UNIVERSITY OF SALZBURG

The British on the Road 1787-1837

CULTURAL PERCEPTION IN TRAVEL ACCOUNTS

DIPLOMA THESIS In fulfillment of the requirements for the academic degree (Magistra) at the faculty of cultural and social sciences at the University of Salzburg

Faculty of History

Assessor: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Laurence Cole

Submitted by Brenn Johanna

Salzburg, April 2018

“A Traveler without Observation is a Bird without Wings.” Moslih Eddin Saadi

Dedicated to my family and friends

Inhaltsverzeichnis

PREFACE ...... 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1. RESEARCH TOPIC ...... 1 1.2. STATE OF RESEARCH AND LITERATURE ...... 7 1.3. OUTLINE OF THESIS ...... 9 1.4. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH ...... 11 1.5. GUIDING QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES ...... 15 2. HABSBURG AUSTRIA AND GREAT BRITAIN 1787-1837 ...... 17 2.1. POLITICAL SITUATION HABSBURG AUSTRIA1787-1837 ...... 17 2.2. SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SITUATION IN HABSBURG AUSTRIA ...... 21 2.3. POLITICAL SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN 1780-1830 ...... 24 2.4. SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN ...... 27 2.5. CULTURAL CONTACT AND RELATIONS ...... 30 3. THE LITERARY GENRE OF TRAVEL ACCOUNTS ...... 35 3.1. TRAVEL ACCOUNTS IN THE 18TH CENTURY ...... 35 3.2. TRAVEL ACCOUNTS IN THE 19TH CENTURY ...... 37 4. BIOGRAPHIES OF THE BRITISH IN HABSBURG AUSTRIA 1780-1830 ...... 39 4.1. THE BEGINNING OF FEMALE TRAVEL WRITERS ...... 39 4.2. HESTER LYNCH THRALE PIOZZI (1741-1821) ...... 42 4.3. MARTHA WILMOT BRADFORD (1775-1873) ...... 45 4.4. FRANCES MILTON TROLLOPE (1779-1863) ...... 48 5. CULTURAL PERCEPTION...... 52 5.1. NATURAL AND MANMADE ENVIRONMENT ...... 52 5.2. SOCIETY AND ITS LIFESTYLE ...... 66 5.3. HOSPITALITY AND ACCOMMODATION ...... 85 6. RESULTS AND RESUMEE ...... 95 7. BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 102 8. APPENDIX REGISTER ...... 107 9. ATTACHMENTS ...... 108

PREFACE

Traveling to England a couple of times has always been a rewarding experience for me. It is not only the English language but also England´s history that keeps fascinating and attracting me.

Since I have been studying English and History for almost five years now, I am of the opinion combining those two subjects would be advantageous for my diploma thesis. By doing so, two of my passions—the English language and history—will be combined and, therefore, hopefully contribute to my diploma´s outcome in a positive way.

Nowadays, travelling abroad has become a natural opportunity for many young people, which implies exploring the world on a low budget. Learning different languages, experiencing various foreign cultures, and making friends with people from all over the world have become essential and attractive components when travelling the globe. Over two centuries ago, only a selected group of people were able to go on a journey whereas in modern times nearly anybody has the chance to do so.

Having worked as an au pair in an English speaking country for some time, I am very much interested in foreign cultures. Nevertheless, ascertaining how the age of enlightenment and romanticism influenced the genre of travel writing as well as elaborating on the Britons´ perception when traveling Habsburg Austria represented quite some challenge.

Consequently, I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Cole, who supported me by recommending and providing some useful literature sources as well as some pieces of advice.

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. RESEARCH TOPIC The following thesis paper focuses on the travel journals and letters of the British authors Hester Lynch Thrale Piozzi (1741-1821), Martha Wilmot Bradford (1775-1873), and Frances Milton Trollope (1779-1863) who became popular novelists across Europe for their writings. Although all three women were somewhat different in their personalities, they all had something in common: They traveled to parts of the Habsburg Monarchy of Austria during a time when social and political transformations unfolded. Although Georgian society considered women who decided for themselves to travel around without their husbands´ explicit consent as morally reprehensible, some women were courageous enough to venture out on a journey across Europe and to start writing about their experiences of foreign cultures. Spending some time in foreign places usually implies entering unknown terrain and encountering unfamiliar aspects of a culture which differs from one´s own. Since gathering experiences with the unknown is closely interrelated to the observer´s perception, the choice of topic was placed on the investigation of the perception of Hester Lynch Piozzi, Martha Wilmot Bradford, and Frances Milton Trollope when encountering Austrian society and culture. As a matter of fact, their accounts were produced during a time when Europe was affected by the consequences of enlightened ideas and when Vienna became the center of cosmopolitan political and social events so that their travel accounts represent an important source providing posterity with an insight into the Austrian society during a distinctive historical period of time. After all, the authors´ cultural perceptions of the unknown will not simply be analyzed by selected literature but also by placing their experiences in an historical context in order to gain an insight into the Austrian culture at the end of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century. The thematic focus will be placed on the travelers´ perceptions of the Austrian culture between 1787 and about 1837. In the following chapters, it is aimed to analyze different factors that affected their perceptions on the so called Grand Tour but also the various ways of perception and presentation of the unknown in three British travel accounts. Before providing a glance into various factors that influenced traveler´s perceptions back then, the type of journey of the Grand Tour will be elaborated on. While the Grand Tour was originally only to be commenced by the young Englishmen of the nobility, the Grand Tour of the mid and late eighteenth century became increasingly more popular among the rising bourgeoisie. Accordingly, it requires to be differentiated between two types of the Grand Tour: First off, it should be clear that from the sixteenth until the mid-eighteenth

1 century the Grand Tour represented a journey through continental Europe that was supposed to signify the closure of the young noblemen´s education. Also, the Grand Tour was only granted to the rich noblemen of aristocracy with the purpose of getting access to the cosmopolitan aristocratic world. Primary destinations were France and Italy where they should acquire among others noble conventions and manners of aristocratic representations. Despite its original purpose, it was soon discredited for its entertainments which implied drinking, gambling, and women. This explains why it was often criticized by many contemporaries including Maria Theresia but also enlightened thinkers such as Locke.1 This original type of the Grand Tour could not be maintained due to various social and political developments including the era of enlightenment and the industrialization. In this time, middle class people extended the Grand Tour to an educational journey.

Was das Reisen im 18. Jahrhundert von jenem früherer Zeiten unterscheidet, ist, daß sich das aufstrebende Bürgertum das von Descartes vertretene Prinzip des Reisens als wesentliches Bildungselement zu eigen machte. […] die Bildungsreise des jungen Herrn von Stande hat in der adligen Kavalierstour […] ihre Tradition; Geändert hat sich allerdings ihre Zielsetzung: Aus der Vergnügungsreise wurde die Bildungsreise (was freilich das Amüsement nicht ausschloß).2

Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a gradually increasing number of British people started traveling the continent. This phenomenon in the history of travel is closely related to the fact that in the course of industrialization many middle class people came in possession of greater wealth which enabled them to start a Grand Tour through continental Europe. These successful people became known as the rising bourgeoisie that removed the aristocrats´ unique privilege to travel. As a result, the emergence of the educational journey was accompanied by the development of early tourism implying the initial phase of an organized business to attract and accommodate tourists. Since travelling was not only very expensive but also exhausting, it should certainly fulfill a certain purpose. While the Grand Tour served the purpose to educate oneself, spa tourism—the earliest type of tourism—intended to foster body and soul. Spa tourism was the consequence of the aristocracy´s attempt to escape from the rising bourgeoisie when traveling. “Die Vertreter der europäischen Aristokratie ziehen sich in exclusive Seebäder zurück, um – wenn auch nur für kurze Zeit – der Verfolgung durch die bürgerlichen Emporkömmlinge zu

1 vgl. Bausinger, Hermann, u.a. (Hrsg.), Reisekultur, Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus, München 1991. 49. 2 vgl. Robel, Gert, Reisen und Kulturbeziehungen im Zeitalter der Aufklärung, in: Kransnobaev, Boris et.al. (Hrsg.), Reisen und Reisebeschreibungen im 18. Und 19. Jahrhundert (1980), 11. 2 entgehen und wieder entre nous zu sein.”3 Despite the nobility´s efforts to remain among themselves, the bourgeoisie kept emulating the noblemen´s way of traveling. Soon after the bourgeoisie had appropriated the Grand Tour, they also made use of spas. One of the first spa resorts in England was at Brighton where mass tourism started in the first half of the nineteenth century due to industrialization. The invention and construction of the railway between London and Brighton caused many people of different social classes to travel to the seaside.4 Accordingly, spa resorts and the so called summer retreat in Habsburg Austria (Sommerfrische) represent the early beginnings of European tourism and, therefore, count as forerunners of the Alpine tourism of today. Alpine tourism of today originated from the late eighteenth century when Britons avidly pursued to ascend mountains of the Western Alps. The increasing interest in nature and mountains can be deduced from three major factors: urbanization, spa retreat, and transit traffic. First off, an enormous impact on social circumstances had the tremendous increase of population in the rural areas of Europe in the mid-eighteenth century. The rise of population was triggered by the absence of severe famines, wars, and plagues but, consequently, especially by the rapid decrease of infant mortality.5 Consequently, by 1800 between forty and fifty million more people existed than hundred years earlier.6 As a result, the population, especially in the countryside, was affected by creeping impoverishment which led to the recognized pauperism of the nineteenth century. The tremendously increased number of the underclass provoked migrations to the cities to find work. Due to crowded cities, aristocracy and the rising bourgeoisie longed for places of retreat and recreation.

Die Städtedichte erhöhte sich insbesondere im Umland deutlich, ebenso deutlich nahm die Differenz zwischen den Alpen und dem Umland zu. Relativ gesehen wurden die Alpen mit anderen Worten ländlicher und unbenutzter. Die Diskrepanz verstärkte sich vor allem im 18. Jahrhundert. Aus der Sicht der wachsenden Städte im Umland konnten die Alpen immer mehr als andersartig wahrgenommen werden. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser zunehmenden Differenzerfahrung etablierte sich die Natur – und die Alpen als ihr Inbegriff – mehr als früher als Gegenbegriff zur Stadt.7

3 vgl. Jost, Herbert, Selbst-Verwirklichung und Seelensuche. Zur Bedeutung des Reiseberichts im Zeitalter des Massentourismus, in: Brenner, Peter (Hrsg.), Der Reisebericht. Die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur, 492. 4 vgl. Knoll, Gariele, Reisen als Geschäft—Die Anfänge des organisierten Tourismus, in: Hermann, Bausinger (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 336. 5 vgl. Wunder, Bernd, Europäische Geschichte im Zeitalter der Französischen Revolution 1789-1815, Stuttgart 2001. 14f. 6 vgl Blanning, T.C.W.,The Eighteenth Century. Europe 1688-1815, New York 2000. 55. 7 vgl. Furter, Reto, Hintergrund des Alpendiskurses: Indikatoren und Karten, in: Mattieu, Jon (Hrsg.), Die Alpen! Les Alpes! (2005), 77. 3 Accordingly, the influx of people to growing cities in the eighteenth century caused higher social classes to notice differences between urban areas and its deserted surroundings. The countryside—as we would say today—was perceived particularly pristine and rural. Secondly, a boom in spa tourism on continental Europe set in after 1750 when especially aristocrats pursued to stay among themselves. Very popular spa resorts and summer retreats in Habsburg Austria were Bad Gastein, Baden, and from the nineteenth century onwards Bad Ischl.8 The fact that spas and healing springs were postulated only to be found in the mountains caused people to perceive the Alpine region as particularly healthy and, therefore, caused higher demand for touristic infra structure. Thirdly, the few passes in Habsburg Austria such as the Brenner and Semmering, which were of importance for exchanging trades, enabled travelers and travel writers to acquaint themselves with Alpine nature and convey their impressions to their readerships.9 Accordingly, the Alps began to attract travel writers who disseminated Alpine literature. To sum it up, these aspects gave certainly impetus for the increasing interest in Alpine nature and the first ascents on Alpine mountains. However, besides these factors of urbanization, rising spa tourism, and transit traffic over craggy Alpine passes, it was also intellectual tendencies, and developments of the age of enlightenment and romanticism that tremendously affected the transformation of people´s perception of the Alpine mountains and nature. While until the mid-eighteenth century had still prevailed the image of mountains to be forbidding, dangerous, gloomy, and horrible, the shift from mountain gloom to mountain glory was provoked by enlightened and romantic literature. For instance, theologians spread the idea that God was manifested in nature which evoked appreciation of the natural landscape. Also, enlightened thinkers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau immensely contributed to the shift in perception by means of combining nature with certain virtues; for example, the notion of the noble savage who became idealized across Europe.10 In terms of the Alps, the mountain dweller was considered a noble savage. Furthermore, Romantic poets including Rousseau, Goethe, Schiller, but also travel writers such as Gilpin and Burke helped shape a new perspective and perception of landscape and nature. By means of that shift in perspective, aesthetic components of landscape observation moved in the focus of attention. Highly expressive adjectives such as sublime, beautiful, and picturesque were used in travel accounts in order to convey different notions of nature. In the

8 vgl. ebd. 9 vgl. ebd. 93. 10 vgl. Withey, Lynne, Grand Tours and Cook´s Tours. A History of Leisure Travel, 1750 to 1915, London 1997. 40. 4 era of romanticism, these notions were attempted to be captured in landscape paintings and poems when travelers accustomed their audience to the view of pristine nature.11After all, by means of dissemination of travel literature and landscape paintings, the Alps were increasingly rather admired than dreaded. The traveler of the romantic era was no longer only in search of knowledge and education; the romantic traveler embarked on the Grand Tour to experience deep sensations and, as a result, reconcile with nature. Another aspect that affected the travelers´ perception was the way of transportation they used on their journey. Tourists of aristocracy usually preferred to be transported in coaches or sedan chairs from which they could observe the unknown surroundings. However, from 1800 onwards, the rising bourgeoisie favored to discover nature by feet. Hiking became the newest trend, which in terms of the enlightenment derived from Rousseau´s idea: „In der Begegnung mit der äußeren Natur, mit dem stofflich Einfachen und ästhetisch Schlichten soll sich auch die innere, die menschliche Natur wiederfinden: die Natur als Objekt und zugleich als Medium der menschlichen Erkenntnis.“12 Consequently, experiencing nature by feet was for the rising bourgeoisie a way to encounter the natural environment and its inhabitants without any spatial boundaries. „Man hofft, ´Lehrreiches´ zu finden und die sinnliche Erfahrungsfähigkeit zu vertiefen, indem man heruntersteigt von der Radhöhe der Kutsche und sich hineinbegibt in die unmittelbar Nähe der Natur und der Volkskultur: die Berge und die Bauern ´erwandern´[…]“13 By means of leaving the coach, the tourists left the sphere of the higher social class and entered a natural environment where everyone became one of his equal and, as a result, had an actual chance to become accustomed to foreign cultures, customs, dialects, and folksongs. In the course of the eighteenth century, European tourists on the Grand Tour were predominantly male and British; however, due to the enlightenment, women started to critically deal with their role in society which was in the eighteenth century still restricted to domestic spheres.

British women were never publicly instructed on what benefits foreign travels might hold for them, but the most frequent criticism of women´s status in Enlightenment society was the lack of education given to them. One solution arrived at by many women was to go abroad to begin their education.14

11 vgl. Withey, Lynne, Grand Tour and Cook´s Tour. A History of Leisure Travel, 1750 to 1915, London 1997. 43. 12 vgl. ebd. 168. 13 vgl. ebd. 170. 14 vgl. Dolan, Brian, Ladies of the Grand Tour, London 2001. 22. 5 As a consequence, women not only started to hold intellectual debates at their homes where they discussed literary subjects but also embarked on a journey through Europe in order to escape restrictive social conventions. Pioneering intellectual British women, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, Elizabeth Montagu, Anne Radcliffe, Jane Austin, Frances Burney, and Hester Thrale paved the path to enlightenment for travelling women when they went to Europe and became popular writers at the end of the eighteenth century. This was also the turning point when increasingly more English women broke loose of domestic conventions and escaped prejudices against female advancement. Certainly, it was no coincidence that the so called ´ladies of letters´ emerged during the French Revolution when people considered the continent as a model of change and liberation, and, therefore, followed the revolutionary principle liberté, égalité, fraternité.15 Women were seeking independence and defining their personality as they wished by means of publishing travelogues and starting a career as novelists.

Letters and journals recorded their responses to life abroad, and in turn their discoveries about themselves. Travel writing, which included letters written home, presented a rare opportunity for Georgian women to articulate views on the world around them and their responses to it. Partly personal, biographical and intimate, their writings were often also political, descriptive, forthright and polemical. Through travel women of a certain status could fashion themselves into informed, discriminating observers, acute social commentators and listened-to cultural critics.16

Although women of the Grand Tour were still a minority, they represented a role model for other women what explains why their travel accounts became so popular. Accordingly, the end of the eighteenth century was the time when the occupation of the female novelist and writer was established, and when their observations of the unknown contributed to the dissemination of notions of foreign cultures as travel accounts were eagerly devoured by readership. In this respect, the traveler´s perception and way of dealing with the unknown was affected among others by intellectual trends but also by individual premises. According to Stefan Deeg, this includes social status, country of descent, educational status, prior knowledge, and expectations.17 Therefore, the traveler´s culture and biography enormously influence his cognitive process and the way he presents foreign cultures in his writings. Additionally, the character of the traveler affects his way of

15 vgl. ebd. 4. 16 vgl. ebd. 5. 17 vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel, Paul (Hrsg.), Symbolik von Weg und Reise, Bern (1992), 166f. 6 perceiving the unknown. Character traits such as curiosity, open-mindedness and enthusiasm represent prerequisites to be receptive of foreign cultures and, finally, be able to accept differences.

1.2. STATE OF RESEARCH AND LITERATURE Travel accounts in the form of diaries, letters, and journals represent a particular kind of source in modern history because this genre offers historians not only to analyze particular attitudes towards foreign people and cultures but also to draw conclusions from the way of living of a certain culture. Bitterli Ursi defines travel writing the following: „Reisebeschreibung als eine Materialsammlung, welche die Ergebnisse der ethnologischen Feldforschung […] überprüfen und erweitern hilft, als auch als individuelles Dokument der europäisch-überseeischen Begegnung und wichtige Quelle zum Studium des Kulturkontaktes.“18Accordingly, travel descriptions provided not only information about the travelled culture but also about the author´s original culture which is why the intercultural relations between England and Austria require to be illuminated in this thesis as well. Most travel accounts dating back to the eighteenth and nineteenth century were written by the British when social change unfolded and the rising middle class in England started to have the means to travel. Consequently, there exists a great variety of English travel accounts describing journeys through different countries on the European continent and the Middle East; however, very precise travel descriptions only of Habsburg Austria are somewhat limited. Notes on travel experiences through Habsburg Austria are usually only touched upon with the only exemption of Alpine travel literature which boomed in the early nineteenth century. Nevertheless, some journals and letters describing particularly the Austrian culture from 1787 until 1837 could be detected. The following journals, and letters listed below will be used and analyzed in the empirical part of this thesis in order to investigate the British view and perception of the Austrian culture during the enlightened- romantic era.

 Piozzi, Hester Lynch, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy, and Germany, vol. 2, London 1789.  Marchioness of Londonderry (ed.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935.  Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003.

18 vgl. Bitterli, Urs, Der Reisebericht als Kulturdokument, in: Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 24 (1973), 558. 7 What causes theses journals and letters to be such unique sources is the fact they grant the reader an insight into a past era that was still dominated by the ancien regime; however, a regime that commenced to struggle against the power of progress including the effects of enlightened ideas. While Piozzi provides valuable information on Austria´s culture only some time before the outbreak of coalition wars against Napoleon, Martha Wilmot Bradford and Frances Milton Trollope grant an insight into the most flamboyant society of Europe ruled by Metternich´s police state. Another essential reason to opt for the travel accounts above is the abundance of information they contain about the development of early tourism and the British point of views. However, when analyzing the authors´ perception, social status, educational and cultural background, the purpose of the journey, the way of transportation, and personal attitudes and dispositions are required to be taken into consideration because these factors enormously affect one´s views and perceptions.19 As a result, the following thesis represents an historical anthropological investigation that seeks to gain an insight into the past Austrian culture from the British perspective during a historical period of change. Generally speaking, there exists a huge amount of travel literature; yet, the state of research on those historical sources is still very scarce as the interest in them only arose towards the mid twentieth century when researchers noticed that travel accounts can provide answers to social and economic questions of past times. A few decades later, this genre became of interest in literary and ethnological studies.20 Nevertheless, the investigation of travel literature had been neglected over decades. As Peter Brunner explains in his essay „Die Erfahrung der Fremde”, one striking reason might be the genre´s lack of objectivity: „Reisende genießen seit je einen schlechten Ruf. […] Der Reisende als Lügner und der Reisebericht als eine Gattung, deren Wahrheitsgehalt wenig Vertrauen verdient, gehören zu den Topoi, welche die Reiseliteratur seit den Antiken Anfängen begleitet haben.“21 Accordingly, the quality of historical travel accounts had been doubted ever since. Sometimes travel experiences were effusively described in order to maintain the readers´ interest. However, no matter whether the author embellished his experiences on purpose or not, it is a matter of fact that the author´s ideological ties affected his perception and, therefore, created a

19 vgl. Brenner, Peter, Die Erfahrung der Fremde. Zur Entwicklung einer Wahrnehmungsform in der Geschichte des Reiseberichts, in: Peter, Brenn (Hrsg.), Der Reisebericht. Die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur (1989), 27. 20 vgl. Bönisch-Brednich, Brigitte, Reiseberichte. Zum Arbeiten mit publizierten historischen Quellen des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts, in: School of Social and Cultural Studies (2007), 125f. 21 vgl. Brenner, Peter, Die Erfahrung der Fremde. Zur Entwicklung einer Wahrnehmungsform in der Geschichte des Reiseberichts, in: Peter, Brenn (Hrsg.), Der Reisebericht. Die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur (1989), 14. 8 blurred picture of reality in travel accounts. Consequently, when investigating travel literature, researchers are obliged to be highly critical of the author´s statements and descriptions dealing with the unknown. Thus, the travel accounts´ contents require to be verified on its veracity and accuracy by means of specific primary literature. Although the English and Austrian cultures had been quite opposing between 1787 and 1837, there existed continual contact in the areas of politics, and even transfer in the area of culture. However, as there were many Britons travelling through Habsburg Austria in the course of the Grand Tour, it is of great interest to analyze how political, cultural, and economical contact and transfer between the two countries affected the British view of Austria. However, there will be analyzed not only the intercultural contact between the two countries and its effects on people´s perception, but also the British way of dealing with the unknown. At this point it is essential to ask what is actually meant by ´the unknown´. Consulting the etymological dictionary, ´the unknown´ implies “strange, unfamiliar (of persons, places), not discovered or found out”.22 As defined in the etymological dictionary, ´the unknown´ means that something unknown appears to a person as unfamiliar or even strange. Accordingly, encountering the unknown or even something strange is usually associated with unpleasing emotions. In order to analyze the different ways to deal with the unknown, the various strategies and modes of perception in travel accounts will be investigated. Although the historical anthropology is still a somewhat young field of research, there is plenty of literature available by Peter Brenner, Bernhard Waldenfels, Stefan Deeg and Ortfried Schäffter in which the different modes of perception and various strategies to convey cultural views are elaborated on.

1.3. OUTLINE OF THESIS The first chapter will deal with the cultural contact between England and Habsburg Austria during the Age of Transition when cognitive reorientations in Europe were in progress.23 The age of transition was characterized by political and social changes including the French revolution and its consequences. As this period was the time when Piozzi, Wilmot, and Trollope were travelling the Habsburg monarchy, the cultures of their country of origin and the country of destination need to be illuminated. Subsequently, chapter one will not only focus on the countries´ (different) political systems and social circumstances but also on

22 vgl. Etymological Dictionary, available on: [10/10/2017]. 23 vgl. Dressel, Gert, Historische Anthropologie. Eine Einführung, Wien 1996. 268.

9 Austria´s and Great Britain´s socio-political changes caused by the enlightened-romantic period. Additionally, it is particularly the cultural contact and relation between the Habsburg Empire and the United Kingdom of Great Britain that requires to be scrutinized as it might provide answers about the Britons´ perception. In the course of this chapter, it will be attempted to answer the following questions: To what extent did Great Britain differ from Habsburg Austria in terms of politics and society? How intense was the intercultural contact and relation between England and Austria in terms of economy, culture, and politics? Was there any cultural imbalance in terms of having one country extensively absorbing the values of the other one? What were possible consequences on the British perspective? What kind of bias existed among the British towards the Austrians? The second chapter will concentrate on the genre travel literature itself. At the beginning of that chapter, the travel accounts´ purposes, its criteria, and reasons for its emergence will be examined. Furthermore, an important component represents the time when travel accounts were produced as it had a significant influence on travelers´ way of presenting their experience. As a result, the travel account´s development during the enlightened- romantic era will be elaborated on. This includes the shift from the scientific view of the environment to the aesthetic view which was realized by Humbold and Kant. Also, it will be asked in what way the genre of travel literature restricted the author´s perception. Since only travel accounts written by female authors will be analyzed, the subject ´women in the history of tourism´ plays a crucial role. Consequently, the main objectives of women to go on a journey will be investigated as well as their reasons to become a writer and novelist. Another question that will be pursued to answer is what kind of influence social conventions had on females´ perception of the unknown. In the succeeding chapter, the three British women traveling in Habsburg Austria will be presented in chronological order. Since the traveler´s perception is always confined by personal premises, their personalities and lives require to be scrutinized. There will be asked what kind of premises they were equipped with including their social, cultural, and educational backgrounds; subsequently, based on the author´s biography, attitudes, expectations, prior knowledge and biases can be deduced. This chapter will commence by focusing on the author Hester Lynch Thrale Piozzi who wrote the journal “Observations and Reflections made in the course of a journey through France, Italy, and Germany” in 1787. The second travel account carries the title “More letters from Martha Wilmot- Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829”; and, finally, Frances Milton Trollope who wrote “Vienna and the Austrians” in 1836.

