking enterprises. Training and work experience will also see winemakers continue to circle the globe (as they have done for some time between, say, Europe and Australia and New Zealand), either learning new skills and gaining experience in wineries with established high reputations, or taking their skills to help establish new ventures (Lagendijk, 2004). Third, we can see that the various worlds of wine are being shaped by the wider and fundamental transformations in the global economy. Rapid economic growth has led to the emergence of new classes of consumers, whether the very rich or the middle classes. These groups, in the Ukraine, Thailand, Brazil, China or India, to a large extent repli- cate the consumption patterns and preferences of their counterparts in the United Kingdom, the USA or Australia. As the consumption patterns and rates of the former change to gradually align with those of the latter (though there are likely to be some significant local differences that persist), a considerable impetus will be given to the global wine trade—as long as the underlying processes and rates of economic growth persist. 72 GLENN BANKS AND JOHN OVERTON

In this respect the international rules of trade around wine will be critical: India and China currently exhibit two very different approaches in this regard. We believe that it is the new middle classes of rapidly industrialising countries that will provide the engine of growth for the wine trade worldwide for some years to come. This will drive both the rapid expansion and transformation of their own industries but also have important implications for established producers who will face a growing but increasingly differentiated and evolving market for their wine. Thus, we should not only dispense with our old simplistic notions of a dual-structured world of wine, but we should additionally reject the obvious solution posed by the most recent producers of adding a ‘Third World’ to our categorisation. Instead, we see some- thing much more complex, dynamic and interesting: multiple worlds of wine where new wine producing regions and markets are developing; where consumer preferences are being swiftly transformed; where investment, ideas and people move between regions and enterprises; and where, over time, new wine styles emerge. Whilst some might fear a growing homogenisation and drop in quality as new mass markets come to gain a signiﬁcant share of the global industry, recent work around globalisation suggests instead more subtle and diverse changes where mass production will exist side by side with boutique wines that highlight their attachment to place and terroir, whether these be in Southern Italy, Brazil or Northern China. These changes will be both led and followed by both new and old groups of consumers. Wine is, and will continue to be, a global industry but one, more than any other, which is attached to different places and manifested locally in many different ways.

Notes 1. Unwin (1991) has demonstrated that the French and other European wine industries have been characterised by considerable change and transformation throughout their histories. 2. Colman (2008: 59–60) charts the significant decline in French wine consumption per capita since 1960. 3. Area planted in grapes includes grapes harvested for eating as ‘table grapes’ rather than just made into wine. The area for table grapes appears to be relatively high for countries such as USA, Turkey and China. However, the trends in area under grapes seem to match the trends in wine production, though they usefully even out the fluctuations from one harvest to the next. 4. Chile has also seen a significant change in the structure of its wine production (Gwynne, 2006) and is now much more oriented to higher quality production for export. 5. Much Third World wine production is also in low latitude regions (consider India) where, despite the search for higher altitude sites, the wines tend in style towards the fast ripening, hot climate and higher alcohol styles. 6. With the lack of a strong regulatory framework regarding the integrity of wine labelling (regarding origin, variety or even year), it is probable that the provenance of the contents of much wine sold in China and India would not be apparent to consumers. 7. Jenster and Cheng (2008: 250) however caution that this may overestimate the actual amount of Cabernet Sauvignon actually grown in China. 8. And although both the specific Indo-Australian ventures stalled in 2009 in the face of the global financial crisis, it does appear to be a trend that will continue.

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