10 As already mentioned, cultural perception is closely interrelated with the traveler´s native culture; in other words, the traveler´s views are deeply rooted in his culture of origin.24 In terms of Piozzi, Wilmot, and Trollope who all descend from the same cultural background, some similarities in the perception of the unknown can be detected; yet, based on the travelers´ personal premises, they still display differing views that are presented by different strategies to convey the culture of Austria. All of them perceive the anglophile tendencies, the Catholic traditions, and the aristocracy´s behavior in Austria in a very similar way. Nevertheless, individual premises including modes of transport, road and weather conditions, length of stay, social status, biases, personal attitudes and experiences contribute to the traveler´s perception. In the course of that chapter, specific text passages which belong to the same categories (Natural and Manmade Environment; Hospitality; Society and its lifestyle, and Accommodation and Hospitality; etc.) will be investigated in terms of modes of perceptions. Also, the text passages will be compared in order to find possible similarities or differences in perception and presentation of the unknown between the authors´ travel accounts. The final paragraphs should provide an insight into the British perception in all its facets when dealing with the culture of Habsburg Austria.

1.4. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH In the analysis, the individual traveler will be contrasted with the social, cultural, and political circumstances encountered in Austria; by doing so, an understanding of the traveler´s behavior can be gained. Most significance must be attached to the travel journals and letters authored by Piozzi, Wilmot and Trollope as their writings deal with various cultural, political, and social aspects during the reign of Joseph II and Metternich´s regime. The object of research will be analyzed by means of the biographies of the British travelers, their travel journals and letters, and the different methods and strategies they applied when dealing with the unknown. The aim is to investigate in what way Piozzi, Wilmot and Trollope perceived the Austrian culture based on their own cultural background, and what notions of the unknown they conveyed in their travel writings. What will also be analyzed are gender dimensions in terms of travelling and travel writing. This implies among others gender specific perspectives of women travelling that were gradually transformed by external factors, such as the enlightenment, the industrialization, and the emergence of female travel literature. In order to

24 vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere. Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel Paul, Symbol von Weg und Reise (1995), 163. 11 elaborate on these developments different kind of literature will be consulted including Annegret Pelz, Brian Dolan, and Ingrid Kuczinsky. For this thesis, the methodological approach of historical anthropology has been chosen as it deals with different perceptions, mindsets, attitudes, imaginations, world views, ways of behavior and ethnic groups. 25 Generally speaking, the historical anthropology deals with three major research fields:

 Transformations in human perception  Social practices, communicative ways of interaction, symbolic forms and power relations which regulate and structure the society of humans  Historicity of human nature26

Accordingly, the perception of the familiar and the unfamiliar are important components of the historical anthropology but also behavior patterns, practices, rituals, and routines from past times. The interest of historical anthropology pursues to understand the individual by placing the individual in a macro-historical context first. On the macroscopic level, the wider cultural context is analyzed; this implies political, social, and cultural circumstances and interactions on a global basis implying the placement of focus on a much wider scale in order to discern intercultural structures. On the microscopic level, the travelers themselves and their personal ways of dealing with the unknown are in the focus including the traveler´s attitudes, opinions, and way of thinking. According to Harbsmeier Michael: „[…] die Reiseberichte als Zeugnisse für die spezifische Denkungsart des Verfassers und indirekt für die Mentalität seines Heimatlandes anzusehen.“27 Thus, travel journals, letters, and diaries represent primary sources in the historical anthropology as they reveal not only different ways of perception and attitudes, but also provide access to the mentality and mindsets of the author´s culture. As can be seen, culture represents a guiding principle in the historical anthropology. The scientist Ute Daniel differentiates between two major tendencies of culture:

1. instrumental-rational type of culture 2. value-rational type of culture

25 vgl. Dressel, Gert, Historische Anthropologie. Eine Einführung, Wien 1996, 176. 26 vgl. Tanner, Jakob, Historische Anthropologie zur Einführung, in: Eike, Bohlen und Christian, Thies (Hrsg.), Handbuch Anthropologie. Der Mensch zwischen Natur, Kultur und Technik (2009), 7f. 27 vgl. Harbsmeier, Michael, Reisebeschreibungen als mentalitätsgeschichtliche Quellen: Überlegungen zu einer historisch-anthropologischen Untersuchung frühneuzeitlicher deutscher Reisebeschreibungen, in: Antoni, Maczak und Hans, Teuteberg (Hrsg.), Reiseberichte als Quellen europäischer Kulturgeschichte (1982), 1. 12 The first type of culture implies creations by social elites in terms of literature, music, and art. The second type refers to the fact that society and culture influence each other; culture implies what individuals and social groups are coined of but also includes actions induced by individual and collective practices.28 Consequently, in terms of cultural anthropology, these practices are conceived as cultural symbols and expressions which comprise rituals, customs, forms of communication, etc. In this respect, cultural practices are always related to personal interpretations and subjective views. When dealing with travel accounts, the clash of two different worlds and cultures become obvious in which the author considers himself as the familiar component whereas the traveled country and its people represent the unknown component. According to Schäffter Ortfried, these two components cannot exist without each other.

Erst wenn Grenzen zu Kontaktflächen werden, wird Fremdheit zur bedeutenden Erfahrung. So lässt sich festhalten, daß nur dann, wenn wir uns näher gekommen sind, die Fremdheit des anderen überhaupt erst in Erscheinung tritt. Fremdheit ist daher keine Eigenschaft von Dingen oder Personen, sondern ein Beziehungsmodus, in dem wir externen Phänomenen begegnen.29 Therefore, the familiar and the unknown represent a relationship which depends on each other. To experience the unknown, the boundary separating the familiar from the unknown requires to be transgressed. The most significant indicators of transgression are the following:

 language  climate  religion and education  culture, traditions, and social norms  political structures  lifestyle  gain of space, and experience of time

The most obvious indicators of having entered an unfamiliar surrounding are the encounters of a foreign language, the perception of a different climate zone as well as unfamiliar religious denominations. In terms of norms, a country´s monetary system and its laws are

28vgl. Dressel, Gert, Historische Anthropologie. Eine Einführung, Wien 1996. 167f. 29vgl. Schäffter, Ottfried (Hrsg.), Das Fremde. Erfahrungsmöglichkeiten zwischen Faszination und Bedrohung, Darmstadt 1991. 12.

13 another indicator of the unknown. Also the change of season and means of transport represent a temporal and spacious indicator of transgression.30 Having considered the indicators of transgression into unknown terrain, the modes of perception and presentation applied in travel accounts require to be illuminated as well.

Strategy 1: Ostracism  application of foreign appellation  adherence to differences  negation  emphasis of deficiency

Strategy 2: Conception  inversion  distortion

Strategy 3: Mediation  equalization and comparison  parallelization  mediation by intermediaries

According to Deeg Stefan, foreign appellation such as foreigners, natives, etc are used to differentiate others from oneself whereas the adherence to differences in traditions and conceptions is applied to emphasize cultural diversity. While these are free of any judgment, negation and emphasis of deficiency focus on creating a judgmental picture of the unknown. By providing a negative description and naming shortcomings of a certain culture, the author contributes to the creation of enemy images.31 Moreover, in terms of inversion, the observer realizes familiar norms and values in a modified way in the unknown world. Often inversion manifests in the realization of oppositeness. On the contrary, distortion implies the presentation of certain aspects of an unfamiliar subject in an exaggerated or slightly modified way which aims at providing new material to ignite discussions. In order to verify the veracity of the presented subject, the native´s point of view must be considered.32 The third strategy focuses on the mediation of the unknown. What can lead to difficulties in understanding the foreign world is when there exists no equivalent category of the unknown aspect in the

30 vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere. Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel Paul, Symbol von Weg und Reise (1995), 164. 31vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere. Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel, Paul (Hrsg.), Symbolik von Weg und Reise (1992), 172ff. 32 vgl. ebd. 179. 14 familiar world. Therefore, the author incorporates comparisons that focus on similarities between the unknown and familiar aspects to make the unknown concept intelligible to the reader. Another way of mediation represents parallelization which implies the comparison of relations. For instance, in the Islamic religion the relation between caliphs and Mohammed is the same as between the pope and Petrus in Catholicism.33 Lastly, intermediaries can be translators, servants, informants, and confidantes who are part of the unknown as well as familiar world. The intermediary represents authenticity that enables translation and a substantiated conveyance of the unknown.34 Nonetheless, the figure of the intermediary can also restrict the traveler´s perception because the intermediary of the translator determines what the traveler is going to know about the unknown, not the traveler himself. This leads us to the fact that the author´s perception is never devoid of external influences as various premises continually affect their views and sensations. The influence of a possible intermediary is only one of the many external factors affecting the traveler´s views. Other important factors represent not only social status, education, profession, cultural background, and personality but also means of transportation, group or individual travel, prior knowledge, bias, and expectations.35 As all these premises have effects on the traveler´s perception, it is necessary to take them into account when analyzing travel accounts.

1.5. GUIDING QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES The aim of this thesis is to gain an insight into the British perception of the culture of Habsburg Austria. In order to accomplish this endeavor, it will be analyzed how these women perceived and conveyed personal experiences of the unknown, and how their perceptions differed from each other. As a result, their perception and the conveyed cultural pictures of Austria in their travel accounts will be in the focus of attention. The primary questions below serve as guidance throughout the thesis paper in order to scrutinize the authors´ perception as well as the interrelation between external factors and personal conception.

Guiding question 1 What influence does the era of enlightenment and romanticism have on the literary genre travel accounts and in what way is that mirrored in the authors´ writing style?

33 vgl. ebd. 185. 34 vgl. ebd. 186. 35 vgl. ebd. 167ff. 15 Guiding question 2 What conclusions can be drawn from statements in the respective travel accounts regarding perception of the others´? How do British travelers perceive the foreign culture of Habsburg Austria in terms of modes of perception?

Guiding question 3 What influences do personal expectations, opinions, intentions, wishes and world views have on the traveler´s perception? In other words, what influence do the travelers´ premises have on their perceptions? How do perceptions differ between the three authors?

Hypotheses Due to similar cultural background and social descent, they perceived the encountered Anglophilia, the Catholic traditions, and the aloof behavior of the Austrian aristocracy in similar ways. However, there could also be detected differences in perception owing to individual premises implying mode of transport, road and weather conditions, prior experiences, expectations and social status. Also, they all followed a very unique way of writing which mirrors the purpose of their travels.

To what extend can that be proven? What kind of modes of perception can be discovered when they encounter unknown cultural aspects and in what way for what reasons do their perceptions differ from each other?

Since the field of historical anthropology has been investigated only from the 1970s onwards, there is still a lack of research in travel accounts. While there is some research available of Frances Trollope´s perception of America, an exploration of her perception of the Austrian culture is still lacking. Also, there is some research available about travel accounts that were written by female authors. However, a comparative analysis of travel accounts exploring the authors´ perception and conception of the unknown reality are lacking. In the course of the analysis, selected text passages will be classified into different thematic categories. The following categories have been chosen based on their frequency of occurrence:  Natural and Manmade Environment  Society and its Lifestyle  Accommodation and Hospitality

The first category deals with landscape and climate, roads and transportation, as well as historical buildings. The second one focuses on the Austrian society and its customs,

16 traditions, and entertainments. The third category covers housing conditions, accommodation, and hospitality including the Austrian cuisine. By classifying them into different categories, an overall picture will be gained of the culture of Habsburg Austria which mirrors the British perception and views.

2. HABSBURG AUSTRIA AND GREAT BRITAIN 1787-1837 At the beginning of this chapter, it needs to be clarified what purpose the following pages intend to fulfill and what kind of preliminary questions will be pursued to answer in the course of this section. In order to gain an overall outline of the political and social circumstances in the monarchy of Habsburg Austria and the United Kingdom between the 1780s and 1830s, it needs to be asked what kind of political and social systems prevailed in the respective countries during that period of time, and how these countries differed from each other. By investigating the authors´ culture of origin and the culture of their destination, possible explanations for the authors´ perception of the unknown culture of Habsburg Austria might be revealed. Therefore, in the first two subchapters, the political and social situations in both countries will be elaborated on and compared. In the third subchapter, the intercultural contact and transfer in terms of economy, culture, politics and its possible effects on the British perspective of the Austrian culture will be in the focus of attention.

2.1. POLITICAL SITUATION HABSBURG AUSTRIA1787-1837 To begin with, political structures in Great Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy differed from each other to a great extent. While in the 1780s Great Britain had already been a constitutional monarchy for over hundred years, the Habsburg monarchy was still ruled by the ancien regime which included a feudal system. Taking into consideration the time span of 1780 to 1790, the Habsburg monarchy was governed by Joseph II—an enlightened absolute sovereign— who launched various social reforms. “Rulers increasingly described themselves as the first servant of the state, rather than as its proprietor, and through the teachings of a broad range of religious and secular thinkers they came to accept an obligation to promote public welfare.”36 For him it was of utmost importance to serve public good. His aim was to govern the Habsburg Empire from above on his own, but never to allow his people to reign from below.37

36 vgl. Blanning, T.C.W.: The Eighteenth Century. Europe 1688-1815, New York 2000. 25. 37 vgl. Reinalter, Helmut, Staat und Bürgertum im aufgeklärten Absolutismus, in: Gerlach, Karlheinz und Reinalter, Helmut (Hrsg.), Staat und Bürgertum im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (1996), 63. 17 As Blanning explained, rulers changed their strategies due to the enormous impact of religious and secular thinkers. The reason for the impact of secular thinkers, such as Kant, Voltaire, and Rousseau, on European rulers was the tremendous spread of enlightened ideology. A somewhat retrospective definition of the term Enlightenment provides Schoeps:

[…] eine Gesamtumwälzung der Kultur auf allen Lebensgebieten, begleitet von einer […] totalen Veränderung der europäischen Politik […]. Ihre Tendenz ging auf eine immanente Erklärung der Welt aus überall gültigen Erkenntnismitteln und eine rationale Ordnung des Lebens im Dienste allgemeingültiger Zwecke. Sie wollte die Mythen auflösen und Einbildung durch Wissen ersetzen. Ihr Ziel war es die Menschen von der Furcht zu befreien und sie als Herren der Erde einzusetzen.38

While in Great Britain, philosophical enlightenment had provoked modernization of domestic structures in the seventeenth century, it was only after the war against Prussia when Maria Theresa and Joseph II realized that the Austrian Monarchy required modernization in order to sustain. For instance, Maria Theresa launched compulsory education for the broad mass. Joseph II introduced “die Zentralisierung der Bürokratie, Gebiets- und Verwaltungsänderungen unter Ausschaltung städtischer und ständischer Selbstverwaltungsorgane, die Einführung der allgemeinen Schulpflicht und eines staatlichen Schulwesens, die Vereinheitlichung der Rechtsordnung, die Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft, die religiöse Toleranz, die Staatliche Wohlfahrt, die Neuregelung des Verhältnisses von Staat und Kirche, eine merkantilistische Wirtschaftspolitik mit starken physiokratischen Zügen und die Lockerung der Zensur […]“.39 Joseph II radically imposed these reforms on his people in order to modernize the Habsburg Empire and gradually develop it into an enlightened state power. Also, by establishing a centralized state, the power of aristocracy was diminished. An essential component of the ancien regime represented strict censorship. Due to the fact that the strict censorship hindered the dissemination of enlightened knowledge throughout the empire, Joseph II loosened the law of censorship. “[…] the exaggerated severity of the censorship had […] greatly hampered the most desirable goal of national enlightenment and the orderly progress of science”40 Prior to Joseph´s sovereignty, people were not allowed to write about and criticize every subject. Due to Joseph´s politics, pamphlets flooded the empire broaching subjects which had not been talked about in public before.41

38 vgl. Schoeps, Hans-Joachim (Hrsg.), Zeitgeist der Aufklärung, Paderborn 1972. 103f. 39 vgl. Reinalter, Helmut, Selbstbilder der Aufklärung, Innsbruck 2007. 46. 40 vgl. Bernard, Paul P., Jesuits and Jacobins. Enlightenment and Enlightened Despotism in Austria, London 1971.61. 41 vgl. ebd., 62f. 18 Although the emperor was very tolerant towards different denominations and wanted to assimilate Jews, he led a very radical church policy which caused the enlightened despot´s strategies and reforms to fail at the end of his reign. „[…] weite Teile der Bevölkerung, darunter besonders die Bauern, [hingen] sehr am traditionellen kirchlichen Brauchtum. Sie zeigten sich entschlossen, ihre alteingesessenen Bräuche und Gewohnheiten zu verteidigen, weil sie den behördlichen Eingriff in ihr geistiges und sozial-religiöses Leben hassten.“42 Joseph´s reformation to dissolve contemplative monasteries and to adapt liturgy to the Protestant model was considered as an intrusion into religious matters of the state.43 By enacting these religious reforms, the state should have gained control over the church. However, the emperor seemed to have been oblivious of a possible dismissive reaction of his people to these changes. After all, Habsburg Austria was still deeply devoted to Catholicism. The population´s way of thinking had been narrowed by the ancien regime for centuries so that they were not ready yet for an age of enlightenment. They were devoid of any secular knowledge and still adhered to late medieval ideas. Consequently, after Joseph´s death, aristocracy and clergy returned to powerful positions under Leopold II. However, a significant caesura marks the overthrow of the French monarchy in 1789 which became known in history as the French Revolution under Napoleon Bonaparte. The French Revolution depicts the end of the ancien regime and the beginning of a new era across Europe; an era of reorganized and restructured social and political patterns.

Die Französische Revolution verstand sich von Anfang an nicht nur als Bruch mit einer despotischen Vergangenheit, sondern auch als Beginn einer neuen Ordnung, in der Mensch und Natur versöhnt einer glücklichen Zukunft entgegengingen. Dieser Neubeginn sollte sich nicht nur in der Schaffung einer politischen Ordnung niederschlagen, die die natürlichen Rechte der Menschheit zur Grundlage haben sollte, sondern sie sollte auch Raum und Zeit gestalten und so einem neuen Bewußtsein des freien Menschen Ausdruck verleihen.44

Bernd Wunder´s definition of the French Revolution reveals the emergence of certain rights including freedom of speech, right of ownership as well as civil rights—rights which had not been dealt with before by the broad mass of population. After two decades of war with Napoleon Bonaparte, the European great powers assembled at Vienna in 1815 and aimed at fulfilling two major aspects: „Zum einen sollen die Verhältnisse vor der Französischen Revolution wiederhergestellt, zum anderen erneute Revolutionen und Hegemonialbestrebungen einzelner Mächte verhindert werden. ”While

42 vgl. Reinalter, Helmut, Selbstbilder der Aufklärung, Innsbruck 2007. 54. 43 vgl. ebd., 50. 44 vgl. Wunder, Bernd, Europäische Geschichte im Zeitalter der Französischen Revolution 1789-1815, Stuttgart 2001. 71. 19 western parts of Europe considered the participation of lower ranks in politics in order to avoid social uprisings and revolts, the conservative German states of Prussia and Habsburg founded the German Confederation which had the following aim: ´Erhaltung der äußeren und inneren Sicherheit Deutschlands und der Unabhängigkeit und Unverletzbarkeit der einzelnen deutschen Staaten´.45 In terms of foreign affairs, its duty was to maintain peace; however, in terms of domestic affairs, it proved to function as a bulwark against a constitutional transformation of the German states. Also, Metternich sought to suppress any national uprisings in the multi-ethnic empire of Habsburg. After all, the delegates at the congress of Vienna attempted not only to find ways to secure peace across Europe, but also wanted to reestablish European states as they used to be before the French Revolution. The time between 1815 and 1830 became known as the era of restoration in the nineteenth century whereas nowadays historians refer to that period of time as the era of reconstruction which can be defined the following: […] eine Schwellenzone zwischen der alteuropäischen Ordnung und der modernen Gesellschaft, in der sich Altes und Neues in einer Weise vermischten, die die Zeitgenossen zum Teil mit Ängsten vor einer Zukunft, die auf der Grundlage überlieferter Erfahrungen nicht mehr prognostizierbar war […].46

The events of the French Revolution provoked people to become critical of the ancien regime. However, this past time was immensely dominated by its conservative state chancellor Klemens Wenzel Lothar von Metternich who chaired the congress of Vienna. Although Frances I and Metternich believed in the concept of freedom, they were critical of popular participation in the political process. Consequently, Metternich insisted on maintaining traditional institutions to prevent uprisings and regain order. While France and England served as a political role model in Europe, the creation of national formations in the multi-ethnic Habsburg unfolded which led to a divergence of the various ethnic groups within the state.47 However, since the political leaders of the German states opposed revolutionary transformations, they enforced conservative, anti-liberal, and anti-national political strategies, such as the Karlsbad Decrees in 1819.„[…] die Karlsbader Beschlüsse […], die Zeitungen, Zeitschriften und Bücher, deren Umfang 20 Druckbögen unterschritten, einer Vorzensur unterwarfen, die Autonomie der Universitäten, soweit sie bestand, beseitigten und die Burschenschaften verboten.“48 However, Metternich not only imposed repressive laws on Habsburg Austria, but also employed an investigation

45 vgl. Langewiesche, Dieter, Europa zwischen Restauration und Revolution 1815-1849, München 2007. 59. 46 vgl. ebd. 1. 47 vgl. Reinalter, Helmut (Hrsg.), Selbstbilder der Aufklärung, Innsbruck 2007. 46. 48 vgl. Langewiesche, Dieter, Europa zwischen Restauration und Revolution 1815-1849, München 2007. 61. 20 commission between 1819 and 1828. This monitoring authority was spying upon people´s activities and aimed at catching liberal and national underground movements.49 By enforcing these reforms, Habsburg Austria wanted to secure peace and avert any kind of revolts. Consequently, Austria´s state chancellor Metternich and his conservative politics became the hatred symbol of repression of liberal and national ideas. Considering the age of transition, Habsburg Austria´s politics was characterized by the influence of enlightenment, the French Revolution and its aftermaths in the course of reconstruction. While Joseph II attempted to combine enlightened ideas with absolutism, to modernize his state and keep pace with modern developments of other empires such as Prussia, it was the conservative Prince Metternich over twenty years later who decided to apply suppressive measures adhering to ancien feudal structures. Metternich´s absolute police state reestablished the privileges of the aristocracy which represented essential pillars of the ancien regime whereas the Western part of Europe envisioned a constitutional monarchy. Therefore, from a western European point of view, the Habsburg monarchy and its politics must have been perceived outdated and reactionary.

2.2. SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SITUATION IN HABSBURG AUSTRIA Social structures in Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth century were still affected by the feudal system which divided society into different social ranks. The highest social class — the aristocracy—can be defined a small heterogenic elite which is at the top of the feudal society. According to Zedler´s definition: „Ehrenstand, welcher um vorhergehender Tugenden und Verdienstewillen von der höchsten Obrigkeit verliehen wird, und auf die Nachkommen erbet“50 Subsequently, being aristocratic was associated with prestige and honor which was restricted to only a selective group of people. Although the nobility comprised a somewhat low number of people, there existed five subdivisions of the aristocratic hierarchy. On top was the so called old nobility that disposed over large holdings of property which enabled them to operate extensively across regions.51 Popular noble families, also called high nobility were, for instance, Wallenstein, Starhemberg, Lichtenstein, Dietrichstein, Auersperg, und Esterházy.52 The title of principality implied the right to vote and participate in politics. Generally speaking, during the ancient regime the nobility were the powerful and influential

49 vgl. Langewiesche, Dieter, Europa zwischen Restauration und Revolution 1815-1849, München 2007. 61. 50 vgl. Zedler, Johann Heinrich (Hrsg.), Grosses vollständiges Universal-Lexikon Aller Wissenschaften und Künste 64, Halle 1964. 467. 51 vgl. Scheutz, Martin, Die Elite der hochadeligen Elite. Sozialgeschichtliche Rahmenbedingungen der obersten Hofämter am Wiener Kaiserhof im 18. Jahrhundert, in: Gerhard, Ammerer et.al. (Hrsg.), Adel im 18. Jahrhundert. Umrisse einer sozialen Gruppe in der Krise (2015), 142. 52 vgl. ebd., 157. 21 people among the population who led a life filled with wealth and splendor. Nevertheless, the existence of impoverished noble families proves that the danger to sink into poverty was reality. Habsburg´s aristocracy was in the lucky position to have many privileges in contrast to the rest of the population. This bundle of privileges included the exertion of power over land and peasants. They could also exert power by participating in the national or regional assembly.53 Moreover, noblemen did not even consider these bundles of privileges as privileges but rather as rights. This certainly demonstrates how important it must have been for the noble class to differentiate themselves from the lower class. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, Joseph´s reforms and ideas of enlightenment caused the development and rise of the bourgeoisie and educated middle class. People started to distance themselves from the ancien regime and developed the idea of a secular civil society who all shared the same utopian idea of a civil society based on equality, education, personality, and civil service.54 The loosened censorship during Joseph´s reign certainly contributed to the rise of the bourgeoisie as it facilitated access to enlightened literature for the broad mass. The social gulf between aristocracy and bourgeoisie intensified due to centralization of the state and the abolishment of the nobility´s privileges between 1780 and 1790. Political administrative offices were increasingly assigned to educated middle class people instead of to noblemen. Additionally, the French Revolution disseminated formative values across continental Europe which served as prerequisites for the establishment of the wealthy bourgeoisie. Individual rights, such as the right to ownership represented fundamental necessities to gain wealth. At the end of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, many manufacturers, who were often former guildsmen, were granted civil rights and, therefore, managed to expand their workshops to national manufactures.55 For instance, well-known tradesmen in Vienna, such as Fries, Arnsteiner, Eskeles, and Geymüller, owned silk and cotton factories. These successful people often merged their factories which caused them to become even more wealthy and successful.56 These tradesmen were not necessarily focused on distancing

53 vgl. Ammerer, Gerhard et.al. (Hrsg.), Adel im 18. Jahrhundert. Umrisse einer sozialen Gruppe in der Krise, Wien 2015. 45. 54 vgl. Kocka, Jürgen, Bürgertum und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im 19. Jahrhundert, in: Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert (1988), 20. 55 vgl. Mittenzwei, Ingrid, Vom Handwerker zum Unternehmer. Wiener Seidenfabrikanten im frühen 19. Jahrhundert, in: Gerlach, Karlheinz und Reinalter, Helmut (Hrsg.), Staat und Bürgertum im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (1996), 83. 56 vgl. ebd. 87. 22 themselves from the higher class—the nobility—but more importantly from the lower middle class—the proletariat. Although the bourgeoisie was kept at bay by the hereditary nobility, the bourgeoisie sought to be accepted by them and even imitated the noble class in some way. „In Österreich stand die hohe Nobilitierungsfrequenz im umgekehrten Verhältnis zum geringen sozialen Mobilitätseffekt. In Wien blieb die exklusive, die allein ´ hoffähige´ ´erste Gesellschaft´ besonders streng von der neuadelig-bürgerlichen Mischzone der ´zweiten Gesellschaft´ getrennt.“57Accordingly, at salons and casinos social interaction and behavior between different social classes was clear cut because marriages arranged between them represented an unsurpassable barrier. Nevertheless, the bourgeoisie imitated in some way their lifestyle and behavior in order to gain social recognition and acceptance.58 Vienna´s crème de la crème was also infamous for their festivities during the decades after the congress in 1814/15. It was the end of the Napoleonic wars and the revival of the aristocracy´s power that caused a great number of elite people from all over Europe to flock to Vienna for celebrations; consequently, Vienna became the navel of Europe whose activities and festivities were observed by the European world.59 By dancing and waltzing at extravagant balls, the aristocracy not only demonstrated their luxurious way of life, but also celebrated their existence which had been shaken to the core. Therefore, from the outside, Vienna appeared flamboyant and ostentatious; yet symbolized stability and security. Metternich´s strict censorship, the prohibition of freedom of speech, the espionage, and the exclusion of the wealthy bourgeoisie from politics caused the majority of population to seclude from political matters and focus on entertainments. For example, people met at pleasure gardens such as the Prater, travelled to the summer retreat of Baden, met at cafes, or the theater; intellectuals met at patrons of literature and music; and artists became fond of painting pristine landscapes. Especially the Viennese theater prospered during that time which served as a mental outlet.60 Accordingly, the bourgeoisie managed to develop its own important virtues and acquired its own culture. ´Bürgerlichkeit´ wurde zu dieser Zeit als Lebensstil und kultureller Habitus, als Inbegriff einer Oppositionshaltung gegenüber den Eliten des Ancien Regime und als Vorbild für “das Volk“, besonders für “das Volk“, besonders für “die unteren Schichten“, zu der Metapher schlechthin. Neue Werte und

57 vgl. Fehrenbach, Elisabeth, Adel und Bürgertum im deutschen Vormärz, München 1994. 18. 58 vgl. Bruckmüller, Ernst und Stekl, Hannes, Zur Geschichte des Bürgertums in Österreich, in: Kocka, Jürgen (Hrsg.) Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert (1988), 173. 59 vgl. Teune, Jonas, Revolution wegtanzen! : die Hintergründe der Feierlichkeiten auf dem Wiener Kongress 1814-1815, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 94 (2012), 190. 60 vgl. wien.gv.at. [11/10/2017]. 23 Verhaltensleitbilder, die “Kanonisierung“ der ´bürgerlichen Tugenden´ (“Ordnung, Fleiß und Sparsamkeit“) […]61 While the nobility placed emphasis on flaunting their pompous appearances at elegant and expensive balls, the bourgeoisie had developed their own culture preferring authenticity and naturalness. Under Metternich´s strict censorship, many Austrian novelists, poets, and intellectuals were suffering. Nevertheless, the culture of Austria enormously prospered during the era of restoration when early tourism and free time activities unfolded. While many people in the city lived a quiet and peaceful life, the peasants and rural laborers experienced an aggravation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. This so called west-east-gap denotes the exacerbation of the peasants´ exploitation. „Die österreichische Agrarverfassung des Vormärz war gekennzeichnet durch ein starkes West-Ost-Gefälle, in dessen Verlauf die Adelsherrschaft an Intensität zunahm.“62 On the western side of the Elbe- Saale-route, serfs only had to pay taxes or were even able to pay themselves free from obligations whereas eastwards serfs were coerced to pay high taxes, to provide compulsory labor and payment in kind.63 As a result, peasants from the west were less controlled by the landlord; however, bounded peasants in the east were heavily dependent on their landlord and were nearly treated like slaves who had no rights at all.64 The political and social development stagnated because of the Austrian politicians´ strategies that attempted to stop revolutionary forces. Moreover, the empire was encumbered with debts due to the tremendous expenses for waging war against Napoleon. These facts were perceived as dull and dissatisfactory by the majority of Austria´s population as the middle class was still excluded from politics, and peasants were still subjected to feudalism. From the outside perspective, people barely took notice of the suppressive measures against the plain people since Vienna became known across Europe as the waltz-dancing dazzling city. Only people from western countries travelling Austria possibly conceived a better idea of the social situation.

2.3. POLITICAL SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN 1780-1830 Great Britain was a trailblazer for enlightened thinking in Europe which provoked and accelerated the development of a modern state. In 1688/89 the glorious revolution caused the

61 vgl. Döcker, Ulrike, “Bürgerlichkeit und Kultur- Bürgerlichkeit als Kultur“. Eine Einfühung, in: Stekl, Hannes (Hrsg.), Bürgertum in der Habsburger-Monarchie, 96. 62 vgl. Langewiesche, Dieter, Europa zwischen Restauration und Revolution 1815-1849, München 2007. 29 63 vgl. Wunder, Bernd, Europäische Geschichte im Zeitalter der Französischen Revolution 1789-1815, Stuttgart 2001 18. 64 vgl. Langewiesche, Dieter, Europa zwischen Restauration und Revolution 1815-1849, München 2007. 29. 24 overthrow of the ancien regime and the breakthrough of the age of enlightenment in Great Britain which caused the transformation of political structures.65 While continental Europe and its people were still ruled by absolute monarchs, it was the British island that represented a role model in modern politics as it enforced individual rights and augmented the role of parliament additionally to the king (king in parliament). Consequently, England had developed a modern state about hundred years earlier than some states on continental Europe, such as the Habsburg Monarchy. Great Britain was the one and only constitutional monarchy in 1780 across Europe. King George III had to collaborate with the parliament as he was not able to enforce laws without its consent. The British parliament comprised the Tories and the Whigs; while the Tories were considered to represent the aristocracy´s traditional values, the Whigs were regarded to demonstrate liberal, national, and even radical views.66 According to Schoeps, nearly all leading Whigs and Tories in parliament were advocates of enlightened thinkers, such as John Locke, David Hume, Voltaire, etc.67 Modern attitudes influenced their way of coping with political subjects and worldviews. For instance, the British constitution was heavily based on Locke´s world view who considered the right to property a natural law. „Der Staat war nicht Herr der Gesellschaft sondern ihr unparteiischer Diener, der Wahrer des ´Property´ (Recht und Eigentum) das für Locke ein Naturrecht war.“68 Accordingly, each individual in civil society has the right to property which needs to be protected by the state. As a result, implementing the right to property in the constitution served as a prerequisite for the development of industrial entrepreneurships. After all, it was John Locke who founded the idea of a state that was based on a constitution whose purpose was to maintain civil society and protect the individual´s property. An essential aspect worth mentioning is that Great Britain differed from Habsburg Austria´s religious denomination. While continental Europe was primarily catholic, England was characterized by protestant denomination. Catholics in Britain had been severely discriminated by Protestants; In order to assimilate British Catholics, the Act of Catholic Relief had been passed in 1778 allowing Catholics to own land and enter the army. This attempt to alleviate the situation for British Catholics culminated in London´s Gordon riots in

65 vgl. Parry, Jonathan, The Politics of Patriotism. English Liberalism, national Identity and Europe, 1830-1886, Cambridge 2006. 66 vgl. Parry, Jonathan, The Politics of Patriotism. English Liberalism, national Identity and Europe, 1830-1886, Cambridge 2006. 42. 67 vgl. Kluxen, Kurt, Die Auswirkungen der englischen Aufklärung auf Politik und Gesellschaft, in: Schoeps, Hans-Joachim (Hrsg.), Zeitalter der Aufklärung, Paderborn 1972. 47. 68 vgl. ebd., 49. 25 1780.69 “Catholics were attacked, and Catholic property smashed up.”70 Nevertheless, Irish and British Catholics were granted increasingly more rights as the British military needed to recruit rapidly to fight the French in the Low Countries and the Caribbean.”71 Accordingly, sufficient material was required to fight Napoleon; therefore, Catholics were assuaged and encouraged to enlist for military service. In 1801 the Act of Union was passed to unite the two kingdoms becoming the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. To control national movements in Ireland, Prime Minister Pitt intended to extend Catholic rights; however, this was met with severe opposition by the king. The king´s stance further hindered to allow more rights to the Catholics: “[…] his coronation oath, and his position as head of the Church of England meant that he could not constitutionally support a bill that would undermine the privileged position of that church and even weaken Britain´s protestant constitution. [He] […] was supported […] by most of the British public at large.”72 Subsequently, the majority of the England´s population still held anti-Catholic attitudes. The king who represented the head of the Anglican Church felt obliged to defend the protestant church and constitution which provoked enormous dissent between the king and the ministry. After all, Irish and British Catholics in the UK were still discriminated and disadvantaged. Another subject that should be taken into consideration is Great Britain and the Napoleonic wars. In the 1790s when Napoleon was conquering increasingly more land on the European continent, the fear of French invasion on the British Isles set in and provoked social unrest. It was also the time when British patriotism developed because the outbreak of the French Revolution invoked ideas of the British Glorious Revolution. Consequently, England´s Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger took severe measures against social unrest. “A series of legal measures were implemented to restrict the activities of political radicals, including the restriction of political meetings, the banning of treasonable publications and the use of spies and informers.”73 Accordingly, a time of great repression in England commenced which was characterized by the significant increase in coercive powers of the state which eventually resulted from fear of a possible French invasion and domestic insurrections. Considering these facts, Metternich´s politics in Austria was similar to the British reforms implemented in the 1790s.

69vgl. Conway, Stephen, Christians, Catholics, Protestants: The Religious Links of Britain and Ireland with Continental Europe 1689-1800, in: English Historical Review 124 (2009), 842. 70vgl. White, Matthew, Popular Politics in the 18th Century, 2009, online available, https://www.bl.uk/georgian- britain/articles/popular-politics-in-the-18th-century [08/20/2017]. 71vgl. Conway, Stephen, Christians, Catholics, Protestants: The Religious Links of Britain and Ireland with Continental Europe 1689-1800, in: English Historical Review 124 (2009), 858. 72Vgl. .Dickinson, H.T., George II and Parliament, in: Parliamentary History (2011), 401. 73 vgl. White, Matthew, Popular Politics in the 18th Century, 2009, online available, www.bl.uk/georgian- britain/articles/popular-politics-in-the-18th.century [08/21/2017]. 26 However, in the early nineteenth century when Lord Liverpool became Prime Minister in Great Britain, repressive measures were lifted. While Habsburg´s minister Metternich prevented the publication of critical political voices, the English press blossomed and provoked political influence deriving from people outside the parliament.

The London and provincial press – including newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and graphic prints – had all expanded enormously and they disseminated political news and views, often in opposition to what the government or parliament was doing. By the early 19th century, […] the press not only informed the public about the actions of the political elite, but helped many men outside the elite to communicate with each other, […] join together into a wide range of clubs and voluntary associations in order to put pressure on ministers and on parliament.74 Thus, the English population was allowed to utter personal opinions publicly and spread them via the press whereas Habsburg´s population would have been sought by the police when doing so during Metternich´s era. In England people could criticize politicians, hold assemblies without fear of prosecution, and from 1830 onwards a larger proportion of the middle class was granted the right to vote and participate in political decisions.75 This example describes the divergent political and social development of Habsburg Austria and Great Britain. Considering all these different aspects, Great Britain´s situation differed from the Austrian one to a great extent. While continental Europe was primarily catholic, Great Britain was still deeply devoted to Protestantism without any chance of tolerating Catholics. Apart from the religious denominations, Great Britain was further developed in terms of political structures. This matter of fact mainly resulted from the Glorious Revolution in England which had taken place about hundred years earlier than the French Revolution. Great Britain had implemented a constitutional monarchy which had king and parliament work together whereas Habsburg Austria was still governed by suppressive and absolute measures. From the British view, the Austrian political system was considered outdated and retrogressive.

2.4. SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN In the mid-eighteenth century the industrial revolution started in England which implied not only a number of pioneering inventions but also social changes. Firstly, it needs to be emphasized that English society experienced an intensified gulf between social classes which was provoked by the industrial revolution.

74 vgl. Dickinson, H.T., George III and Parliament, in: Parliamentary History (2011), 398. 75 vgl. Langewiesche, Dieter, Europa zwischen Restauration und Revolution 1815-1849, München 2007.55. 27 The expansion in economic activity and the rise in population went hand-in-glove. For, despite certain labour-saving machinery, rising manufacturers needed more hands, yet without rising output, […] and the result was that massive transformation we call the Industrial Revolution and the birth of industrial society.76 Europe experienced a tremendous increase in population from the mid eighteenth century onwards which was severely perceived in the countryside where new techniques and technology in agriculture were deployed and, therefore, caused high numbers of unemployment and a rise in poverty in rural areas. Consequently, crowds of people were flocking to urban centers in order to find work that was required at expanding factories.77 The other side of the coin, however, depicted severe poverty among the lower classes. “As wages could not keep pace, a creeping process of impoverishment ensued, accelerating progressively to become the generally recognized pauperism of the nineteenth century.”78 Food prices rose at an ever-accelerating pace when food became scarce. The low wages of the working class people and rural workers enormously contributed to the mass phenomenon of pauperism as many of them had to live below the breadline. About the mid-nineteenth century the Habsburg Empire was affected by impoverishment as well as grain prices rose by 40 percent whereas in Great Britain grain prices even doubled.79 The early beginnings of industrialization were also accompanied by the decrease of hereditary characteristics decreased as income and wealth became more important. Accordingly, the rise of the industrial revolution and the importance of wealth, occupation, education, and income highly correlated to each other and influenced social structures. The English society was precisely graded and distinguished by wealth, power, occupation, education, and living conditions. At the top of the social ladder was the aristocracy by birth including the royal family, lords, great officers of the state, baronets, earls, dukes, country gentlemen, and knights. One step below, there was the middle class that was divided into the upper middle class including bankers, lawyers, entrepreneurs, factory owners, large-scale business men, and clergymen, as well as the lower middle class including shopkeepers, merchants, civil servants, and small- scale business men. Finally, at the bottom of the hierarchy was the lower class made up by the poor who depended on charity, and the working class.80 In terms of the industrial revolution, the upper middle class represented the leading group, also called the industrial bourgeoisie.

76 vgl. Porter, Roy, English Society in the 18th Century, London 1990. 311. 77 vgl. Blanning, T.C.W., The Eighteenth Century, New York 2000. 67. 78 vgl. Blanning, T.C.W., The Eighteenth Century, New York 2000. 55. 79 vgl. ebd, 55. 80 vgl. Kocka, Jürgen (Hrsg.) Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert. Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich, Michigan 1988. 28 “die middle classes [sind] im Wesentlichen aus Familien bestanden, die im sozialen Aufstieg begriffen waren (wogegen sich die Bourgeoisie aus solchen Familien rekrutierte, die es geschafft hatten).81 As a result, those people who evolved from rags to riches represented the most successful and powerful of the middle rank people and, therefore, turned out to be the industrial bourgeoisie. The industrial bourgeoisie including entrepreneurs, factory owners, bankers, etc. could increase their social prestige by means of wealth and success. Although there existed even social differences between various professions of the middle rank, there can be named some distinctive features that were shared by nearly all members of the middle class:

Sie arbeiteten (außer freiwillig und in ihrer Freizeit) nicht manuell; sie verfügten über ein (wenn auch vielleicht bescheidenes) Vermögen; sie beschäftigten Lohnarbeiter, zumindest aber Dienstboten; sie selber aber waren keine Lohnempfänger. Sofern sie weder beim Staat noch bei der Kirche angestellt waren, verdienten sie ihr Geld in privaten Unternehmen, entweder als Geschäftsleute oder als unabhängige Freiberufler […]82 These represented the elements of the growing commercial middle class that defined themselves by means of consumption, production, and especially money. The self-made man usually resided in the urban environment of England where natural resources were abundantly available nearby, such as coal and iron. Also various inventions of the 18th century including the spinning jenny and the steam engine enormously supported budding entrepreneurs, the rise of the industrial bourgeoisie, and the expansive trade of mass production. As explained before, the Georgian era was a period of great change when trade expanded, cities grew, inventions arose, and wealth multiplied. However, there also needs to be taken into consideration the drawbacks of these developments. Industrialization did not only prosper due to technological progress. A still underrated contribution to the industrialization´s prosperity was provided by the rural population that found employment at many urban factories where they often faced horrendous working conditions. Employers neither received social security cover nor were protected by any kind of law. People had to work like clockwork, and were subjected to their masters´ supervision.83 Despite the inhuman working conditions, many families worked at factories.84 Subsequently, the industrial revolution caused not only the formation of a huge urban wage-laborer class (industrial proletariat) but also the exploitation of the less powerful.

81 vgl. Hobsbawn, Eric, Die Englische Middle Class 1780-1920, in: Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert, Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich, München 1988. 85. 82 vgl. ebd. 88. 83 vgl. Porter, Roy, English Society in the 18th Century, London 1990. 326f. 84 vgl. ebd. 335. 29 Since the enormous influx of people to urban centers across England, cities were overcrowded and became dirty and polluted places so that increasingly more people were craving to get away from urban areas. However, in the course of the industrial revolution, improvements were implemented; for instance, streets were mended and regularly cleaned, sufficient drainage and canals were built, and new turnpike toll roads for the ever-increasing horse-drawn traffic were constructed.85 Consequently, these investments avoided continually congested streets but also prevented the dissemination of fatal illnesses. Also, inventions such as the steam ship and railways facilitated the transportation of freights over long distances. Consequently, tremendous amounts of resources and food could be transported and delivered longer distances without high expenditure of time. Accordingly, the transportation system highly improved and positively contributed to the prosperous economy of England in the nineteenth century. In the end, the population of the insular state defined themselves by success and money whereas the Austrian people still made a fetish out of noble ranks. Unlike in Habsburg Austria, the industrial bourgeoisie had already been of importance in the mid-eighteenth century due to its groundbreaking inventions.86 A crucial reason for Great Britain´s progressive nature was the early onset of the industrial revolution which was provoked by enlightened ideas about hundred years earlier. Additionally, the rise of the bourgeoisie went hand in glove with the emergence of an unprecedented working class. By the newly acquired wealth, the country was able to improve urban infra-structure which, as a result, facilitated trade. After all, the British population was empowered to freedom of speech, the right of ownership, and to participate in politics in contrast to the majority of Habsburg´s population.

2.5. CULTURAL CONTACT AND RELATIONS Due to the contrasting socio-political circumstances, British national peculiarities became of great interest for the people living in the increasingly criticized feudal system of the Habsburg monarchy.From the 1780s onwards, the so called Anglophilia was widely spread across Europe which denoted “an unusual admiration or partiality for England, English ways, or things English”.87Especially among Austrian aristocrats, Anglophilia prevailed; this included high-ranked statesmen and envoys in London who had spent some time in England and

85 vgl. White, Matthew, The Rise of Cities in the 18th Century, 2009, online available, www.britishlibrary.cn/en/articles/ [10/10/2017]. 86 vgl. Reinalter, Helmut und Gerlach, Karlheinz (Hrsg.), Staat und Bürgertum im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt 1996. 64. 87 vgl. Merriam-Webster, 2018, available online: [11/11/2017]. 30 enjoyed good relationships at the British embassy.88 Their enthusiasm and extensive analysis of the English way of living not only influenced political relations to some extend but also provoked them to convey a certain image of the British culture among the Habsburg monarchy. In the early beginnings of Anglophilia on the continent, most attention was paid to the unique political system in England which was based on the idea of freedom, and having king and parliament work together. The first piece of writing that spread the concept of the British political system in Europe was “Le SystémePolitique de la Grande Bretagne” written by the Austrian aristocrat Schlierendorff as well as the “Moralische Wochenschriften” which disseminated the subject of enlightenment across Europe.89 Apart from the Austrian interest in the British political system, the Austrians increasingly became enthusiastic over typical British cultural aspects. For example, some Austrian envoys such as count Starhemberg acquired impeccable English language skills and devoured all kind of English literature dealing with sensibility, morality, feelings, sentiments, but gothic aspects as well. These romantic concepts were, as a result, transferred to Austrian landscape architecture.90 In other words, Austrian aristocracy started to copy English gardens but also incorporated typical gothic aspects in architecture which were usually preferred by the British. Therefore, it is no wonder that British travelers in Austria discovered similarities when, for example, exploring the castle of Laxenburg, Johannstein or the castle of Erlaa. The English way of life became not only fashionable among the aristocracy but soon was also assumed by the bourgeoisie. Some of them started wearing round hats, and boots with spikes; they acquired British ways of behavior, drank punch and whiskey, as well as watched horse races.91 Since in Habsburg Austria, Anglophilia prevailed among many aristocrats who spread English concepts, it appears there had only been extensive cultural transfer to the Austrian culture; however, also typical Austrian components managed the leap across the channel. Particularly well received in England were the musical accomplishments by Austrian musicians including Johann Christian Bach, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and Joseph Haydn. Especially Joseph Haydn was able to make a name for himself in London who had composed “The Symphonies of London”.

88 vgl. Heilingsetzer, Georg, Glückliches Albion: Politische und kulturelle Beziehungen und Kontakte zwischen Großbritannien und Österreich um 1800, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 86/2 (2013), 375. 89 vgl. ebd. 379. 90 vgl. Heilingsetzer, Georg, Glückliches Albion: Politische und kulturelle Beziehungen und Kontakte zwischen Großbritannien und Österreich um 1800, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 86/2 (2013), 379. 91 vgl. ebd. 405. 31 Der nahezu Sechzigjährige, der das stille Eisenstadt gewohnt war, staunte über das geschäftige Leben in der englischen Hauptstadt und sah sich als berühmter Künstler hochgeehrt: der Ruhm der Werke war ihrem Schöpfer vorausgeeilt und umrauschte ihn nun in wahren Begeisterungswogen.92 Accordingly, Haydn became widely popular in England and gained great respect by the British for his magnificent musical performances. Based on the melody of the British anthem “God save the King”, he composed the Austrian anthem “Gott erhalt´s” in 1797 in order to trigger the monarchy´s patriotism when fighting Napoleon.93 This composition bespeaks of Haydn´s admiration for the British nationalism but also of the British admiration for the Austrian classical music. Moreover, the example of Joseph Haydn and his compositions certainly prove the existence of intercultural contact and transfer between Habsburg Austria and Great Britain. Again, British nationalism and patriotism was met with lots of admiration by many Austrian Anglophiles. One striking reason for their admiration was the absence of national cohesion in the Habsburg monarchy. While the population of Great Britain represented a socially cohesive society dominated by national pride and freedom, the monarchy of Habsburg was split into numerous ethnic groups oppressed by one absolute regime.94 In this respect, two kinds of perception need to be differentiated: On the one hand, the Austrian Anglophiles wanted to escape the suppressive regime at home in order to, finally, discover the glorified free world of Great Britain. Accordingly, the image of the British culture was highly idealized and, therefore, already determined beforehand. Thus, the British reality was bound to accord with the Anglophile´s expectations.95 On the other hand, from the patriotic British perspective, the danger of rejecting everything that differed from their respective culture became real. A German clergyman named Wendeborn had lived most of his life in London and described the British the following: ´Aus der Eigenliebe der Engländer entsteht die Verachtung des Fremden […] die heutigen Engländer sind auf den Namen Britons bis zum Lächerlichen stolz.´96 Due to their extreme national pride, xenophobic attitudes towards other nations and contempt of foreign people were the consequence. Another aspect that should not be unconsidered is their self-perception. According to Roy Porter: “Unlike the Habsburgs,

92 vgl. Rieger, Erwin, Österreichisch-britische Musikerbegegnungen, in: Hietsch, Otto (Hrsg.), Österreich und die Angelsächsische Welt (1961), 549. 93 vgl. Heilingsetzer, Georg, Glückliches Albion. Politische und kulturelle Beziehungen und Kontakte zwischen Großbritannien und Österreich um 1800, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 86/2 (2013), 410. 94 vgl. Reinalter, Helmut und Gerlach, Karlheinz (Hrsg.), Staat und Bürgertum im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt 1996. 45. 95 vgl. Kuczynski, Ingrid, Ins gelobte Land der Freiheit und des Wohlstands. Reisen nach England, in: Bausinger, Herman et. al. (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 240. 96 vgl. Kielinger, Thomas, Kleine Geschichte Großbritanniens, London 1998. 133. 32 English grandees did not make a fetish of blue blood”97 Whereas the British defined themselves by means of their nation and its culture, the Habsburgs did so by means of their social status. Accordingly, it were the different values that dominated each country; while Britons can be designated as fervent proponents of democratic values, Austrian noblemen were besotted with their social rank due to contrasting social values. Having elaborated on the different intercultural exchange, perspectives and bias between Great Britain and Habsburg Austria, the political relations require more precise illumination. The positive diplomatic relations between Austria and England certainly contributed to their political collaboration in terms of the French Revolution. For both countries, France represented the ever-lasting enemy which caused them to reform an alliance beginning in 1793 in the coalition wars against France. “Seit sich England gegen Frankreich im Kriegszustand befand, wurde eine engere Allianz mit Österreich wünschenswerter […]“98 The expansion of France under Napoleon led to an imbalance of powers which provoked them to rekindle their political relations. Thus, to fight France successfully, Great Britain formed an alliance with the empire of Habsburg which represented the third powerful empire on continental Europe. Due to Great Britain´s geographical situation on the European map, she was able to support war on the continent by means of her powerful navy. However, despite the Anglo-Austrian alliance during the time of French Revolution, Great Britain´s and Habsburg´s political relation drifted apart because of opposing domestic political views. […] seit den zwanziger Jahren […]entwickelten sie sich zusehends auseinander, nicht so sehr aus grundsätzlichen außenpolitischen Gegensätzen, sondern aufgrund der verschiedenen innenpolitischen Situation und der öffentlichen Meinung in England. In Großbritannien machte allmählich die Demokratie weitere Fortschritte und gipfelte in der Parlamentsreform von 1832. Nicht Revolutionsfurcht war ein beherrschendes Thema, sondern Emanzipation und Liberalismus.99 Consequently, the opposing domestic political systems provoked an exacerbation of their political relation as both countries contrasted too strongly from each other. While Great Britain´s deeply rooted conviction of freedom as well as patriotism was widely admired by many Austrians, it was considered with caution by Metternich. In terms of trade and economy, there was barely any economical contact and exchange between Great Britain and Austria. Great Britain´s economic relations were especially

97 vgl. Porter, Roy, English Society in the 18th Century, London 1991.16. 98 vgl. Heilingsetzer, Georg, Koalition gegen Revolution. England, Österreich und das Problem einer europäischen Friedensordnung (1789-1814), in: Institut für österreichische Geschichtsforschung (1993), 376. 99 vgl. Heilingsetzer, Georg, Koalition gegen Revolution. England, Österreich und das Problem einer europäischen Friedensordnung (1789-1814), in: Institut für österreichische Geschichtsforschung (1993), 382. 33 maintained with those countries involved in the Atlantic triangular trade whereas Habsburg Austria maintained trade relations with Venice.100 Also, England had grown to a worldwide colonial power that tremendously profited from its colonies and its industrial inventions whereas Habsburg Austria became increasingly isolated from the transatlantic trade due to her reactionary politics. Additionally, lack of technological progress, insufficient accessibility of region, and inconvenient natural aspects explain Austria´s slow technological and economic development.101 The most important industries in Habsburg Austria— the textile production and ironmongery— were never able to compete with the economical accomplishments of England. Nevertheless, by means of industrial espionage, it was attempted to accumulate the newest ideas, to copy innovations and transfer them to the home country. Another way of economical transfer was to hire British manufacturers. „Bei diesen handelte es sich meistens um Fabrikanten und Unternehmer, aber auch Maschinisten, die von Wien aus in England zur Ankurblung der heimischen Warenproduktion angeworben wurden.“102 In this respect, economical contact and transfer was pursued, however, impeded and frowned upon by British envoys. Only with delay, the inventions of the steam engine, railroad, and blast furnace provided them access to industrialization in the early nineteenth century. Although there was plenty of intercultural contact and transfer between the two countries, it can be deduced from the last few pages that Habsburg Austria pursued to benefit from Great Britain´s progressiveness as the Austrian anglophiles attempted to transfer various British ideas to the Austrian culture. After all, it was especially the Austrian aristocracy that spread their experiences of England among their countrymen; they started to compare their homeland with the English nation which, consequently, led to imitating and copying typical British ideas and facilities, such as English gardens, gothic castles, English fashion, and English sports. On the contrary, the British displayed no idealization of the Austrian culture with the only exception of Austria´s alpine terrain. Nonetheless, the intercultural relation between those two countries undoubtedly depicted a cultural imbalance.

100 vgl. Ofner, Josef, Die „Venedigischen Handelsleute“ der Stadt Steyr, in: Kulturamt Steyr (1960), 7. 101 vgl. Eigner, Peter, Die Habsburgermonarchie im 19. Jahrhundert: Ein Modellfall verzögerter Industrialisierung?, in: Beiträge zur historischen Sozialkunde 3/97 (1997), available online, [09/30/2017]. 102 vgl. Heilingsetzer, Georg, Glückliches Albion: Politische und kulturelle Beziehungen und Kontakte zwischen Großbritannien und Österreich um 1800, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 86/2 (2013), 408. 34 3. THE LITERARY GENRE OF TRAVEL ACCOUNTS 3.1. TRAVEL ACCOUNTS IN THE 18TH CENTURY Until the second half of the eighteenth century, travelers were prompted to focus on providing highly precise and rational descriptions of encountered objects. „Die bürgerlichen Reisen der Frühaufklärung standen daher im Zeichen der Autopsie, d.h., die zu Hause den Büchern entnommenen Kenntnisse sollten mit eigenen Augen an den Gegenständen selbst verifiziert werden.“103 From the modern era onwards until the mid-eighteenth century, a great amount of worldly knowledge and data had been accumulated. Travelers such as Heine and Goethe started to critically scrutinize the veracity of that knowledge about foreign objects and discoveries which had been conveyed in earlier travel accounts. Accordingly, during the enlightenment, the primary purpose of travelling and travel writing was still based on encyclopedic and scientific education that was manifested in numerous ´descriptions´, ´surveys´, ´histories´, and ´present states´. Based on John Locke´s enlightened principle— knowledge requires rationality and experience—travel writers aspired to produce objective accounts without a trace of personal judgment and reflective comments.104 Specific travel literature called ´ars apodemica´ provided useful advice as well as precise guidelines for the coverage of certain subjects. The Grand Tourist was impelled to verify several topics when travelling the destinations of the Grand Tour including Paris and Rome. Among others, the following subjects were expected to be broached:

[…]die herrschenden Sitten und Gebräuche der Nation´ zu untersuchen; die Lustbarkeiten und Gewohnheiten, den Ton und die Gestalt der Gesellschaften, die Schauspiele, Nationalgesänge und Nationaltänze, das Erziehungssystem und die Gottesverehrung, die herrschenden Meinungen und Vorurtheile [sic], die Art sich zu nähren, zu kleiden, zu wohnen usw.105

By means of keeping records of daily experiences, the traveler started to compose his travel account in the form of a journal or diary. This type of format was written in chronological order and was still the most common way to document a journey until the mid-eighteenth century. After another heyday of scientific and educational travel literature in the eighteenth century, writers attempted to find another way to illuminate already familiar objects. This predicament was followed by a gradual shift in focus from the object to the subject. „An die

103 vgl. Brenner, Peter J. (Hrsg.), Der Reisebericht. Die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur, Frankfurt am Main 1989. 286. 104 vgl. Kalb, Gertrude, Bildungsreise, Nürnberg 1981. 88. 105vgl. Hartmann, Andres, Reisen und Aufschreiben, in: Hermann, Bausinger et. al. (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus, München 1991. 158. 35 Stelle der faktologisch orientierten Bestandsaufnahme des Fremden trat die Vermittlung der subjektiven Beziehung, die die Reisenden zum Fremden eingingen.“106 The travel writer is no longer obligated to maintain an objective writing style. On the contrary, the author was expected to present his subjective views when dealing with his surroundings rather than provide plain facts of the travelled destination. The shift from object to subject derived from the fact that the readership not only longed for entertainment but also wanted to gain an insight into the author´s personality. What had even intensified that shift of perspective was Sterne´s Sentimental Journey published in 1768. This piece of writing covered ´a quiet journey of the heart in the pursuit of NATURE, and those affections which arise out of her, which make us love each other and the world better than we do´.107 Subsequently, there was not only a shift from the scientific to the ethic-moral perception but, simultaneously, also a change in the purpose of travelling. However, before elaborating on the shift of perception in depth, the formats of travel writing will be illuminated. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the publication of travel accounts boomed. What caused the numbers of publications to sore were the prospering tourism, and the fact that travel writing was even considered therapeutic so that it had become fashion to publish travel accounts based on an actual journey.108 Writers employed different formats to convey their experiences; for example, journals, diaries, personal letters, and familiar letters. The main forms proved to be journals and letters as they granted the most extensive scope to develop the author´s writing. The most authentic format represents the personal letter which is characterized by a salutatory address, personal experiences the writer wants to convey to the addressee, answers to previous questions, expressions of personal concerns and worries, or the conveyance of simple facts. On the contrary, the familiar letter appears to be very similar to the personal letter at first glance. However, the familiar letter illustrates a piece of literary art implying a philosophical treatise in contrast to the highly authentic personal letter.109 Moreover, the epistolary formats need to be differentiated from the journal in terms of its topological structure. In the journal travel experiences were usually documented in a chronological order which included elaborations on personal events and fugacious observations.110 While the journal is brimming with elaborate phrases and allusive

106 vgl. Kuczinsky, Ingrid, Reisende Frauen des 18. Jahrhunderts: >>a nonconformistrace<

3.2. TRAVEL ACCOUNTS IN THE 19TH CENTURY From the literary point of view, Sterne´s literary work induced a change in the purpose of the original Grand Tour. From the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century onwards, the education of the rational mind was substituted by the education of the heart. Sterne´s Sentimental Journey represents a caesura in the literary epoch which places the focus on the subject´s sentiments and way of dealing with his fellow human beings. Accordingly, the acquisition of empathy, humanity, and sympathy by the author of the travel account and its readers were desired. Thus, it was the knowledge about oneself that was attempted to shed light on in the travel accounts of the romantic era.112 Besides the acquisition and cultivation of sensibility, travelers of the romantic era were in pursuit of a retreat to escape industrialization and urbanization. These circumstances were followed by people´s motivation and enthusiasm to encounter nature on foot which represents a distinctive feature of romantic literature. What caused travelers to be enthusiastic about natural environments was their craving for experiencing deep sensations when catching sight of natural sceneries. For many travelers pristine landscapes offered the perfect place to contemplate about human nature, to experience solitude, and to become in accordance with the world. According to Kant and Humboldt, the founders of the aesthetic perception, the view of an object that triggers feelings of lust and desire causes people to perceive the observed object as beautiful.113 Consequently, there set in artistic forms of writing applied in travel accounts that conveyed actual or fictional impressions experienced on a journey. This new development was characterized by an allusive, creative, and sentimental writing style which

111 vgl. Kalb, Gertrude, Bildungsreise und literarischer Reisebericht (1700-1850), Nürnberg 1981. 48. 112 vgl. ebd. 66. 113 vgl. Brenner, Peter Die Erfahrung der Fremde. Zur Entwicklung einer Wahrnehmungsform in der Geschichte der Reiseberichte, in: Peter J. Brenner (Hrsg.), Reiseberichte. Die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur (1989), 37. 37 aimed at evoking vivid imaginations and strong emotions. „Der Leser […] liest nun auch die Darstellung von subjektiven Empfindungen. Er wird dabei Zeuge eines ästhetischen Genusses, der nicht sein eigener ist, sondern ihm durch das empfindende Subjekt nur vermittelt wird.“114 In order to convey impressions, the author used very selective words; for example, ´picturesque´, ´sublime´, and ´beautiful´ that expressed different nuances of connotations. According to Edmund Burke “the attributes of beauty were smoothness, smallness, gradual variation, and delicacy of form and color; the sublime, in contrast, he characterized in terms of roughness, darkness, vastness, power, solitude, and infinity […]”115 The notion of the sublime had been associated with horror and astonishment. “Astonishment is that state of the soul, in which all its motions are suspended, with some degree of horror. […] Astonishment […] is the effect of the sublime in its highest degree; the inferior effects are admiration, reverence, and respect.”116 This state of feeling usually resulted in glorious horror or terrible delight which was triggered by the sight of untamed and rough sceneries. Furthermore, the concept of the picturesque was associated with unthreatening settings and lovely attributes that contributed to the appeal of a scene that would look well in a picture.117 Subsequently, pristine nature and alpine mountains attracted especially poets such as Goethe, Rousseau, and Wordsworth as well as landscape painters that were often part in travelogues of the nineteenth century.118 Spending time amidst wild nature inspired poets to compose poems about their sensations and internal insecurities whereas landscape painters attempted to paint picturesque sceneries.119 Ultimately, pristine nature was not simply a place to experience solitude but also to encounter the pleasures of aesthetic impressions. However, feelings of pleasure were not the only sensations romantic Grand Tourists were encouraged to explore. Very often travelers also felt attracted to historical places such as castles which evoked contemplative emotions rather than delight.

Auch die Relikte vergangener Zeiten, die die Diskrepanz zwischen Einst und Jetzt deutlich sichtbar machten, riefen bei vielen Reisenden eine gefühlsmäßige Reaktion wach und ließen sie menschlicher Vergänglichkeit bewusst werden. Gerade für den Reisenden auf der „Grand Tour“, der auf Schritt und Tritt mit Ruinen und z.T. kümmerlichen Resten einer glorreichen Vergangenheit

114 vgl. Gerhard, Carsten (2006), Wilhelm Waiblingers Reiseberichte aus Italien: Wahrnehmung, Darstellung, Zwecke. Unveröff. Diss., Universität Berlin. 42. 115 vgl Whitey, Lynne, Grand Tours and Cook´s Tours. A History of Leisure Travel 1750 to 1915. London 1997. 43. 116 vgl. Burke, Edmund, A Philosophical Inquiry Into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, New York 1909-14. 39. 117vgl. Whitey, Lynne, Grand Tours and Cook´s Tours. A History of Leisure Travel 1750 to 1915. London 1997. 42. 118vgl. ebd. 41. 119vgl. Kalb, Gertrude, Bildungsreisen, Nürnberg 1981. 95. 38 konfrontiert wurde, war dies eine charakteristische Erfahrung, die ihn betroffen stimmte.120 Being confronted with ancient monuments stirred sensations of nostalgia and the awareness of the observer´s temporary existence. Once again, the romantic traveler was confronted with his own feelings that contributed to his self-awareness and knowledge of human nature. With regard to the enlightened and romantic era, a gradual shift in perception and its effects on travel literature cannot be denied. Due to an over-accumulation of scientific rational data, another way of presenting already known objects was endeavored to find. This shift was intensified by Sterne´s literary work which found its most advocates among writers of the romantic era when the focus was placed on the writer´s personality. In short, the change of the Grand Tour´s purpose evoked an incisive shift in the travelers´ perception which is noticeable in their travel accounts. In terms of topological characteristics, letters and diaries of the romantic era were characterized by the application of the first person singular and present tense. Another distinctive feature is its rather colloquial language which evokes the impression of casual salon gossip.121 To sum up, the transition from the enlightened to the romantic era was provoked by the shifting perspective of the world. Due to changing social, political, and economical circumstances culminating in the French Revolution and its aftermaths, the desire to retreat and experience a quiet and peaceful place with body and soul was awakened; therefore, the French Revolution can be regarded as an essential caesura that ushered in the era of romanticism causing romantic literature to prosper.

4. BIOGRAPHIES OF THE BRITISH IN HABSBURG AUSTRIA 1780-1830 4.1. THE BEGINNING OF FEMALE TRAVEL WRITERS The image of the middle class female was defined by strict social norms and conventions which impeded women´s claim to write. Women of the eighteenth century were expected only to act in their allotted proper spheres; for instance, above all as a mother and wife. Thus, women of Georgian England were restricted to domestic spheres whereas men were justified to be active in public areas such as politics, religion, and science. “Men were intended (so men claimed) to excel in reason, business, actions; women´s forte lay in being submissive, modest, docile, virtuous, maternal and domestic.”122 It was also common that the father

120 vgl. Kalb, Gertrude, Bildungsreisen, Nürnberg 1981. 101. 121 vgl. Brenner, Peter, Die Erfahrung der Fremde. Zur Entwicklung einer Wahrnehmungsform in der Geschichte der Reiseberichte, Bonn 1988. 336. 122 vgl. Porter, Roy, English Society in the 18th century, London 1991. 23. 39 picked the husband for his daughter who was denied of any saying in that decision. Eventually, women had to comply with social conventions in order to remain part of society. Another sphere women were excluded from was travelling the continent as men were the only one considered suitable for that activity for various reasons. Firstly, on the road they could not fulfill their duties as mothers and wives. Secondly, females´ physical nature was considered unsuitable for enduring long arduous journeys. Lastly, traveling was ever since equated with education which was restricted solely to men. Accordingly, women traveling on their own were usually disdained as they appeared to lack femininity and to neglect their assigned social role. Frequently, they were also discredited and considered as prostitutes or ´ladies of easy virtues´. Besides the duties as a mother and wife, the only occupations women were permitted to exercise were the ones as translators, writers, and salonniére as they could be exerted from home. As long as they fulfilled only entertaining activities and covered only typical female topics in their writings, they were tolerated by men.123 Despite the risk of facing scorn and disdain, gradually more British women started to travel the continent and to publish travel literature in the second half of the eighteenth century. In the enlightened-early romantic era female writers such as Mary Montagu, Mary Wollstonecraft, Anna Miller, Elizabeth Craven, Elizabeth Justice as well as Hester Piozzi were some of the few women who escaped social confinements of Great Britain. By going abroad to write, they transgressed a boundary and intruded into a male domain. Frequently, women found themselves in an ambivalent situation. On the one hand, they wanted to be emancipated in the male domain of travel writing. On the other hand, they felt urged to legitimate their travels and publications by providing explanations in the prologues of their travel journals.124 By providing legitimacy strategies, women aspired to conform to female norms; also, simultaneously they attempted to neutralize their transgressions. Nonetheless, ´the ladies of the letters´ frequently traveled the continent to break loose of domestic constraints, gain liberty, often to sooth their personal unhappiness, or simply to earn a living. According to Dolan Brian, the rational and scientific travel accounts written by men had become unpopular and monotonous whereas those penned by women appealed to a broad readership in the second half of the eighteenth century. Although women were expected to be ideally suited to complement men and only to account on female topics, they started to compete with men in the literary genre.

123 vgl. Paul, Janina Christine, Reiseschriftstellerinnen zwischen Orient und Okzident. Weibliche Rollenvorstellungen, Selbstrepräsentationen und Erfahrung der Fremde, in: Gockel, Heinz et. al. (Hrsg.), Literatura. Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Moderne und ihrer Geschichte (2013), 47. 124 vgl. Kuczinsky, Ingrid, Reisende Frauen des 18. Jahrhunderts: >>a nonconformist race<

Due to the paradigm shift from the perceived object to the perceiving subject, female writers took advantage to assert their female identities. They had finally found a forum to express their thoughts, where they could present themselves as experts on certain topics, and convey their subjective perceptions in relation to their surroundings so that the depiction of their personality moved in the focus of attention. In female travel literature women often construed a persona that complied with the sentimental demands of the literary era of romanticism. They presented themselves as sensitive observers as well as emphasized their ability to be in accordance with nature and its sentiments which underscored their precious female characteristics.126 Although men also attempted to create a sentimental atmosphere in their travel literature, the cult of sensitivity was associated with female emotionality which enormously appealed to the female readership. As already mentioned, women were only allowed to write about female matters in a subjective way, yet budding novelists also transgressed the boundary of writing about typical male topics such as politics, science, and religion. Furthermore, their ability to travel and write was characterized by their sharp mind and detailed accounts.

Sicher schrieben Frauen häufiger als Männer über Details des Alltags, über Kleidung, Märkte und Geschäfte, Haushaltsführung und ähnliche Angelegenheiten, die in das Ressort einer Hausfrau oder Gesellschaftsdame fielen. Aber sie äußerten sich auch zu Themen der Politik und Religion, des Handels und Gewerbes.127 Accordingly, there also existed gender differences in presenting matters in travel journals. While men tended to be more “rational”, women appeared to be more observant; therefore, they were inclined to elaborate on various topics in greater detail. As women began to utter their views on politics, science, and religion and became successful, they gradually emancipated in the literary scene; nevertheless, women were still discriminated in reality. Ultimately, there existed various reasons for Georgian women of Great Britain to become Grand Tourists and account on their adventures. Even though it was considered as an affront to polite female etiquette, women sought to escape restrictive social rules. The

125 vgl. Dolan, Brian, Ladies of the Grand Tour, London 2001. 288. 126 vgl. Kuczinsky, Ingrid, Reisende Frauen des 18. Jahrhunderts: >>a nonconformistrace<>a nonconformist race<

4.2. HESTER LYNCH THRALE PIOZZI (1741-1821) Hester Lynch was born as an only-child in Wales in the year 1741 descending from one of the richest landowning families— the Salusbury. Her parents were direct descendants from King Henry VII. The fact that her father, who was the Governor of Nova Scotia, went bankrupt forced Hester to marry a rich brewer named Henry Thrale in order to save her family from impoverishment.128 Accordingly, Hester Thrale belonged to the landowning upper middle class of the eighteenth century and was used to be part of the social apex. As explained in previous chapters, the importance of hereditary characteristics decreased from the mid eighteenth century onwards due to the onset of the industrialization in England when wealth and possession became a criterion of paramount social status. By marrying the rich brewer Henry Thrale, she managed to retain her wealthy status belonging to the upper crust of society during the Georgian era. What was quite unusual and uncommon for a woman of that time was her wide- ranging knowledge in reading, writing, and foreign languages. Since her father had particularly encouraged and nurtured his only-child´s curious intellect, she was able to write and speak fluently in Latin, Spanish, French, and Italian.129 At Streatham where she lived with her husband Henry Thrale, she soon had many intellectual and aristocratic personalities assembled who also recognized and appreciated her literary skills and her eloquence. Her longstanding friend Samuel Johnson describes Hester´s intellect and colloquial wit as “a fountain of perpetual flow.”130 Subsequently, Hester Thrale was soon an acknowledged well-

128 vgl. Thrale, David, Thrale History, 2017, available online, http://www.thrale.com [09/01/2017]. 129 vgl. d´Ezio, Marianna, Hester Lynch Thrale Piozzi. British Diarist, Author, and Patron of the Arts, 1741- 1821, 2016, available online, http://www.womenwriters.nl/index.php/Hester_Lynch_Thrale_Piozzi [01/09/2017]. 130 vgl. Thrale, David, Thrale History, 2017, available online, http://www.thrale.com [09/01/2017]. 42 educated hostess and salonniére of the intellectual Streatham circle that consisted among others of intellectual middle class people but also aristocratic artists. Even though Hester Thrale represented a vivacious, open-minded and prolific writer, she confined her writings to the private sphere in order to fit her environment´s and society´s demands. “Her mother believed that Hester´s time should be divided between entertaining her and caring for babies; Henry Thrale saw women´s realm as limited to nursery, bedroom, and drawing room.”131 Consequently, Hester felt obliged to conform to social expectations, while agonizing over unfulfilled internal wishes. As her husband considered riding on horseback unfeminine, he prohibited Hester to maintain one of her favorite activities, which is another example substantiating Hester´s suppressed life. Nearly two decades, Hester led the life of an average Georgian woman by attending to her duties of the female image; for instance, as Henry Thrale´s wife, she bore twelve children of whom four died while he kept several mistresses and pursued a career in the parliament. She received and entertained visitors at Streatham Park, took care of her family´s needs, and nurtured and mourned her offspring.132 After her mother´s and her husband´s death, she was confronted with the opportunity to finally escape from her confining environment and to yield to her yearning for personal self-fulfillment. “Her commitment to [a] new self-image was tested as she tried to decide whether to marry Gabriel Piozzi. The opposition of everyone around her to the match threatened a complete break with her past identity forged in terms of family and old friends.”133 Having married the Italian musician and teacher of her children Gabriel Piozzi— who was not only of a different ethnicity and of significant lower rank but also catholic— was followed by a complete loss of contact to her family and friends. By marrying him, she quitted to please other people and to allow others to define her. The second time, she chose to focus on her self-image, despite custodial loss of her children. Hester´s elopement with an Italian musician aroused extensive gossip among British high society as her marriage represented a scandal that was perceived as a marital deviation and threat to the establishment—an establishment that was unforgiving towards people who preferred to marry someone for reasons of sexual satisfaction.134 Consequently, Hester and her husband decided to start a Grand Tour through the European continent to escape the British society´s contempt and scrutiny; however, this decision to leave the British

131 vgl. Brownley, Martine Watson, Eighteenth Century Women´s Images and Roles: The Case of Hester Thrale Piozzi, in: Biography 3/1 (1980), 66. 132 vgl. ebd. 70. 133 vgl. ebd. 67. 134 vgl. ebd. 73. 43 Isles and start a writing career was primarily based on one motive. She started traveling not for the sake of writing or to make a living, she did so because she wanted to define her personality publicly and pursue a way of living that she had chosen for herself.

Piozzi benutzte ihr Reisebuch, um der Londoner Öffentlichkeit zu demonstrieren, daß ihre zweite Ehe mit dem italienischen Musiklehrer ihrer Töchter keine skandalöse mesalliance gewesen war, da sie sich in Italien als geschätzter Gast in den besten Kreisen bewegte.135 Accordingly, she took advantage of her diary to demonstrate that her second marriage was no misalliance. Also, she wanted to rectify their purported imbalance in marital power. Having resided for some time at Gabriel´s house nearby Milan, she was provided an insight into Italian culture and its social classes. In her travel journal, she informed on her participation at noble events and her access to the highest social circles of Italy in order to demonstrate her husband´s respectable status. Flouting British conventions, she continued to fuel London´s gossip by publishing Letters to and from the late Samuel Johnson and thrust into open rivalry with the popular author James Boswell.136 By stirring public recognition and even rivaling male authors, she managed to shed light on her personality and to rise as a public author that gained her own canon in the literary genre. After having become renown for her sharp tongue and caustic wit, her future publications were avidly awaited. Due to Hester´s second marriage, she was finally able to liberate herself from the suppressive environment endured at Streatham in London. Therefore, moving to Italy and travelling Europe granted her the chance to redefine her identity as she wished. The fact that she was left behind as a wealthy widow of significant status alleviated the consequences of her decision to marry Piozzi. After years of turmoil, she reveled in her experiences when travelling through Europe satisfying her personal longings and broadening her intellectual horizon. Furthermore, spending quite some time at a small Italian town near Milan fulfilled her ever-lasting desire to visit Italy.137 Having experienced decades of oppression in England, her expectations to travel Europe and to immerse into a different culture must have been profound. Even though Hester Piozzi was considered to be critical of the ancien regime, her general attitude and character traits including zest for life, vivacity, curiosity, and her devotion to a catholic foreigner certainly contributed to her pleasure to discover the unknown with less pronounced biases.

135 vgl. Kuczinsky, Ingrid, Reisende Frauen des 18. Jahrhunderts: >>a nonconformist race<

The fact that she was born to a British father and an Irish mother contributed to Martha´s multi-cultural knowledge. Although she had gained an understanding of the Irish national character, Martha herself was fully raised protestant and taught British values. Her mother bore three boys and six girls who had spent their childhood happily in the bosom of a very devoted family.140 While it was common for most Irish parents to teach their children different kinds of sports, such as fox hunting or horse races, the Wilmot family endeavored to have their offspring develop highly academic qualifications.141 Accordingly, Martha was able to speak several languages and conduct prolific writing. Her career as a writer, diarist, and translator was only commenced on her sojourn at the Russian Princess Dashkova´s residence near Moscow in 1803. The decision to spend some time in Russia was provoked by her younger brother´s death which had descended her into deep sorrow.

Martha was overwhelmed at the loss of her favourite brother and for some months she ceased to take any interest in what was going on around her. Her health was so much affected that it was decided that she should have an immediate change of surroundings to restore her spirits.142 Although her father strictly opposed this decision, he could be persuaded to give his consent. Also, Martha´s internal desire to travel was revived by receiving letters with graphic accounts from her older sister Catherine who was touring the continent with friends of the family.

138 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), The Russian Journals of Martha and Catherine Wilmot 1803 to 1808, London 1934. 16. 139 vgl. ebd. 14. 140 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot Bradford, London 1935. 13 141 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), The Russian Journals of Martha and Catherine Wilmot 1803 to 1808, London 1934.18. 142 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot Bradford, London 1934. 14. 45 As the Russian princess was a close friend of the Wilmot family, Martha and her sister were warmly welcomed by her. Descending from a modest family life, Martha—the princess´ favorite— became familiar with the pompous Russian court life and society. All her experiences gained at Russia, she precisely documented in her diary and letters which she comprised in The Russian Journal of Martha and Catherine Wilmot during her stay in Russia. Furthermore, the girls managed to persuade the princess to write a memoir of her life which Martha translated into the English language and published it in 1840. The memoir became a full success and was immediately translated in numerous languages.143 After having been pampered by the princess and having been accustomed to mix in the noblest social circles of Russia, she was not quite thrilled having to return to her modest family life in Ireland in December due to the outbreak of war at the beginning of the year 1809.144 The time in Russia had certainly changed her personality. She had become a woman of the world whose tastes and interests had entirely altered. Also, as the princess´ protégé, Martha was uninhibitedly pampered and spoilt. “She was loaded with gifts which included quantities of valuable jewelry and clothing, a fine travelling carriage, and the sum of 18,000 in cash.”145 Since Martha had been pampered by the Russian princess for years, back at Ireland she perceived her family´s way of living as boring. However, she was not only bored by the quiet family life but also by the Irish society that tremendously differed from the one that she had mixed in for so long. Whenever she had the chance, she recounted her adventures she had experienced in Russia.

If the interest of a party ever showed any signs of flagging, a Russian song and dance skillfully executed by Martha or a few selections from Catherine´s diary of her adventures on the Continent, read by one of the members of the party, invariably commanded the attention and applause of the others.146

Accordingly, Martha received admiration and honor by her country people, although it was not usual as a woman to be the heroine of a journey during that time. Nevertheless, Martha had managed to become popular for her travel writings to some degree. Never having lost the interest in writing and traveling, Martha obtained another time the opportunity to leave her country when her husband William Bradford was to assume the post of chaplain to the British Embassy of Vienna in 1819. Together with their three children and servants, they left to take residence in Vienna for ten years. During those years,

143 vgl. Sage, Lorna, et.al., The Cambridge Guide to Women´s Writing in English, Cambridge 1999. 669. 144 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot, London 1935. 17. 145 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot, London 1935. 15. 146 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819- 1829, London 1935. 21. 46 Martha was able to satisfy her thirst for adventure and to encounter new environments when living in one of the most flamboyant cities of Europe as well as when traveling the Upper Austrian country side. Since she was quite familiar with international and obscure realms from her past time in Russia, she was happy to move to Austria. Due to her husband´s position and far-reaching relations, she became part of the Viennese upper class. When writing to her mother, she prides herself to be part of Vienna´s crème de la crème. “It is comical my happening to speak of all these people to you, my dearest Mother, who hate titles, but I must speak of titled people if I speak of any, for everybody is Prince, Count, or at the very least, Baron, so you are doomed to hear those words continually.”147 Thus, as a temporary member of the noblest Viennese circles, she obtained an insider view with the awareness of an outsider.148 Nevertheless, her understanding of Austria´s social situation and its effects on the ordinary Austrian citizen must have been rather limited due to her social class. “Censorship was the only form of repression she was aware of, and, because she was able to evade it, it amused her rather than shocked her English love of freedom.”149 During her time in Austria, Martha was not only keeping records in her journal accounting on her experiences but also was writing long letters to her family in Ireland. Martha was well aware of the country´s police spies that were very active among foreigners. All the more she was amused of being able to fool Metternich´s system as she could take advantage of the embassy courier. After all, Martha was able to correspond with her mother, her sister Alicia, her brother Edward, and her friends Ennismore and Bloomfield, thankfully to her husband´s position at the embassy. When dealing with Martha´s letters, it needs to be emphasized that she had no intention to publish them at all as they were written in order to stay in contact with her family during her residence in Vienna. The very personal character of this kind of letter becomes most obvious when she writes to her sister Alicia. I have this moment received a letter from Anna Maria, which at the end […] gives a sort of account of my beloved Mother´s health, which makes me uneasy and restless. Your last letter to me was […] nearly 4 months ago! I have been far from comfortable for many weeks, and have waited and waited, and then written and

147 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819- 1829, London 1935. 258. 148 vgl. Jarka, Lois et.al. (Hrsg.), The Other´s Austria. Impressions of American and British Travellers, Riverside 2006. 138. 149 vgl. Jarka, Lois et.al. (Hrsg.), The Other´s Austria. Impressions of American and British Travellers, Riverside 2006. 54. 47 written to you. Do not, my dearest Alicia, leave me in this cruel ignorance of what concerns you all.150

Accordingly, the respective source represents a personal letter that provides a very confidential insight into Martha´s personality and life reflecting utmost honesty. Subsequently, during her time in Vienna, Martha was repeatedly profoundly concerned for reasons of her mother´s unsteady state of health. By accident, the Marchioness of Londonderry happened to come across Martha Wilmot´s letters which she was allowed to edit and publish in 1935.151

4.4. FRANCES MILTON TROLLOPE (1779-1863) Francis Milton Trollope—called Fanny by her family and friends—was born as the second child to William and Cecily Milton in the year 1779 in Bristol. Her father was vicar of Heckfield who was not only busy writing sermons but also researching all kinds of sciences. Just like her father, Frances was incapable of doing nothing when there was an issue to be solved.152 Being the daughter of a clergyman, Frances was supplied with the best education. For instance, she had unrestrictive access to her father´s extensive library. Consequently, Frances acquired broad knowledge on arts, literature and languages including French, Italian and Latin. Ihre Erziehung war dadurch nicht so sehr geprägt von häuslichen Pflichten und auch nicht allein darauf ausgerichtet, ihre Heiratsaussichten zu fördern, sondern durchaus dazu geeignet, die notwendige geistige Unabhängigkeit und einen eherunkonventionellen Charakter zu formen, die für eine Karriere als Schriftstellerinnen für Frauen im 19. Jahrhundert sicher äußerst förderlich waren.153 In this respect, she was promoted with advantageous skills for a writing career. Another factor that contributed to Frances´ mental independence was the early death of her mother, which was followed by an absence of a female role model in her life. These circumstances facilitated her undertaking to become an eminent author later on in her life. In the year 1809, she married the lawyer Anthony Trollope with whom she had seven children. While her husband was strict and contentious, Frances´ personality and temperament was characterized by her sunny and optimistic disposition. Their large house was an open center for many friends of hers. However, their financial situation severely deteriorated due to her husband´s erroneous investments and his fragile state of health. In 1824, Frances

150vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 259. 151 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot, London 1935. 11. 152 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 9. 153 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt, Wien 2003. 8. 48 experienced another stroke of fate when her twelve year old son died from tuberculosis.154 Cursed by blind fate, she decided to sail to the New World in search of lucrative business accompanied by three of her children, her maid, a servant, and her former protégé and painter Hervieu. When attempting to gain ground in an auspicious business and commerce at Cincinnati, she was confronted with a society that refused to accept her. Her business acumen and public activity as a woman was considered scandalous and indecent by the American society in those days. In the last resort, Martha started writing hoping her travelogue to become a full success. After having lived in America for four years, she published the travelogue Domestic Manners of the Americans in 1832 which proved to be a bestseller. In order to collect new ideas for her novels, she started extensive travelling through Europe in the first years of her career. Subsequently, she published six travelogues, 34 novels, and a number of articles and poems.155 Despite hard misfortunes in her life, she was able to maintain a successful career and sustain her ambition to provide for her family. When considering Frances´ opinions and attitudes presented in her novels and travelogues, she can be classified as an advocate of conservative as well as liberal views. On the one hand, she scathingly criticized the American´s way of life. Having encountered severe poverty as well as discrimination, she had no hesitation to express her contempt towards the American society. “Fanny had aroused anger by ridiculing the claims to democracy and equality of a country still stained by slavery.”156 Living in America for almost four years made her notice the hypocrisy among this society. Accordingly, she uttered her opposition against democracy and rather approved of the traditional political and social system. However, on the other hand, she supported the unification of Italy that was struggling against Habsburg´s oppression. Even a friend of her, Harriet Garnett, described her to have always been a liberal at heart.157 Thus, Frances cannot be pigeonholed as she was too varied a person.

Frances Trollope considered herself as a travel writer, whose character traits were ideally suitable for her profession.

Probably in the long decline of her marriage she had come to an estimate of herself: that she had a sharp eye, an unconquerable interest in life, a curiosity

154 vgl. ebd. 9f. 155 vgl. Barnard, Robert, Frances Trollope (1779-1863): Life and Adventures of a Clever Woman, in: Bronte Studies, Vol. 37 (2012), 83. 156 vgl. Diniejko, Andrzej, Frances Trollope: A Maternal Feminist and Social Reformer, University of Warsaw 2014, available online, [20.12.2017]. 157 vgl. ebd. 49 about people, a great stock of humour and a delight in getting at the truth. She rightly saw these gifts as relevant and useful to a career as a novelist.158 Thus, she skillfully applied her wits and talents for treating subjects in her travelogues and novels that were of personal concern for her. Due to her experiences gathered in America, she had gained a social consciousness that made her aware of social misconducts. In her numerous novels and accounts, she treated social subjects such as slavery in America, the restrictive position of married women, the plight of child labor at mass factories in industrial England, and Evangelical religion which she severely criticized.159 In terms of religion, she expressed her fierce contempt of the Evangelical denomination which she treated in her first popular novel The Vicar of Wrexhill. “Trollope developed a growing disgust for Evangelicals´ religiousness, which she found as fanatical as that of Roman Catholics. She interpreted their dedication to humanitarian and social reform as mere hypocrisy, self-interest, and a desire for power […]”160 This disdain stemmed from her negative impressions of the evangelical vicar of Harrow, John Cunningham, who occupied the Trollope´s house after they had to clear it due to their financial situation. Another subject that drew immediate attention was her view on gender-based restrictions, especially with regard of the female position in society. Trollope vehemently opposed the idea that women should be merely active in domestic spheres. She encouraged women to transcend their domestic roles in order to act not only as moral educators for their offspring but also to exert influence on society in general.

Starke, selbstbewußte und selbstbestimmte Frauen wie sie selbst, die sich in die gängigen Schablonen nicht unbedingt eingliedern ließen, standen auch in ihren Romanen häufig im Mittelpunkt, und dies gab ebenfalls Anlass zu heftiger Kritik, ebenso ihr Mut bei der Wahl ungewöhnlicher und auch unliebsamer Themen, die eine Frau ihrer Epoche besser verschwiegen […] hätte.161 Despite being criticized for frequently making herself the protagonist in her novels, she stood her ground as a maternal feminist. Not fitting the contemporary female image, she continued to travel without her husband for most of the time accompanied only by her artist Hervieu, and some of her children. After all, Frances Trollope became one of the most successful authors of her time who could measure herself against Jane Austin and Charles Dickens.

158 vgl. ebd. 83f. 159 vgl. Barnard, Robert, Frances Trollope (1779-1863): Life and Adventures of a Clever Woman, in: Bronte Studies, Vol. 37 (2012), 84. 160 vgl. Diniejko, Andrzej, Frances Trollope: A Maternal Feminist and Social Reformer, University of Warsaw 2014, available online,http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/francestrollope/diniejko.html [20.12.2017]. 161 vgl. Trollope, Francis, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 15. 50 Frequently, her influential writings managed to incite social reforms or at least arouse public consciousness on various social concerns.162 Although Trollope advocated very progressive views in terms of social issues, she held quite conservative views concerning politics. „[…] wie in ihren vorhergehenden Reisepublikationen stand die Britin demokratischen Reformen, aber auch der Pressefreiheit eher kritisch gegenüber, und sie lobte den österreichischen Absolutismus als ´wohltätiges´ und ´väterliches´ System.“163 When she travelled the continent, the Habsburg Empire was still controlled by the ancien regime under state chancellor Metternich. Regarding her conservative political attitude, it is no surprise that she intended to visit Vienna at that time when this city represented the political center of the world. Therefore, her aim was to mix and mingle among social circles of the upper class and gain a profound insight into that culture and its political system. Furthermore, her tour through Europe had been precisely planned as well as the publication of a travel account with a corresponding publishing house had already been determined beforehand. She started her tour in summer 1836 from London to Paris, Stuttgart, Tübingen, Reutlingen, Ulm, Augsburg, a detour to the Tyrol and Salzburg. She proceeded further to Munich, and Regensburg where she boarded the Ordinari-ship to Vienna. Knowing her travel account was already eagerly expected by her broad readership, she not only ensured to document her experiences very concisely but also to publish her accounts even before her arrival back at England. Soon after, it was translated into the German language in 1838 and turned out to be a full success.164

Having elaborated on Piozzi´s, Wilmot´s, and Trollope´s biographies, some similarities have become noticeable. Besides having in common their cultural background, they all shared broad knowledge of literature and languages that they had been promoted by their enlightened fathers. Considering the fact that it was a male-dominated society that expected its women to adapt to their allotted restrictive female roles, the fathers of the respective authors must have represented quite an exception during those days allowing their female children to acquire broad knowledge. Hence, it cannot be denied that their extensive early education promoted their independent spirits. Especially between Trollope´s and Piozzi´s biographies can be inferred similarities implying their unhappy marriages, the deaths of their children, the bankruptcy in their families, and the poor relationships to their mothers who only played peripheral roles in their lives. Accordingly, the dissatisfying and burdensome

162 vgl. ebd. 16. 163 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 5. 164 vgl. ebd. 17. 51 circumstances at home triggered Piozzi´s and Trollope´s desire to go abroad. However, what must be kept in mind when reading the following analysis is that almost fifty years lay in between Piozzi´s Grand Tour and the ones of Wilmot and Trollope. As in the early nineteenth century the profession of the female novelist had already been established, Wilmot and Trollope were part of the first generation of fully acknowledged female authors. In contrast, Hester Piozzi was one of the minority of female novelists in the second half of the eighteenth century who first sought recognition in the canon of travel literature and attempted to attract attention by different strategies. Considering their motives to go abroad, it was the imposed restrictions on women that caused Piozzi to break free and start travelling whereas Trollope went abroad perforce to earn a living. A typical example of early tourism represented Wilmot who travelled Austria simply for pleasure. Although they share some biographical similarities, they all travelled Austria for different reasons which affected their perception of the unknown world in different ways.

„Nur wo du zu Fuß warst bist du auch wirklich gewesen“ 5. CULTURAL PERCEPTION Johann Wolfgang von Goethe 5.1. NATURAL AND MANMADE ENVIRONMENT When concentrating on natural and manmade environments, aspects such as roads, transportation, landscape, climate, and historical buildings are implied. Thus, not only the travelers´ perception and presentation of the landscape and climate but also the means of transportation and the condition of the roads will be considered because they tremendously contributed to the traveler´s perception as well. Between 1787 and 1837 only limited kinds of transport were available. During the era of the mail coach, people could choose between the stagecoach (extrapost) and the diligence (oridinaripost), which differentiated between two types of classes. The latter one can be defined as a means of transport that was run on schedule and was mainly used by the ordinary people whereas the hired stagecoach was restricted to the upper middle class as they were the only ones that could afford it.165 The wealthy ones could either rent a coupé or travel by means of their own equipage; this means of transport was considered more comfortable and safer than the ordinary type of transport which was accessible to any person regardless of its social status. With respect to Martha Wilmot Bradford, she had the required means to afford and travel via a very exquisite equipage as they were lent a stagecoach from Bloomfield who had

165 vgl. Beyrer, Klaus, Im Coupé – Vom Zeitvertreib der Kutschenfahrt, in: Hermann, Bausinger et.al. (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 139f. 52 received it from King George IV when Bloomfield used to be his private secretary.166 “Traveling became more agreeable partly because coaches improved in comfort, being sprung and upholstered. Chaises could be hired but the English men´s dream was to own his own.”167Although it had never become in the Wilmot´s possession, they could take advantage of travelling by means of a well-equipped stagecoach including “a large room affair with a leather ´imperial´ fitted to the roof, in which luggage was packed. Mrs. Baynon, the children´s nurse, sat in a dicky at the back—a far from comfortable position, we imagine.”168 On the 28th of June 1827, Martha writes in her journal about their departure from Vienna travelling via coach to their summer resort in the Salzkammergut. “We travel post in our close carriage, leaving MrsBaynon to follow in the little green calash with Julia the stubenMädchenand Nanny the Koechin, conducted by Yacob the coachman and our old greys.”169 Mrs. Bradford is travelling with her servants, which reflects her higher social status as she is able to afford the service of so many people. Also, she separates herself from her servants by using a different vehicle that provides way more comfort. Regardless of her social status, travelling via coach impacted Martha Wilmot´s way of perception of the unknown surroundings to a great extent. Until the mid-eighteenth century, there was not paid much attention to modes of transport in travel accounts because it was considered distractive from the actual purpose of a journey; however, authors´ increasingly started to write about their experiences gathered on the coach, ship, or feet. Especially people traveling in a coach commenced to encounter the unknown from a ´safe´ standpoint as if they were in a theater watching a play.170 Sitting in their own comfortable coach, they were able to observe the unknown from a safe distance in a self-contained enclosure.

As we went on, the scenery was not only exquisitely beautiful, but some circumstances quite original struck us; the peasants had been making hay, and the manner in which they conveyed it home, was this—canals communicating with the Lake were cut thro´ the meadows, and long narrow boats were paddled along these canals stopping to be loaded with hay, pretty much like a cart in a field in England, and as these canals cross each other, so as to intersect the meadows in all directions, the little boats advance quite far inland to be loaded, when done they are paddled back into the Lake, and so conveyed wherever they wish, and as this work is chiefly performed by young women and girls, they sing their wild, peculiar songs all the time. One turn of the road shewed us old Grandpapa Traunstein in all his Majesty; alone, and utterly inaccessible, rooted in the depths

166vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot, London 1835. 33. 167vgl. Porter, Roy, English Society in the 18th Century, London 1991. 228. 168vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot, London 1835. 33. 169 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 263f. 170 vgl. Pelz, Annegret, Reisen Frauen anders? Von Entdeckerinnen und reisenden Frauenzimmern, in: Hermann, Bausinger et.al. (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 178. 53 of the Lake. William says this is certainly the Kingdom of ´Undine,´ and once arrived at the village of Traunkirchen, you can go no further by land.171 Accordingly, Martha experiences herself as a spectator of a continually changing scene. When crossing the countryside, she becomes witness of the Austrian peasants´ hay harvest which reminds her of the English manner to harvest it. Also, she perceives the perpetual singing of the working country women to be peculiar. As a matter of fact, the so called ´wild songs´ represented folksongs and yodeling which used to be sung among the Alpine peasants in order to communicate with the peasants from alpine pastures high above. In this respect, Martha appears to consider their ´wild songs´ as strange but interesting which can be attributed to her inability to classify this unknown custom into her familiar order. The preceding scene exposes the Traunstein to their delight; the scene consisting of the mountain, the lake, the meadows, and the hills evokes the idea to be an Eldorado for Undine who represents a nymph in a poem originating from the fourteenth century. In 1811, Friedrich Fouqué publishes the novel Undine which covers typical virtues of the romantic era such as love, betrayal, despair, envy, and a tragic death.172 Subsequently, Wilmot and her husband equalize the Salzkammergut scenery with the setting in the popular novel Undine in order to convey the unknown surroundings to the reader comprehensibly. Equally, Frances Trollope recognizes peculiar ways of the Austrian hay harvest when crossing the Tyrolean countryside on her way to Salzburg emphasizing the country´s exquisite beauty as well as underscoring an unfamiliar aspect of the peasants´ work.

Was die Schönheit des Anblickes gerade in dieser Zeit in hohem Grad steigerte, war der Umstand, dass die malerisch gekleidete Bevölkerung auf den lieblichen Matten zerstreut war, um die Heuernte einzubringen. […] Die Sorgfalt, die man hier für ihre Winterfütterung aufbringt, ist eine weitere Ursache des malerischen Aussehens der Gegend. […] Auch die Art, das Heu und Korn, das nur an wenigen Stellen wächst, zu trocknen, belebt in angenehmer Weise die Landschaft. Statt dass es, wie bei uns, auf Wiesen ausgebreitet liegt, wird es auf Stangen gehängt, die im rechten Winkel auf einem etwa sechs Fuß hohen Pfosten angebracht sind. Diese Gerüste gleichen, wenn sie mit ihrer duftenden Last beschwert sind, grünen Altären, errichtet zu Ehren Pans, und sie erhöhen, mit den fantastischen Gruppen von Menschen, die um sie herum beschäftigt sind, das Ungewohnte und Interessante des Anblicks.173

Trollope has been utmost impressed by the picturesque scene of the peasants work in rural Tyrol. Besides describing differences in the hay harvest, she attempts to convey the peculiar

171 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 267. 172 vgl. Münnich, Nathan, 2017, online available, [05/10/2017]. 173 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt, Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003.45f. 54 view of hay stacks by equalizing them to altars giving honor to the patron of nature called Pan. After all, both authors not only marvel at the rural region´s beauty but also notice peculiarities. For this kind of perception, Peter Brenner provides the following explanation:

Reisen soll zum Vergnügen werden; und das Fremde wird in der Wahrnehmung und Beschreibung auf seine reizauslösende Funktion reduziert: Es tritt dem Reisenden wie dem Leser als schönes, kurioses, exotisches, wichtiges oder in irgendeiner andern Form als ´merkwürdig´ ausgezeichnetes Detail gegenüber: Nicht in der Beschreibung entindividualisierter und methodisch disziplinierter Wahrnehmung liegt die Aufgabe des Reiseberichts; sondern umgekehrt im Auffinden des Originellen und objektiv oder subjektiv Interessanten.174 Since increasingly more people were attracted by the rural Alpine regions, in the romantic era the purpose of traveling had altered to stimulate the tourist´s sensations. By merely watching the unfamiliar from the stagecoach, they could absorb the atmosphere and obtain impressions from the outside. Due to the growing class of the bourgeoisie that had evolved in the spirit of the enlightenment, society was not only in pursuit of education but also pleasure which was accompanied by a higher claim to expand the transport system. Consequently, the coach became a prestigious means of transport that was used by higher social classes including the aristocracy and bourgeoisie. Another way to travel across Europe was possible by boarding the so called Ordinari-ship that had not only transported freights between Regensburg and Vienna but also passengers since the 17th century on a regular basis. On the 8th of September 1836, Frances Trollope boarded the Ordinari-ship to travel from Regensburg to Vienna with apprehension that she expressed in her journal.

Würdest du auch nur zumindest die Hälfte der Bangigkeit kennen, unter deren Einflusse ich dir gestern zu schreiben bemüht war, so wärest du im Stande, das außerordentliche Vergnügen zu begreifen, welches wir, ich, C. und unsere in gleichem Maße geängstigte Zofe, jetzt genießen!175 Frances Trollope utters great fear of traveling on the Ordinari-Ship. One reason for her deep concerns stems from the possibility to suffer a fit of dizziness or even get seasick. Another reasonable motive of her fear might be her incapability to swim in case of getting overboard. A different kind of motive for her exaggerated presentation of fear is to captivate the reader. Whether she felt anxious of boarding the ordinary-ship or not, it is very likely she applied the strategy of exaggeration as a literary tool in order to create suspense. Nevertheless, it is a matter of fact that the increasing wanderlust among the bourgeoisie of the early nineteenth

174 vgl. Brenner, Peter (Hrsg.), Der Reisebericht. Die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur, Bonn 1988. 38 175 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 56. 55 century evoked numerous nightmarish images which were based on ancient metaphors and myths.176 These kinds of images can be discerned in Trollope´s description about their night spent at an eerie inn nearby the Danube before preceding their journey to Vienna in the following morning on the ordinary-ship.

Wenige Minuten später kam unsere Abigail aus diesem inneren Gemach und versicherte uns schreckensbleich, dass sich unter einem der Betten ein derart lockeres Brett befinde, dass sie glaube, dasselbe müsse mit Vorsatz so gelegt worden sein. Wenn die Geschichten, die sie von Deutschland gehört hätte, wo man Leute durch den Boden ziehe, um sie zu ermorden, wahr wären, so sei dies der richtige Platz dazu. […]Wenngleich die Mehrheit nach vollendeter Untersuchung der Meinung war, dass die besagte Diele zu dem von unserer Dienerin angesprochenen Zweck wahrscheinlich jetzt nicht gebraucht werde, konnte doch niemand von uns leugnen, dass im Falle eines mörderischen Anschlages die Gemächer in hohem Grade— ohne die Mühe, uns durch den Fußboden zu ziehen dazu geeignet wären. Man konnte die Leichen, ohne sie auch nur in einen Sack stecken zu müssen, von den vorkragenden Fenstern in die Donau stürzen, wo dann der reißende Strom sie mit Schnelligkeit und Sicherheit bald weit außerhalb des Bereiches der Entdeckung geführt haben würden.177 Accordingly, she not only elaborates on the possibility to become a murder victim but also mentions the thought to get seized by the torrential Danube´s current. Since fear of the unknown is one of the most deeply-rooted human primal fears, it is somewhat impossible to suppress them. Thus, during the era of enlightenment travelers had established some ways to avert danger in a rational way. In terms of Trollope´s descriptions, they precisely inspect the planks in order to exclude the possibility of an actual danger. Nevertheless, despite reassurance, the deeply-rooted devouring images create a distorted picture of reality as the boundaries between fiction and non-fiction become indistinct and blurred. Having elaborated on infamous images of fear encountered on journeys, Trollope´s experience on the Ordinari-Ship will be scrutinized. In contrast to Martha Wilmot who preferred to travel in a private stagecoach for most of the time, Trollope decided to precede her journey from Regensburg to Vienna by means of the ordinary-ship that basically enabled some more contact with the unknown. Due to the fact that the ordinary-ship could be boarded by any person of any social rank, they were forced to share the confined space with all kind of people. Wir sind sicherlich jetzt eine so armselig dreinschauende Gesellschaft, wie nur je ein Auge sie erblickt hat, eingepfercht in einen kleinen Kasten von Fichtenholz, und nicht nur wir Unglücklichen allein, sondern außer uns noch drei bis vier unaufhörliche Raucher! Unsere ganze Aussicht besteht aus Kisten und

176 vgl. Richter, Dieter, Die Angst des Reisenden, die Gefahren der Reise, in: Hermann, Bausinger (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 101. 177 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 63f. 56 Warenballen; die Luft, die wir einatmen, ist verpestet, und wir haben nicht mehr Macht uns zu helfen, als ein halbes Dutzend in einen Korb gepackter Hühner. Und dieses ganze Elend trifft uns, weil wir Regen statt Sonnenschein haben! O verräterische, lockende Donau! … Wie lieblich lachtest du, als du uns einludest, uns deiner launenhaften Freundlichkeit anzuvertrauen! […] Jeder Gegenstand an seinem undeutlichen, nebeligen Ufer dräut finster gegen uns, während wir vorüberfahren; unsere Hände sind kalt, unsere Füße nass, und einer sieht den anderen mit matten Blicken, die Unbehaglichkeit und Langeweile widerspiegeln, an.178 Considering Trollope´s experience on the ship, she was deeply disappointed by the rainy weather, the somber view and the uncomfortable circumstances on the ship. Although the ordinary-ship enabled the opportunity to interact with foreign passengers, Trollope´s experience consisted of monotony, isolation, and boredom. When considering modes of transport, Rousseau states exploring the unknown on foot was the only way to acquire knowledge and immerse into an unknown world. From his perspective, the coach represents a wheeled prison that secludes its passengers from its surroundings and hinders the acquisition of proper education.179 Nonetheless, traveling in the enclosed housing was widely acknowledged as a female mode of transportation because the coach allowed women to exercise their domestic duties such as knitting, stitching, caring for their children, and holding conversations.180 With regard to walking, in former times it had been considered to be the only means of transport for lower social classes. However, from the nineteenth century onwards the upper middle class commenced to find pleasure in walking. Therefore, it was about 1800 when walking turned into “modern” hiking as an end in itself. In the following paragraph, Martha describes her experience gathered on her way from Traunkirchen to the Gosausee in August 1827 in her journal.

[…] how can I describe the walk! First a perfect chaos, at the foot of rocks, where if a tree presumes to grow, the winters snow, and spring torrents tear it up by the roots and precipitate it into the Lake, next a narrow path, with threatening rocks over-hanging one side, and a precipice at the other, the path slippery from rain, or full of loose stones. We then made a sudden turn, and begun to climb up pathless, rocky mountains, where we should soon have been lost without a guide, after great fatigue and I may say danger, we got to a new difficulty, a swamp, where I do think the sun scarcely ever penetrates, a little beyond this, some beautiful grassy slopes, announced our approach to an Alm, and we soon perceived one, two huts quite empty, […] as a storm appeared gathering […]we begun once more to scramble up crags of rocky mountains more fit for goats or chamois, than Mortal hoffs, and I may say pathless, except where a dry, stony water-course

178 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 60f. 179 vgl. Paul, Janina Christine, Reiseschriftstellerinnen zwischen Orient und Okzident. Weibliche Rollenvorstellungen, Selbstrepräsentationen und Erfahrungen der Fremde, Würzburg 2013. 28 180 vgl. Pelz, Annegret, Reisen Frauen anders? Von Entdeckerinnen und reisenden Frauenzimmern, in: Hermann, Bausinger (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 177. 57 cleared a passage thro´ tangled woods. A roaring torrent foamed far beneath us, and we looked down on the tops of the tallest trees, which appeared like brushwood, around us; rock seemed to rise above rock, and the glacier with its rocky pinnacles, was full in view before us. The storm had begun in earnest, happily of a milder nature than last nights, but the recollection of that, gave new horrors to the present once, the lightning flashed in broad sheets of flame, and the crash of thunder echoing thro´ the mountains and rocks might well appal the stoutest hearts, again and again I thanked God Almighty that our children were not with us, and implored divine protection for ourselves, in the midst of our danger, I enquired how far we had to go, and was told an hour further ´ the very terror of our situation gave me strength and courage, on I went, wet to the skin, with the speed of a person pursued by another, the guide before, William behind, Frantz on one side, and so beautiful were the features of Nature, that unvoluntarily we stopt sometimes to take a fearful passing glance. […]the Turquoise Lake in all its beauty appeared before us, lying calmly, embosomed in scenery of magical beauty, guarded by the glacier, with all its turrets and pinnacles, beneath which brouses the light-footed chamois on Alpine roses, cranberry plants, and other odouriferous shrubs.181 Accordingly, Martha perceives the pristine nature around her with all her senses; she not only analysis the nature´s shapes and colors but also marvels at its singularities. The possibility to discover the unknown on foot allows her to experience a wide range of emotions. Doing so, she can educate herself by confronting with the unknown mountainous terrain as well as by facing her inner self. On the one hand, she feels anxious and fearful when she experiences a storm in the wild untamed nature of Austria. On the other hand, the sight of the great variety and beauty of nature elicit feelings of astonishment and bliss. The assumption that women were not suitable for journeys on foot due to their weak physical disposition could be disproved by Martha Wilmot Bradford as she had not even hesitated to walk and scramble up inaccessible alpine terrain. Usually women were only accepted to participate at mountain hikes when carried in a sedan chair so that they could enjoy the panoramic view. Unlike most women of that time, Bradford´s determination to explore nature on foot can be deduced from her lust for adventure, her independent spirit, and desire to prove her physical strength.

Similar to Martha Wilmot Bradford, Trollope decided to explore nature on foot; however, the fact that the roads were in such poor condition rather forced her to walk to Johannesburg—a fortress on hunting grounds artificially built on behalf of Prince Lichtenstein nearby Mödling.

Wir […] wurden dafür mit einem jungen Führer versorgt, der sich verpflichtete, uns alles zu zeigen, was wir nur irgend zu sehen wünschten. […]der Pfad, den wir zu gehen hatten, war sowohl steil als auch schlecht. Dennoch freuten wir uns

181 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819- 1829, London 1935. 291ff. 58 unserer Freiheit, denn die Gegend war so beschaffen, dass man entweder zu Fuß gehen oder reiten musste, um sie genießen zu können. Die erste Rast unserer Wanderung machten wir im Schloss Wildegg, das auf der Karte als Ruine verzeichnet ist. In Wirklichkeit aber fanden wir ein merkwürdiges altes Gebäude, zwar nicht verfallen, doch fast unbewohnt. Es befindet sich genau in dem Zustand, in welchem ein altes Haus die Fantasie am meisten anzuregen vermag, hinreichend erhalten, um zu zeigen, wie es gewesen ist, und doch dem Verfall nahe genug, um zu verbürgen, dass keine erneuernde Hand die Heiligkeit seines Alters verletzt hat. […] Dieses merkwürdige alte Haus ist jetzt der Obhut eines Bauern und seiner Familie anvertraut, die uns durch die lange Reihe verlassener Gemächer führten, welche mich sehr an Mrs. Radcliffe und ihren Udolpho erinnerten. Die Umgebung dieses Schlosses bildet das Ideal echter Waldeseinsamkeit, und doch kann man es in wenigen Stunden von Wien aus erreichen. Von Wildegg spazierten wir durch den Wald nach Johannstein, der malerischsten Ruine, die wir gesehen haben. Die Gegend ringsum ist das vollkommene Ideal eines Jagdgrundes, in dessen verworrenem Dickicht noch ein schöner Schlag von Wildschweinen haust. Wir brachten ein paar wonnevolle Stunden zu, indem wir das märchenhafte kleine Tal durchwanderten, das sich an den kühnen Felsen schmiegt, auf dem die Ruine steht.182

When comparing Martha´s and Frances´ descriptions, their differing incentives to explore the unknown on foot become obvious. While Martha is driven by her lust for adventure, it is Frances´ thirst for curiosity and her desire to encounter nostalgic settings surrounded by romantic rich nature. Nevertheless, there can be discovered some similarities in the conveyance of the unfamiliar. For instance, they both are conveyed the unknown by a guiding figure and they both were confronted with bad road conditions and sometimes even pathless terrain. Since from the first half of the nineteenth century, recreational activities had started to boom among the bourgeoisie, the profession of the alpine guide and mountain innkeeper were established which contributed to the gradually expanding tourism in the alpine nature.183 However, routs through remote areas were still lacking signposts which frequently caused hikers to meander from one unknown place to another. It needs to be emphasized that the accessibility of alpine terrain was still very limited in the early nineteenth century. Especially the Salzkammergut had only been accessible via Gmunden on boat or ship until the end of the 18th century before the construction of causeways gradually developed. With reference to Wilmot and Trollope, they were able to avert the danger of getting lost in a foreign land by receiving support from guides. In terms of Trollope´s mode of perception and presentation of the nature of Wildegg, she idealizes the romantic nature of Wildegg by applying a very graphic language style that causes the reader to see the picturesque environment in his mind´s eye immediately.

182 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 117f. 183 vgl. Kaschuba, Wolfgang, Die Fußreise. Von der Arbeitswanderung zur bürgerlichen Bildungsbewegung, in: Hermann, Bausinger (Hrsg.), Reisekultur. Von der Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus (1991), 172. 59 Moreover, the gothic features that Trollope encounters in the old, crumbling, and remote house remind her of the archetypical gothic novel The Mysteries of Udolpho that had been written by the infamous Ann Radcliffe at the end of the eighteenth century. Due to the fact that gothic literature had been widely popular during the era of romanticism, Trollope conveys her impressions of the old house by comparing it to the famous gothic novel. Ultimately, Trollope´s conveyance mirrors gothic aspects such as moral, gloomy, and supernatural issues associated with feelings of horror, suspense, and terror that her target readership is familiar with. Considering Hester Piozzi´s depiction of nature when travelling from Trent to Innsbruck, she is astonished by the looming view of the towering mountains as well as enchanted by the rich variety and beauty of nature. “The rocks grew more pointed, and the prospects gained in sublimity at every step; though the neatness of the culture, and quantity of vines, with the variegated coloring of the woods, continued to excite images more soft than formidable, less solemn than lovely.”184 At first glance, Piozzi´s view of Austria´s nature appears to be similar to Wilmot´s and Trollope´s as they convey similar images and sentiments as well as incorporate same adjectives such as sublime, picturesque, and beautiful; however, the spirit of the time requires to be taken into account when comparing Hester´s perception to Wilmot´s and Trollope´s. Back in the 1780s, the term sublime had strong connotations with sensations of horror and terror before it became interchangeable with meanings of picturesque and beautiful which occurred during the hiking boom in the early nineteenth century.185 Consequently, Piozzi experiences the sublime mountains with feelings of awe as the image of threatening mountain gloom was still prevailing in the 1780s. In contrast to that, Wilmot who is hiking the Alps almost fifty years later describes the mountains as sublime because she is overwhelmed by the beauty of nature. Another aspect that needs to be illuminated is Piozzi´s assumption to explore the Austrian nature by feet. Since walking and hiking through remote areas only became fashionable in the early nineteenth century, it appears unlikely she actually explored nature on foot. Considering her purpose to publish a travel account on her travels through Europe, it rather appears she stated it to attract attention and intensify the impression to be an independent strong woman who is not afraid to encounter the unknown. Besides marveling at

184 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy, and Germany, London 1789. 268. 185 vgl. Withey, Lynne, Grand Tours and Cook´s Tours. A History of Leisure Travel, 1750 to 1915, London 1997. 44 60 Austria´s variety of nature, she also thinks to recognize the purity of its waters which she compares to other European torrents.

The inhabitants here call it Donaw from its swiftness; and it deserves beside, any name expressive of that singular purity which distinguishes the German torrents. The rivers of France, Italy, and England, give one no idea of that elemental perfection found in the fluids here; not a pebble, not a fish in these translucent streams, but may be discerned to a depth of twelve feet.186

Accordingly, she is astounded by the rich and clear streams of the Danube that seems enormously to differ from those of her home country. Having elaborated on the authors´ perception of travelling on foot, coach, and ship, the beginnings of spa tourism in Austria will be illuminated by Martha´s experiences. In May 1827, Martha writes to her sister Alicia expressing her desire to spend some time off the city life of Vienna: Our weather is now lovely […] ,We long to be in the country and have nearly decided upon making an excursion to a delightful spot called Ichel [sic] in Upper Austria, near which is a magnificent Lake, named Gemundensea, and salt baths and scenery in the style of Switzerland, which people make long journeys to visit.187 Martha´s statement perfectly mirrors the desire of many upper class people to flee from the buzzing city life during summer in order to retreat at a recreative spot in the middle of the countryside. As Martha indicates in her statement, major attractions of the Salzkammergut were its magnificent scenery, often referred to as the Austrian Switzerland, and its healthy salt baths. “Salt baths, warm, are the attraction, or rather excuse for coming here. I take them and so does Blanche, nearly cold, and they agree with both very much. Catharine is so strong and well that she only bathes sometimes; William and Wilmot not at all.”188 Accordingly, summer retreats were increasingly visited for reasons of pleasure but also for the purpose of treating health issues by applying salt which represented an ancient and perpetual revenue for local people. Another aspect that explains why so many people felt attracted by the Swiss alike region dates back to the early era of enlightenment. German, French, and British enlightened thinkers considered Switzerland as the stronghold of freedom in the middle of Europe where

186 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Journey through Trent, Inspruck, Munick, and Saltzsburg, to Vienna, London 1789. 285. 187 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 261. 188 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1936. 274. 61 the origin of republican virtues was centered.189 Accordingly, the sentiment of freedom was manifested in the Alpine mountains of Switzerland which, as a consequence, attracted many people coming from monarchies that were still ruled by the ancient regime. From the second half of the eighteenth century onwards, images, concepts, and myths of the Alps were spread across Europe. After all, the alpine nature represented the appealing counter-image to urban regions that symbolizes simplicity, greatness of mountains, unspoiled habits, and humankind in accordance with nature.190 Some of these aspects can be discovered in Martha´s journal entry written on the 11th of July 1827.

[…] the river which gives its name to the great mountain which we admired so much yesterday called Traun Stein (rock), and which we now see from our windows at the Inn, which has a full view of the Lake. We are enchanted with the beauty of this place for since we were at Naples we have not seen anything more lovely. […] The broad expanses of the smooth Lake lies before us, bounded in the distance opposite by bold rocky mountains of grotesque shapes, whose summits are sprinkled with snow, old Traunstein, that Blanche calls the Grandpapa with grey hair, stands prominent on the left side, with his green children, or richly wooded mountains grouped around him, and his grand-children, in the form of lawns, gardens, pretty cottages, and light green groves, run playfully down to the very edge of the water, to the right, the mountains are not quite so near the lake, and there is a bright-looking chateau and a few scattered houses named Ort, with a distant view of Traun-Kirchen, meadows, cottages, trees and rural scenery. The Lake itself is animated with little boats gliding about in all directions; sparkling in the distance, graceful when near, in a word, we don´t know how to express our admiration which is perhaps increased by the recollection of the suffocating smells and closeness of a town residence in the month of June. The weather likewise, is just such as one might select for this enchanting spot.191

Surrounded by the Austrian landscape at Gmunden, Martha expresses her enthusiasm for the landscape of the Salzkammergut which mirrors the prevalent clichéd image of the Salzkammergut including luscious meadows, scattered houses, grand mountains, and rich woods.192Consequently, her enthusiasm for the Austrian scenery that was induced by the clichéd image resulted in the fulfillment of her high expectations. Other aspects that contributed to the fulfillment of her expectations were the majestic weather at Gmunden as well as her long-desired escape from the oppressive climate experienced during the summer in Vienna. Moreover, she incorporated a highly picturesque and metaphorical language style that

189 vgl. Mathieu, Jon (Hrsg.), Die Alpen! Les Alpes! Zur europäischen Wahrnehmungsgeschichte seit der Renaissance, Bern 2005. 181. 190 vgl. Mathieu, Jon (Hrsg.), Die Alpen! Les Alpes! Zur europäischen Wahrnehmungsgeschichte seit der Renaissance, Bern 2005. 176. 191 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot, Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 264. 192 vgl. Mathieu, Jon (Hrsg.), Die Alpen! Les Alpes! Zur europäischen Wahrnehmungsgeschichte seit der Renaissance, Bern 2005. 356. 62 mirrors the sensual and poetic views of many upper class people visiting the Alps. These picturesque views were frequently drawn and painted by artists and poets who pursued to capture the moment. About 1800, many artists flocked to the Alps in order to paint those elements of nature worthy of their endeavor.193 In this respect, artists of that kind could be discovered in Martha´s and France´s travel accounts. For instance, Martha´s husband William Bradford, who was not only chaplain but also a gifted painter, frequently attempted to sketch panoramic views. “William was so pleased with the Salvatore Rosa scenery, and the beauteous little Lake, that he is resolved to return there to paint.”194 In order to convey their perception of the view to the reader in a proper way, Martha compared the scenery around the Gosausee to Salvatore Rosa´s infamous paintings portraying rugged mountainous scenes wherefore she was highly admired.195 Also, Frances Trollope was accompanied by an artist named Hervieu who created many sketches and paintings as well. When considering Piozzi´s, Wilmot´s, and Trollope´s descriptions of the Austrian scenery, they all express their outspoken fascination of the landscape; this impression is usually intensified to the reader by incorporating the perfectly sunny weather which causes the natural features appear even brighter. Subsequently, the description of the weather or the climate as such seems to be applied as a literary tool to create a specific impression or sensation which is demonstrated in the following paragraph taken from her journal describing Martha´s visit at Madame Schiller´s manor at the lake in Gmunden in summer 1827.

From the elevated terrace before this bower the Lake appeared in all its beauty, smooth as glass, the weather lovely, and the Lady, with whom fortunately I could converse in Italian […]when suddenly clouds gathered in dark masses, thunder rolled, lightning flashed, and more quickly than I can describe it, the entire scene changed, the till then placid surface of the water began to rage and foam with whitening waves, and we were all obliged to run to the house for shelter as quickly as we could, but alas a rising wind blew off the storm, and to our great mortification the threatening of it was all we had, as we were quite anxious to see its effects, and hear them likewise on the scene before us. Our visit paid, we returned to the Inn, and the Lake, with its characteristic capriciousness, was in the sulks the remainder of the night, neither in good, nor yet in bad humour.196

The incorporation of the weather in travel accounts provides the writer with the opportunity to elicit feelings of suspense, fear, and tension aiming at keeping the reader reading. Since

193 vgl. Withey, Lynne, The Grand Tours and Cook´s Tours. A History of Leisure Travel, 1750 to 1915, London 1997. 43. 194 vgl.The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 283. 195 vgl. ebd. 196 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 266. 63 Martha provides a very graphic and vivid description of the thunderstorm, the reader is able to see the scenery right in his mind´s eye. Although it is not clear whether Martha had ever intended to publish her journal or not, it is likely she applied the strategy of distortion in the previous quote by adding some dramatic aspects to the story to create some suspense. In contrast to her journal, in her letters sent to her sister Catherine from her summer resort in Baden she merely describes the weather conditions and its effects.

Here therefore I wish for my friends and here your poor Lungs might breathe a dry healthy air, to lighten that weight of atmosphere which England and Ireland are so famous for. William is sensible of the difference, and does not catch half as many colds here as at Storrington, but tho´ Baaden is so good, Vienna is notoriously bad for people with delicate chests […]197

Accordingly, she criticizes the highly polluted air of industrial cities of England whereas she praises and recommends the atmosphere of Baden. Also, she concedes Vienna´s air to be outspokenly bad in comparison to the air at the summer resort of Baden. Hester Piozzi takes a similar stance on Vienna´s quality of air.

I have no notion that Vienna, sempreventoso o velenoso, can be a very wholesome place to live in; […]a physician from Ragusa settled here told me, that wounded lungs are a common consequence of the triturated stone blown about here; and in fact asthmas and consumptions are their reigning diseases. Apropos, the plague is now raging in Transylvania; how little safe should we think ourselves at London, were a disorder so contagious known to be no farther distant than Derby? The distance is scarcely greater now from Vienna to the place of distress;198

Hester recognizes the city of Vienna to be very windy which causes her to be concerned about her health. Back in the 1780s, literature of the ars apodemica advised travelers to enquire the quality of the air because bad air was considered to trigger a number of fatal diseases.199 The fact that the plague was raging in Transylvania at that time caused an aggravation of her anxiety, eventually. Besides lamenting Vienna´s bad air, she also comments on the city´s appearance which reveal her first impressions of the city: “Here everything appears to me a caricature of London; the language like ours, but coarser; the plays like ours, but duller; the streets at night lighted up, not like ours now, but very like what they were thirty or forty years ago”200 Considering this statement, she thinks to recognize familiar aspects in the unknown

197 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions from Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 77. 198 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations made in the course of the Journey through France, Italy, and Germany, London 1789. 310. 199 vgl. Richter, Dieter, Die Angst des Reisenden, die Gefahren der Reise, in: Hermann, Bausinger et.al. (Hrsg.), Reisekultur (1991), 107. 200 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through Italy, France and Germany, London 1789. 313. 64 world when simultaneously noticing some differences. In the pious statement, she merely accentuates differences between her familiar and the unfamiliar world that she perceives behind in times. In contrast, in the following statement she explicitly presents the streets of Vienna in a negative light.

The streets of Vienna are not pretty at all, God knows; so narrow, so ill built, so crowded, many wares placed upon the ground where there is a little opening, seems a strange awkward disposition of things for sale; and the people cutting wood in the street makes one half wild when walking;201

In this respect, Piozzi not only criticizes the streets´ construction and its looks but also expresses her annoyance of the brisk business, the noisy hustle and bustle taking place in the streets of Vienna. On the contrary, Trollope´s first impression of Vienna turned out to be quite positive:

Wegen der Geschichte von Europa erwartete ich eine Stadt in der Größe von Paris vorzufinden; eine Vermengung der Begriffe von Wichtigkeit und Umfang, die, wie ich gerne gestehe, meinem Scharfsinn eben nicht zur größten Ehre gereicht. […]es hat einen Umfang von drei englischen Meilen. […] Eine Hauptstadt, deren Umfang drei Meilen nicht überschreitet, muss natürlich den Eindruck erwecken, klein, eng und in keiner Weise imposant auszusehen; komm aber und betrachte Wien, und du wirst selbst sehen, wenn du es nicht schon zuvor erfahren hättest, wie leicht es sei, die Wahrheit zu sagen und doch einen Eindruck hervorzubringen, der falsch ist.202

Trollope had expected an important city as it was Vienna to be of extensive size; however, this expectation was not fulfilled when she arrived at Vienna. In the course of her stay, however, she realized how wrong her assumption was to equate the importance of a city with extensiveness. Despite Vienna´s small size, she experienced this city as a pompous and flamboyant place. Considering Martha Wilmot´s first impression of Vienna, she thinks to have discovered familiar aspects in the unknown world of Vienna which remind her of the time spent in Moscow.

What can I tell you of Vienna that you do not already know! Schall I tell you that it reminds me of Moscow in many respects; we have the same double windows and the same method of warming apartments with stoves—the same antideluvian practice of dining at two O´Clock and paying all visits of ceremony between the hours of five and seven, and then either returning home, or passing the remainder of the Evenings at some party or ball.203

201 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through Italy, France and Germany, London 1789. 310f. 202 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 76. 203 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 36. 65 The Town of Vienna is remarkably small, so that when you feel yourself bewildered by the crowds of well dressed people in Carriages, and the swarms who press forward to all places of amusement, on foot, you are astonished where they come from and how they can find room to exist, till you recollect that Vienna is like a Rabbit Warren above ground, and that from the celler to the garret, which includes 7 or 8 stories[…]204

One reasonable explanation why Vienna reminded her of Moscow is that many Russian aristocrats travelled Habsburg Austria during Metternich´s era. Nevertheless, the authors´ impressions seem to depict some similarities to some degree. For instance, all of them consider it to be a very small but crowded town buzzing with life.

Overall, their experiences of the natural and manmade environment prove the extensive influence of the means of transport, the weather and road conditions, and prior knowledge on the travelers´ views. Although travel via ship offered more possibilities to encounter the unknown, it was heavily dependent on the weather. However, since hiking had become the newest trend in the early nineteenth century, Wilmot and Trollope could experience profound sensations triggered by untamed nature.

Tat Twam Asi! — „Sieh´, das Fremde ist ganz wie Du!“ 5.2. SOCIETY AND ITS LIFESTYLE -vedantischer Leitspruch

As already clarified in the initial chapters, between the 1780s and 1830s, the Austrian society and its lifestyle were characterized by social and political changes that were only partially addressed or indicated in Piozzi´s, Wilmot´s, and Trollope´s travel writings. Nevertheless, what all of them endeavored to convey in their accounts was their insight they had gained into the Austrian character. For instance, what is a salient feature in Hester Piozzi´s account about Austria is her close observation and reflection on Austria´s female inhabitants. In terms of Tyrol´s women, she criticizes their lack of effort to please the eye of the onlooker by their outward appearance.

The women that run about the town, mean time, take the nearest way to be warm, wrapping themselves up in cloth clothes, like so many fishermen at the mouth of the Humber, and wear a sort of rug cap grossly unbecoming. But too great an attention to convenience disgusts as surely as too little; and while a Venetian wench apparently seeks only to captivate the contrary sex, these German girls as

204 vgl. ebd. 65. 66 plainly proclaim their resolution not to sacrifice a grain of personal comfort for the pleasure of pleasing all the men alive.205

Having been confined by social conventions herself for many years, she appears to admire women who prefer not to adapt to social conventions, on the one hand. On the other hand, she disapproves of the Tyrolean women´s looks which remind her of the clothes worn by fishermen at her home country. Due to the fact she had lived some years in Italy, she also realizes differences between the Tyrolean and Italian women; while Austrian women seem not to care to please anyone by their looks, Italian women´s only aim is to attract men´s attention. Accordingly, she contrasts the familiar Italian women to the unknown Austrian ones conveying a negative image of Tyrol´s women to the British readership. In contrast to Tyrol´s women, she is highly impressed of the Viennese high society, especially of its intelligent women.

The society here is charming; The ladies here seem very highly accomplished, and speak a great variety of languages with facility, studying to adorn the conversation with every ornament that literature can bestow; nor do they appear terrified as in London, lest pedantry should be imputed to them, for venturing sometimes to use in company that knowledge they have acquired in private by diligent application.206

Accordingly, Piozzi expresses her fascination of the Austrian women´s sharp mind, their capability to speak various languages proficiently, their broad knowledge of literature, and the absence of hesitation to flaunt their wits in public. What causes her to identify with the Austrian ladies is their extensive knowledge and sharp intellect that she shares with them. Also, she claims that in contrast to British women, Austrian women display their skills and knowledge publicly without feeling guilt. „Das Gegenbild des Fremden kann indes auch zum positiven Gegensatz einer negativen erlebten Eigenheit umschlagen.”207 The fact that Piozzi was restricted to the domestic sphere for almost two decades, where her literary salon at Streatham Park served sort of as an intellectual outlet, provoke her admiration for the Austrian ladies. While in Great Britain intelligent women who flaunted their knowledge in public was frowned upon, women in Austria doing the same appeared to be accepted. Accordingly, Hester realizes the unknown as a modified version of herself that she perceives as a role model. Considering her statement, she even encourages all women to display their skills and knowledge publicly; this demand must have aroused great attention among her readership and

205 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through Italy, France, and Germany, London 1789. 273. 206 vgl. Piozzi Lynch, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of the Journey through France, Italy, and German, London 1789. 299 207 vgl. Schäffter, Ortfried, Zwischen Faszination und Bedrohung, Darmstadt 1991. 21. 67 the British newspapers as British women with intellectual tendencies were not accepted publicly. After all, Piozzi´s conception of the Austrian women mirrors her personal background which enables her to discover herself in the middle of the unknown. As can be seen in Piozzi´s travel account, she pays much attention to the behavior and appearance of women descending from a different culture than her. However, she is not only attentive of Austria´s women but also of Austria´s political system and sovereign.

[…]I have this day heard so many and such interesting particulars concerning the emperor, that I should not forgive myself if I failed to record and relate them, the less because my authority was particularly good, and the anecdotes singular and pleasing. […] at five he goes to the Corridor just near his own apartment, where poor and rich, small and great, have access to his person at pleasure, and often get him to arbitrate their law-suits, and decide their domestic differences, as nothing is more agreeable to him than finding himself considered by his people as their father, and dispenser of justice over all his extensive dominions.[…] The emperor is a stranger upon principle to the joys of confidence and friendship, but cultivates the acquaintance of many ladies and gentlemen, at whose houses he drops in, and spends the evening cheerfully in cards or conversation, putting no man under the least restraint; […] His coach is like the commonest gentleman´s of Vienna; his servants distinguished only by the plainness of their liveries; and, lest their insolence might make his company troublesome to the houses where he visits, he leaves the carriage in the street, and will not even be driven into the court- yard,where other equipages and footmen wait.[…]A few mornings ago showed his character in a strong light. Some poor women were coming down the Danube on a float, they were in danger of drowning; as it was very early in the day, and no one awake upon the shore except a sawyer that was cutting wood; who, not being able to obtain from his phlegmatic neighbours that assistance their case immediately required, ran directly to call the emperor who he knew would be stirring, and who came flying to give that help which from some happy accident was no longer wanted; but Joseph lost no good humour on the occasion; on the contrary, he congratulated the women on their deliverance, praising at the same time and rewarding the fellow for having disturbed him.[…]Now is it fair not to do every thing but adore a sovereign like this? […] Such conduct would serve succeeding princes for models, nor could the weight of a dozen centuries smother their still rising fame. Yet is not my heart persuaded that the reputation of Joseph the Second will be consigned immaculate from age to age, 208

Accordingly, Piozzi incorporated the figure of a mediator who appears to provide her with authentic stories about Austria´s emperor Joseph the Second. Whether she had been conveyed these stories by an authentic source or not, the anecdotes impart an outspoken positive image of the emperor. Considering her description, Joseph was a humble, caring, empathetic, sociable, and helpful creature that loved to be regarded as a father figure by his people. In fact, Joseph II considered himself as the first servant to the state who endeavored to create a

208 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through Italy, France and Germany, London 1789. 295ff. 68 welfare state; thus, the conveyed impression of Joseph II appears to confirm the veracity of the information. Additionally, she presents the absolute sovereignty in a positive light although Piozzi was known to be critical of the ancient regime.

[…]if men were nearer than they are to perfect creatures, absolute monarchy would be the most perfect form of government, for the will of the prince could never deviate from propriety; but if one king can see all with his own eyes, and hear all with his own ears, no successor will ever be able to do the same;209

Subsequently, she not only dared to address the male-dominated subject of politics but also ventured to approve of a political system that the enlightened British society regards obsolete and barbaric. Nevertheless, with the knowledge to stir sensation back at her home country, she uttered her approval of the absolute monarchy as such it was ruled by Joseph II. Due to the fact that Piozzi had lived some years with her husband in Italy, she assimilated to its culture as well as gained an understanding for its political system. According to Ortfried Schäffter: „Das für diesen Erfahrungsmodus bestimmende Innen-Außen-Verhältnis ist daher durch ein Zusammenspiel von Aneignung von Fremdem und struktureller Selbstveränderung gekennzeichnet.“210 While initially the absolute political system was still rather unknown to her, she gradually became familiar with it in the course of her stay in the empire of Habsburg so that she internalized the once unknown into her familiar order. Having analyzed Piozzi´s conception of Austria´s political system and its emperor, an incident that happened to Hester and her people will be illuminated which perfectly mirrors the Austrians attitude towards their monarch.

[…] our laquais de place reminded my male companions that they should stand uncovered. Finding them however somewhat dilatory in their obedience, a rough fellow snatched the hat from one of their heads, saying, “Don´t you know, Sir, that you are standing before the emperor´s officers?”—“ I know,” replied the prompt Italian, “that we are come to a country where people wear their hats in the church, so need not wonder we are bid to take them off in the post-office.”211

The Italian´s remark not only expresses some irony but also the twisted views of the Austrian. By incorporating this anecdote, Hester attempts to convey the Austrian character that is so deeply devoted to his emperor, so it even appears to surpass the Austrian´s devotion to god.

209 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through Italy, France and Germany, London 1789. 299. 210 vgl. Schäffter, Ortfried, Zwischen Faszination und Bedrohung, Darmstadt 1991. 22. 211 vgl. Piozzi Thrale, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy, and Germany, London 1789. 289. 69 While Hester Piozzi conceives the Austrians as a deeply devoted breed whose women display significant knowledge, Frances Trollope emphasizes the Austrians apparent unbiased way of thinking.

Es gibt keinen Zug, der mir in der Konversation in Österreich mehr aufgefallen wäre als die gänzliche Abwesenheit von Voreingenommenheit und Vorurteil, wenn über die Einrichtungen und Sitten anderer Länder gesprochen wird. Die Toleranz geht in unbedeutenden Dingen so weit, dass es sogar in manchen Fällen Mode ist, uns nachzuahmen. […] Viele junge Kavaliere reiten nach englischer Manier, und englische Kutscher und Reitknechte sind hier so sehr in Mode wie schottische Gärtner in England. Ich habe noch mit keinem Österreicher gesprochen, der nicht England vor Frankreich und London vor Paris den Vorzug gegeben hätte. Dies hat mich überrascht, weil die starke Vorliebe für Vergnügungen, die einen so auffälligen Charakterzug der Österreicher bildet, in Paris gewiss mehr Befriedigung finden muss als in London.212

It can be inferred from Trollope´s observations that she conceives the Austrian society as tolerant, anglophile, and hedonistic. To convey her impression, she applies the strategy of parallelization stating British coachmen in Austria were as fashionable as Scottish gardeners in England. What surprises her is the apparent absence of prejudices against other countries and the Austrian´s preference for the English lifestyle. However, since Trollope only had been talking to anglophile Austrians who praised the British way of life, she was conveyed the impression to deal with people who harbored no prejudices at all. Moreover, she expected the pleasure-seeking society of Austria to favor Paris rather than London; however, her prior knowledge seemed not to coincide with the encountered reality. Also, while she seems aware of her own country people´s intolerance and biases towards Catholics and the ancien regime, she perceives the Austrians as tolerant and unbiased. From her standpoint, this unknown characteristic represents the counter-image of her familiar world, which she presents in a very positive way. When dealing with the Austrians´ Anglophilia, Trollope realizes various familiar norms and values in the unknown world.

Ich glaube, es gibt kein anderes Land, in welchem die englische Sprache nicht die Muttersprache ist, wo Shakespeare so vollkommen verstanden und gewürdigt wird, wie hier. Es stellt ein völlig neues Vergnügen dar, über den philosophischen Hamlet oder die leidenschaftliche Julie von Fremden, die niemals in dem Lande, in welchem diese Charaktere geschaffen wurden, gewesen sind, kritische Urteile zu hören, in einem Geiste so feuriger Bewunderung, wie ich ihn bis jetzt nur unter uns selbst zu finden geglaubt habe. Zahlreiche kritische Urteile habe ich hier und da in verschiedenen Salons aufgelesen, wo wir jetzt unsere Abende gewöhnlich verbringen. Du darfst jedoch daraus nicht schließen, dass der allgemeine

212 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 152. 70 Konversationston in der feinen Gesellschaft von der Literatur geprägt ist, vielmehr ist das Gegenteil der Fall. […] Woher diese merkwürdige Abwesenheit aller literarischen Erörterungen, ja ich möchte fast sagen aller literarischen Anspielungen in den Salons von Wien rührt, vermag ich nicht einmal zu vermuten.213

Due to the Austrians´ Anglophilia, they had acquired a sparking interest for British literature that Trollope recognized immediately from her home country. At this point the boundaries between the unknown and familiar world seem to get blurred; in other words, the unknown and familiar world overlap. „Der Erfahrungsmodus beruht dabei auf einer System-Umwelt- Relationierung, durch die sich an den Kontaktflächen des Eigenen zum Fremden eine „Ordnung im Zwielicht“ herausbildet.“214 As a result, the unknown is encountered by means of a luminal experience where the boundary between inside and outside overlap and become indistinct. However, as she is wondering about the absence of literary conversations in the public salons of Vienna, she appears to have a limited awareness of Metternich´s state spies and censorship that prohibited the production and acquisition of enlightened literature among the Austrian population. Consequently, due to her lack of knowledge, she is not able to gain a full understanding of the Viennese salon culture; although she experiences a very familiar world in a foreign country, the behavior of the people in the salons appears strange to her. Similar to Trollope, Martha Wilmot Bradford recognizes the Austrians´ passion for everything English too which she interprets as a fashion trend. Having been familiar with horse races from her culture of origin, she expected to watch neat and disciplined horse riders in Austria.

[…] English Horse racing is become the fashion. We went to the course the day that a beautiful gold cup was run for, which Mr. Gordon had presented to the town of Vienna previous to his going as Minister to Brazile. The race for it was very pretty, but the amusing race was a parcel of Hungarian peasants, who road without saddles, and looked wilder than their wild poneys. […] as I had fixed my affections upon a creature more savage looking than the others. He had neither shoes nor stockings, his shirt collar was open, so were the knees of his ´tights´ and when he set off against the wind, helter skelter, it would be difficult to say which streamed most wildly in the breeze, his hair, his horses mane, the strings from his breeches knees, or his horses long tail.215 Accordingly, her expectations, based on her prior-knowledge, could not be fulfilled. By applying foreign appellations, such as ´a parcel of Hungarian peasants´, she distances herself from the others. Also, she emphasizes their exceptional wild appearance of which she is

213 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 153f. 214 vgl. Schäffter, Ortfried, Zwischen Faszination und Bedrohung, Darmstadt 1991. 17. 215 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1819, London 1935. 260f. 71 unfamiliar. While in England horse races were restricted to the upper class, in Habsburg Austria also lower classes were included. Accordingly, the Austrian horse race can be interpreted as the counter-image to the British ones which can be classified into the method of inversion. On the one hand, Wilmot recognizes the horse race as a familiar event from her home country; on the other hand, she realizes its norms to vary from her country of descent. Julia Kristeva states that at times even the familiar can appear unfamiliar to us. „[…]selbst das Eigene [erscheint] einem nicht immer ganz bekannt, sondern zum Teil immer auch als fremd, als „die verborgene Seite unserer Identität“ […]“216 Despite unfamiliar aspects, she realizes that she perceives the race as a rewarding experience. As a result, dealing with the presumed familiar enabled the revelation of concealed components of her own identity. From the mid eighteenth century onwards, Anglophilia represented a widely spread phenomenon among the aristocracy that Hester Piozzi became witness of too. For example, she not only recognizes English features in the Austrian landscape but also thinks to notice English characteristics in the sovereign´s personality.

[…]rich land, lying like as in Dorsetshire, divided into arable and pasture grounds, clumped about with woods of evergreen. Such is the genius of this sovereign for English manners and English agriculture, that no conversation is said to be more welcome at his court than what relates to the sports or profits of the field in Britain; to which accounts he listens with good-humoured earnestness, and talks of a fine scenting day with the true taste of an English country gentleman.217

In this respect, Piozzi conveys the image of Joseph the Second to be an advocate of Great Britain, which he allegedly displays in his conversations and behavior. Indeed, Joseph II was in favor of British literature, and enlightened ideas that he attempted to incorporate in his political system.218 However, his regime was a far cry from abandoning fundamental principles of the absolute system. With regard to the Austrians´ anglophile tendencies, all three British travelers encountered profound anglophile characteristics in the unknown environment which revealed much about their own identities, such as whether they approved of the modified English features or not. Also, it needs to be emphasized that Anglophilia seemed not to be restricted to the upper classes but was even spread among the lower classes including the Hungarian peasants.

216 vgl. Dascalu-Romitan, Ana-Maria, Methoden und Verfahren der Fremddarstellung im Reisebericht, Temeswar 2015. 336. 217 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through Italy, France and German, London 1789. 285. 218 vgl Reinalter, Helmut (Hrsg.), Selbstbilder der Aufklärung, Innsbruck 2007. 51. 72 Apart from realizing the popularity of their British culture among the people of Habsburg Austria, they recognized other prominent characteristics among the Austrian upper class society. In one of Martha´s letters written in the year 1827, she reports on the aristocracy´s aloof behavior towards people descending from a different social background.

As you cannot guess the system of the Society here I will just let you peep behind the curtain a little. The pride of the Aristocracy is by no means greater, but it is more defined, than that of England, and therefore talents, tastes and every natural endowment of a superior cast (if you have the luck to find them) can never break down the barrier of rank or be admitted into its circles. The consequence is, ambition of that ennobling mental cast is quite unknown;[…] A young Englishman arriving at Vienna, if quite unknown, is driven to theatres etc. in very despair; if known and introduced into different houses, he has the honour to sit in their drawingrooms during quarter of an hour where nothing but french and german is spoken, and where the young ladies seldom appear, and go from one visit to another, all to be over by 8 O´Clock when it is supposed each has his private engagement, and this sort of thing lasts till near the Carnival, when gaiety begins. Then comes on balls thick and threefold,[…]. En attendant, strangers are stared at and, if not highly bred, quiz´d. The young men of our embassy give the ton to the English, and they are notorious for making no acquaintance with any young man who is not a Peer´s son, and even that must be an Almack peer. But you will say, why not descend a little into more rational, social society? I answer, I have tried and seen both tried, and I do assure you tis the same thing on a more disagreeable scale.219

First, she addresses similarities and differences between the Austrian and the British aristocracy. While she states the aristocracy´s pride in both countries to be similar, she emphasizes the Austrian aristocracy´s strong tendency to distance themselves from outside- groups. Also, what Wilmot elaborates on is the seemingly insurmountable boundary between the insider-group of the Austrian aristocracy and outsider-groups such as the bourgeoisie and the Englishmen. „Insider sind die, die über das Wissen, das in einer bestimmten Gruppe existiert, verfügen, outsider die, die dieses Wissen eben nicht besitzen. Das ist die eigentliche Grenze zwischen Insidern und Outsidern.“220 These terms also correlate with social feelings such as power and faintness, right and wrong, inclusion and exclusion. Owing to Martha´s national background, it might be assumed that she was excluded from the insider-group; however, due to her husband´s occupation at Vienna, Martha Wilmot Bradford was able to move among the most distinguished Austrian society so that she could observe and evaluate the nobilities´ behavior and attitudes with the awareness of an outsider. Similar to Wilmot, Trollope noticed the strict distinctions between the Austrian social classes as well.

219 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 67. 220 vgl. Abels, Heinz, Wirklichkeit. Über Wissen und andere Definitionen der Wirklichkeit, über uns und Andere, Fremde und Vorurteile, Wiesbaden 2009. 203f. 73 Das Haus, wo wir diesen doppelten Ohrenschmaus genossen, gehört zu den ersten der bürgerlichen Aristokratie von Wien. Das ist eine Gesellschaftsschicht, die sich sowohl nach oben wie nach unten so streng abgeschieden hält, daß [sic] ich, um Dir ein Bild von Wien zu geben, mehr von diesen sehr wohlhabenden Bürgern berichten muß. [sic] Weder in London noch in Paris gibt es irgendetwas, das der Stellung, welche die Wiener Bankiers in der Gesellschaft einnehmen, auch nur im Geringsten ähnlich wäre. […] Auch einzeln genommen ist ihr Reichtum manchmal so groß, dass ihr Lebensstil dem des höchsten Adels der Monarchie sehr nahe kommt. Überdies haben viele ihren Familien den Adelstitel gekauft. […] ungeachtet ihrer Titel und ihres Reichtums, ihres Einflusses und ihrer großzügigen Lebensweise werden die Bankiers in höheren Kreisen ebenso wenig anerkannt, als wären sie noch die einfachen anspruchslosen Goldschmiede, welche ihre Vorfahren gewesen sind. Dass sich dies in einem Handelsland, wie England eines ist und zu dem sich Frankreich derzeit rasch entwickelt, anders verhält, überrascht wohl kaum; noch können wir wirklich darüber erstaunt sein, dass die Verhältnisse in Wien so sind, wie sie sind. Auch wenn dies jedermann vernünftig erscheinen mag, sind deren Auswirkungen für einen Fremden doch einigermaßen merkwürdig. Und nur ein Fremder kann diese Auswirkungen erkennen, denn nur er kann sich von einer Gesellschaftsschicht in die andere begeben, ohne an irgendeiner Verrat zu begehen. Trotz dieses großen und offenkundigen Vorteils unserer Position fühle ich mich nichtsdestoweniger bis jetzt noch in der Lage diesem geheimnisvollen Gegenstand Gerechtigkeit widerfahren zu lassen. Wenn aber unsere Bekanntschaften in beide Richtungen weitherhin so rasch zunehmen sollten, wie es jetzt den Anschein hat, werde ich wohl vor Ablauf des Winters mit der Weisheit eines Orakels darüber sprechen können.221

What Trollope elaborates on substantiates what has been mentioned in the initial chapters. Many middle-class people came in great possession of money that was similar to the aristocracy´s wealth. In order to overcome the invisible boundary of social ranks, the rising middle class people were ambitious to gain a title of nobility and eventually become acknowledged by the hereditary nobility. Despite their endeavors, they were not accepted by the aristocracy. While under Metternich´s regime, the fetish of the blue blood among the Austrian society continues, a strict distinction between the British nobility and bourgeoisie in industrial England is non-existent because the British define themselves by their nation rather than their social rank. Moreover, in terms of perception, Trollope considers her outsider- position as a privilege that enables her to acquire a rational view of both ´groups´. From an outside perspective, they both Wilmot and Trollope conceive the Austrian aristocrats´ aloof behavior as unpleasing and somewhat odd. While Wilmot gained access to Vienna´s upper crust by means of her husband, Trollope was introduced to the most important and delicate personalities of the early

221 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 165. 74 nineteenth century by means of fortunate circumstances that paved her the way into Austria´s high society.

Ich werde heute mit meinem Sohn und meiner Tochter bei unserem Gesandten speisen, und wir hoffen die Ehre zu haben, dort den Fürsten und die Fürstin Metternich zu treffen. Ich bin darüber entzückt, denn von allen ausgezeichneten Männern Europas ist Fürst Metternich derjenige, dessen Bekanntschaft ich mit größter Neugierde herbeisehne.[…] Auf ein festgelegtes Wort oder Zeichen verließ Sir Frederic Lamb das Gemach und kehrte mit einer sehr liebenswürdigen Dame am Arm zurück, gefolgt von einem Herrn, den auch das ungeübteste Auge nicht für einen gewöhnlichen Sterblichen hätte halten können. Ich hatte erwartet, nicht nur einen ausgezeichneten Mann zu sehen, sondern auch einen, dem auf die Stirne geprägt ist, dass er das sei, und weder das Aussehen noch das, was Metternich sprach, hat hierin irgendjemanden getäuscht: von hohem Stand, hervorragender Intelligenz und vollendeter Eleganz. Er führte mich zu Tisch, und ich genoss während des Dinners seine Konversation, denn der Tisch war nicht nur so rund, sondern auch so groß wie jener des Königs Arthur und machte daher ein allgemeines Gespräch unmöglich.222 As the purpose of Trollope´s journey was to mix and mingle among Vienna´s crème de la crème, her expectations were very high. Having been invited to the British envoy´s place even increased her great anticipation to meet the embodiment of the political system and police regime of Habsburg Austria— Prince Metternich. Her effusive description of Metternich mirrors her great admiration for him that had caused even to exceed her high expectations. As a result, Trollope´s subjective views including her high expectations in combination with her admiration provoked her to praise him exuberantly and create a distorted and exaggerated image of Prince Metternich. At this point, the different perspectives need to be taken into account; a proponent of Metternich´s regime might consider Trollope´s description credible whereas an advocate of enlightened ideas conceives it erroneous and unrealistic. After all, it was the British ambassador Lord Lambert who introduced her to Metternich ´who knew a good press agent when he saw one´.”223 Thus, Metternich invited her to several balls and dinners; on the one hand, it is very likely Prince Metternich intended to take advantage of Trollope´s literary fame hoping to have her spread positive information across Europe on his regime; on the other hand, it cannot be refuted that Metternich was an admirer of the English system as he travelled to England two times in the course of his lifetime.224 Hence, his rapture for the famous British author Frances Trollope might as well derived from his anglophile tendencies.

222 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 137f 223 vgl. Jarka, Horst et.al. (Hrsg.), The Others´ Austria. Impressions of American and British Travelers, Riverside 2006. 83. 224 vgl. Siemann, Wolfram, Metternich: Stratege und Visionär. Eine Biographie, München 2016. 20. 75 Apart from Trollope´s admiration for Metternich, she places great attention on the Austrian society´s most prominent characteristic during the decades after the Congress of Vienna: their insatiable urge for entertainment.

Wo aber die ganze Bevölkerung eines Landes, Jung und Alt, Reich und Arm, Männer und Frauen, ein und demselben Antrieb gehorchen und sich immerfort im Kreise drehen, sucht und findet man die Ursache eher in Neigungen, mit denen man leichter sympathisiert. Das österreichische Volk ist – wie jemand, der unter ihm weilt, unmöglich übersehen kann – von Natur aus leichtherzig, sorglos und ausgestattet mit einer Leidenschaft für fast alles, das nach Unterhaltung aussieht. Wenn daher eine Jahreszeit kommt, in welcher Fröhlichkeit, Scherz, Schmaus und Putz durch lange Tradition, ja gewissermaßen durch die Religion selbst geheiligt sind, ist es nur natürlich, dass sie darnach so begierig jagen wie Windhunde, wenn sie von der Leine gelassen werden und ihrem Lieblingswild auf den Fersen sind. Das müsste ein sehr sauertöpfischer Mensch sein, der bei diesem Gefühl allgemeiner Fröhlichkeit teilnahmslos bleiben könnte. Auch wäre meine Freude als Zuschauerin vollkommen ungetrübt gewesen, wenn ich nicht an die langen, trübseligen Gesichter daheim gedacht hätte, welche sich notgedrungen mit ihrem sauer erworbenen Lebensstil und der Betitelung als das „Volk, das am meisten denkt“ begnügen, wofür sie ihr fröhliches Temperament eingetauscht haben.225

What Trollope refers to is the so called “Waltzfever” of which any Austrian social class was seized by and obviously she partly was seized by it herself. Nevertheless, she critically analyzes the Austrian society as well as her own country people. By contrasting the two cultures, she speaks in favor of the Austrian culture that appears to be in the perpetual mood to celebrate at balls and dinners whereas she presents her country people as morose and despondent. One reason for the Austrian´s endless festive mood is the tradition of carnival that was even promoted by Metternich´s police state.

Dieses einzigartig starke nationale Bedürfnis nach Unterhaltung und Musik und die Art, wie die Behörden demselben nicht nur keinen Einhalt gebieten, sondern es fördern, liefert meiner Ansicht nach einen der wichtigsten Schlüssel zu dem Geheimnis der außerordentlichen Ruhe und Zufriedenheit, die dieses Volk vor jedem anderen auszeichnet. Man darf diesbezüglich nicht zu erwähnen vergessen, dass das Laster der Trunkenheit hier äußerst selten ist. Man versichert mir dies von allen Seiten, und ich kann bestätigen, dass ich während der drei Monate, die ich bereits unter diesem Volk lebe, noch keinen einzigen Betrunkenen gesehen habe. […]so kommt man freundschaftlich zusammen, […]ohne dass es diesen Leuten je einfällt, […]dass ihnen eine Revolution, welcher Art auch immer, auch nur im geringsten Maße annehmbar erschiene.226 Although Trollope was known by her readership to have a very sharp tongue at times, she keeps presenting the Austrian culture in a positive way. She not only speaks clearly in favor

225 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 174. 226 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 143f. 76 of the ill-famed political system, she also conceives it as a reasonable explanation for the Austrian exemplary lifestyle. Considering the extensive entertainments, the police state promoted them even among lower social ranks in order to suppress seditious acts. One evening, Trollope was invited to attend a reception at the Turkish ambassador´s place. Although she was describing the guests´ appearance, her conveyance revealed much about her personal attitude towards women and democracy.

Wäre es nicht um der zärtlichen Liebe willen, die ich für mein eigenes schönes Geschlecht empfinde, so würde ich wünschen, dass die Männerkleidung dahingehend reformiert würde, dass die Herrenanzüge der österreichischen Galauniform so ähnlich wie möglich sähen. Aber diese Neuerung würde entschieden dem Interesse der Frauen zuwiderlaufen. Jetzt besitzen sie nicht nur ihre persönlichen Reize, um sich zum strahlendsten Teil jeder Gesellschaft zu machen, sondern sie können diese Reize durch die lieblichsten Garderoben noch steigern, während die Herren der Schöpfung durch die Tyrannei der Mode verurteilt sind, was immer sie an Vorzügen besitzen mögen, hinter einer wenig vorteilhaften Tracht zu verbergen, die nur ein boshafter demokratischer Schneider erfunden haben kann, denn zur Kennzeichnung von Standesunterschieden ist sie völlig ungeeignet. Wäre dies anders, so wäre eine Zusammenkunft der gehobenen Gesellschaft eine weit elegantere Angelegenheit, aber die Damen würden dann nicht, wie jetzt, den einzigen glänzenden Teil der Gesellschaft bilden.227 Although she is elaborating on the upper class society that she encountered at the respective gala, she places herself in the focus of attention by presenting herself as a pro-feminist and anti-democratic personality. Regarding Trollope´s biography, her aversion against the democratic political system stems from her experience gathered in America; a country that was vaunting freedom and equality but where she was confronted with social grievances, hypocrisy, and inequality which may explain her approval of the ancient political system. Being an advocate of Metternich´s regime, she marveled at the Austrian Aristocracy´s craving for luxury, pomp, and extravagance that she experienced at Princess Metternich´s ball.

Diese außerordentliche Kostbarkeit des Putzes entspringt nicht bloß daraus, dass alle vermählten Frauen die schönsten Diamanten der Welt tragen, […] , sondern auch jeder andere Artikel, den die modischen Leute von Stand auf einem Wiener Ball tragen, ist so vollkommen hinsichtlich teurer Eleganz, wie es nur äußerste Verschwendungssucht zu Stande bringt.228

Similar to Trollope, Wilmot is captivated by its splendor and extravagance. She writes in her letter to her sister-in-law Mrs. Edward Bradford in 1820 about what she observed at some of the numerous balls in Vienna.

227 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 171f. 228 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003.186. 77 […]we are 4 of five Evenings out of the seven quietly at home, but when we do go, tis something to make a figure in a letter, for example, the English and French Ambassadors balls, which we have attended, both of which were uncommonly brilliant, gay, and agreeable. Of the dresses I could tell you loads—the etiquette is to wear the most tasteful, elegant dresses imaginable, […]and if I way to tell you that many young people wear blond lace mob caps, in very exquisite dress, you would hardly believe me, but they do, and it looks sweetly pretty and coquettish.229

The ambassador balls are even for Martha Wilmot Bradford exquisite and special events to attend. What she is highly impressed of are the ladies´ dresses; especially of the mob caps that she recognizes from Georgian England where married women wore them. During the Napoleonic era the mob cap became fashionable so that even aristocracy commenced wearing them.230 Although both Wilmot and Trollope were fascinated of the Austrians´ craving for entertainment, Trollope was fairly relieved when the ball season finally ended.

Wien leidet jedenfalls derzeit schwer an einem Walzerfieber, und während das Rokoko, Händel, Mozart, Haydn und andere von „feinen Ohren“ verbannt sind, herrschen Strauß und Lanner unumschränkt. Mit wem immer du jedoch über diese Sache sprichst, er wird sich in Lobeshymnen über jene unsterblichen Meister ergehen. […]Ein netter, gut gespielter Walzer hat gewiss großen Reiz,[…] Ich gestehe aber, dass ich mittlerweile ihrer müde bin und Wien lieber zu einer Zeit besucht hätte, […] wo die reichen Melodien Mozarts erklangen.231

Having attended a series of balls during the carnival season in Vienna, she perceived it as quite burdensome and exhausting. However, what must have been an offence for the Austrian is her allegation that the excitement of waltzing was a mere quirk or temporary trend of fashion. Moreover, she scathingly criticized Austria´s musical taste. In this respect, it is indisputable that the observation of the national character represents a very conspicuous aspect in travel accounts.

Es besteht nicht der geringste Zweifel, dass Geschmack und Liebe für Musik echte und angeborene Eigenschaften des österreichischen Charakters sind, obgleich die Ausdauer mit der man Abend für Abend ein solches Gesinge anhört, fast auf das Gegenteil schließen lässt. Es scheint mir überdies, dass die Wiener zur Zeit unter einer jener Modelaunen leiden, denen alle Gesellschaften zuweilen unterworfen sind; aber wenn die natürliche Beschaffenheit ihres Geschmacks und Urteils gesund und richtig ist, gehen solche Anwandlungen vorüber, wie so viele andere, und lassen geringe Spuren von Schwäche zurück.

229 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1835. 49f. 230 vgl. Boyle, Laura, Jane Austen. Celebrating Bath´s Most Famous Resident, available online, [02/02/18]. 231 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 128f. 78 Thus, she not only ridicules the Austrians´ musical passion for Strauß and Lanner but also criticizes the singers of Vienna´s opera. Due to Vienna´s reputation to be Europe´s city of music per se, her expectations were very high. However, in comparison to England´s singers, the performance of the Austrian singers she perceived to be of very poor quality.

Das Einzige, was mich bis jetzt in Wien noch enttäuscht hat, ist die Oper. Zweifellos ist das Orchester bewundernswürdig, und die Chöre besitzen die allgemein bekannte Vollkommenheit deutscher Korrektheit, aber es gibt hier keine einzige Stimme, die auch nur einigermaßen einer Oper solchen Stils gewachsen wäre, wie man es von Wien erwarten könnte. In dieser Beziehung verfügen wir, obschon man uns Engländer mit Recht für unmusikalisch hält, über ein kritisches Ohr und ein strenges Urteil, weil wir gewohnt sind, die größten Talente in unserer italienischen Oper zu hören, die uns die Direktoren durch hohe Gagen sichern. Hier kann oder will man solche Preise nicht zahlen, und die Folge davon ist, dass die Gesangspartien dieser köstlichsten aller Unterhaltungen, mit Ausnahme der Chöre, durchaus unter dem Durchschnitt liegen. Ich muss bekennen, dass mich das sehr verdross. Ich hatte mir die Wiener Oper als etwas sehr Erhabenes vorgestellt.232

Besides expressing her deep disappointment of unfulfilled expectations, she also provides stereotypes as explanation for fulfilled ones.

Stereotype sind vergröberndes Wissen über Andere. Vorurteile […] sind ´gewisse Vorstellungen über das Verhalten anderer Menschen´. […] Vorurteile halten sich mit ihren Annahmen, wie andere sich verhalten werden, auch nicht zurück, sondern sind sofort bei der Hand, weil sie ´wissen´, wie die anderen sind.233

Based on prior knowledge, she had adopted certain stereotypes that are attributed to certain behavior patterns of specific groups and people. In the case above, she clearly differentiates between British characteristics and German ones; she mentions not only the stereotype of German perfectionism but also the lack of English musical talent. As Trollope was infamous for being highly critical of social matters, it is no surprise she broaches the subject of stereotypes and prejudices; nevertheless, she is not able to refute them; in the contrary, she even confirms them. Not only Trollope´s perception suffered from the impact of stereotypes; it was also Hester Piozzi who was affected by them some fifty years earlier when visiting galleries and museums such as Vienna´s cabinet of natural history—a time when the activity to visit museums, galleries, and cabinets commenced to prosper.

232 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 126. 233 vgl. Abels, Heinz, Wirklichkeit. Über Wissen und andere Definitionen der Wirklichkeit, über uns und Andere, Fremde und Vorurteile, Wiesbaden 2009. 246. 79 The cabinet of natural history is exceedingly fine, and the rooms singularly well disposed. There are more cameos at Bologna,[…] every thing else I believe is better here, and such opals did I never see before, no not at Loretto: […] a brown diamond was new to me to-day. […]What seemed most to charm the people who shewed the cabinet, was a snuffbox consisting of various gems, […]each of prodigious value[…]a false bottom besides of gold, opening with a spring touch, and discovering a written catalogue of the jewels in the finest hand-writing, and the smallest possible. This was to me a real curiosity, afforded a new and singular proof of that astonishing power of eye, and delicacy of manual operation, seconded by a patient and persevering attention to things frivolous in themselves, which will be for ever alike neglected by the fire of Italian genius, and disdained by the dignity of British science.234

What is strikingly noticeable in her observations is that specific characteristics are attributed to certain geographical regions and nations. While she claims the Italian to be too feisty to deal with such triviality, she insinuates the English to be too proud. Moreover, she makes comparisons with some cabinets visited at Italy, however, considering the Austrian ones to be of better quality. Also in terms of the Austrian national character, she stereotypically represents a general view: “The patient German is seen in all they shew us, from the painting of Brughuel to the music of Haydn.”235 Accordingly, she thinks to have discovered typical German traits such as calmness and patience when analyzing German art including paintings and music. Although the existence of national characters has not been proved yet, it appears that the allocation of national characteristics is based on an innate desire which can result in the formation of stereotypes and prejudices. Having been affected by stereotypes and prejudices, the British travel authors conveyed the impression of the Austrian culture to consist of music, art, museums, balls, and entertainment. Additionally, from today´s point of view, it is noticeable that none of the authors strictly differentiates between German and Austrian people, which can be deduced from the fact that back then a clear division between German and Austrian was nonexistent yet, so that German stereotypes often merely referred to German speaking regions such as Habsburg Austria, Bavaria, and Prussia. Another essential component of the Austrian culture represents its catholic religion that sharply contrasts with the British protestant denomination. Since Hester Piozzi was married to a Catholic, it appears comprehensible that she gained some understanding for the Catholic faith; however, her observations and reflections on Catholic customs mirror her inability to grasp its deeper sense.

234 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections Made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy and Germany, London 1789. 302f. 235 vgl. ebd. 276. 80 […] for one crucifix or Madonna to be met with on Italian roads, here are at least forty; an ill carved and worse painted figure of a bleeding Saviour, large as life, meets one at every turn; and I feel glad when the odd devotion of the inhabitants hangs a clean shirt or laced waistcoat over it, or both.236 What Piozzi describes are wayside shrines that are placed nearby roads, paths, and dangerous crossroads commemorating fatal accidents and epidemic plagues. These small shelters exhibiting Jesus Christ on the crucifix were erected in order to offer comfort and solace to the Catholic population. Being a member of the protestant denomination, she perceives that very distinctive component of the Catholic belief as very strange and even eerie. In terms of modes of perception, the wayside shrines represent the uncannily unknown to Piozzi. According to Waldenfels the unknown can be cause for concern: „Das Fremde zeigt sich, indem es sich uns entzieht. Es sucht uns heim und versetzt uns in Unruhe, noch bevor wir es einlassen oder uns seiner zu erwehren trachten.“237 Due to the numerous Catholic shrines encountered in Habsburg Austria, she feels haunted by the eerie unknown that she is incapable to get full access to from the British Protestant standpoint. At any rate, the close proximity to the eerie unknown provokes Piozzi to feel uncomfortable which is why she prefers it veiled. A very significant holiday in the catholic calendar represents the first and second of November when all the Catholics flock to the graves and churches to commemorate their beloved deceased. On these holidays called Allerheiligen and Allerseelen, Trollope and her entourage visited the Imperial Crypt that was accessible to everybody on this occasion. When immersing into this religious world, she encountered some boundaries in terms of understanding the unknown.

Wenn ich dir ebenso einfach wie vollständig schildern wollte, welche Rührung die Menschenmenge an den Tag legte, die, sich stets erneuernd, vorüberzog, bis es den Menschen endlich gelang, sich durch die kaiserliche Gruft zu dem Gitter zu drängen, wo sie den Sarg von Kaiser Franz erblicken konnten, so würdest du sicher an der Wahrhaftigkeit meiner Erzählung zweifeln. […] ich bin überzeugt, dass von der ganzen Menschenmenge, die sich in dieser düsteren Gruft drängte, wir allein das Licht der Fackeln, welche das Dunkel erhellten, als bloße Zuschauer nützten. Wir sahen, wie sich Tränen über manche männliche Wange stahlen, die an Weinen kaum gewohnt zu sein schien; wir hörten Seufzer, die aus Herzen voll Schmerz und Liebe kamen, am Grab eines vor fast zwei Jahren Verstorbenen, und dieser eine war ein Kaiser! Zwischen ihm und dem Volke, das jetzt noch um ihn weinte, muss ein viel engeres Band bestanden haben, als wir es in unserem Lande der Freiheit begreifen können. Wir brachten den heutigen Abend in einer Gesellschaft zu, wo ich gegenüber mehreren Personen erwähnte, wie sehr mich die tiefe Rührung, deren Zeuge ich in der kaiserlichen Gruft gewesen, überrascht

236 vgl. Lynch Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy, and Germany, London 1789. 271. 237 vgl. Waldenfels, Bernhard, Topographie des Fremden. Studien zur Phänomenologie des Fremden 1, Frankfurt am Main 1997. 42. 81 habe. Die Antwort aller war gleich: „Hätten Sie den Kaiser gekannt, so würde es Sie nicht in Erstaunen versetzen.“ – „Würde es Sie überraschen“, fragte eine Dame, „wenn Kinder um ihren Vater weinen? Unser Kaiser war für uns mehr als ein Vater.“ Dies alles ist mir so neu und fremdartig dass es mir vorkommt, als wäre ich auf einen anderen Planeten versetzt.238

In the imperial crypt, Trollope recognizes herself to be merely an observer of the event that has no access to the people´s state of emotions. By addressing the reader and elaborating on her experience, she attempts to have the reader realize the extraordinary sight. By asking natives and having them explain their emotional bond to their deceased emperor Francis I, she is hoping to be mediated with reasonable explanations in order to gain an understanding of this seemingly so exotic unknown. Despite her endeavors, this unknown world seems to remain a sealed book to her. Subsequently, Trollope perceives the environment from a restrictive point of view which she is unable to leave due to her cultural background. „Standortgebundenheit kann geradezu definiert werden als die Unfähigkeit, den eigenen Standpunkt aufzugeben, so daß [sic] es unmöglich wird, die Sicht des anderen auf die eigene Welt einzunehmen.“239 Due to the fact she is Protestant and British, she is tied to a specific point of view and incapable to immerse into the Catholic world of an Austrian. After all, Frances Trollope was highly surprised by the Austrians´ emotional outbursts; its reasons she was not fully able to grasp though. Accordingly, her description provokes the impression Britons´ to be devoid of empathy and emotions whereas Austrians´ appear very emotional and sentimental. Having analyzed the British standpoints on Austria´s craving for entertainment and its people´s profound Catholic belief, the authors´ conception of the society and its customs encountered at Austria´s summer resort per se—the Salzkammergut—will be focused on. As mentioned before the Salzkammergut attracted among others not only the aristocracy such as the Imperial family but also the bourgeoisie including actors, novelists, artists, and composers. In her journal, Martha Wilmot Bradford provides a very precise description on the infamous poetess Helmine von Chezy of whom she provides a very entertaining impression.

[we] were looking with some apprehension towards the water for a poetic bark, and the ´Lady of the Lake,´ when the rapid approach of a carriage made us turn round, and to my dismay the very person stood before me, unwieldy, strange, awkward, clumsy, and yet eternally moving about, walking over hill and dale, thro´ dusty road, or dewey mead with equal indifference and incomprehensible celerity. No, I never saw such another creature![…] our Poetess is acting a new character, and is so full of herself and her plans and importance that she is worse

238 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt, Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 131f. 239 vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere. Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel, Paul (Hrsg.), Symbolik von Weg und Reise (1992), 170. 82 than ever, talking of herself and her occupations till she deafens one, and effectually prevents one´s enjoying the very objects she undertakes to shew off. She has at times attracted the attention of different members of the Imperial family, and is known to everybody in Austria.[..] she gives me the idea of an Italian Brigand´s wife, surrounded with three choice Lads of the Mountains, who had the power by whistling to collect a tribe, either for attack or defence.240

Firstly, she provides a good example of the numerous poets who felt attracted by savage looking people in the remote nature. Secondly, Martha´s choice of words and descriptions convey the idea of how ridiculous poets and poetesses appeared in the surroundings of pristine alpine nature. In terms of Martha´s personal opinion, she considered the poetess obnoxious, unattractive, brash, and conceited. Apart from meeting other summer visitors in the Austrian Alps, Martha and her family also encountered local people who familiarized them with their lifestyle and their indigenous traditions. At Bad Ischl, Martha Wilmot and her family were accommodated by the Imperial Blacksmith and his wife who Martha was fascinated of. “The Imperial black smyth has iron foundaries and scores of workmen and Forges to justify the title, but his simplicity of manner, his joyousness, his Mountain ways and originality, are not to be described. His wife is a woman of the right sort […] She is indeed remarkably clever, and works like a horse without fatiguing herself in the least.”241 Back in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the so called ´black counts´ were respected people who benefited from their natural surroundings including the rich woods, salt mines, and the nearby ore mines.

[…]wearrived at a Forge, or rather Foundary of Iron, where Vulcan, quite in his natural element, explained the secrets of his art, and exhibited them to us. [The Imperial blacksmith] has three tremendous Furnaces going at the same time. He brings the iron ore from Styria, the mines of which country are still as famous, as when they furnished iron to the Romans, and when the country was called Noricum.242

Before the onset of extensive tourism, salt and ore mining were the Salzkammergut´s key trades which implied dangerous and harsh working conditions. While Martha perceives the Alpine region as a peaceful world that contrasts with the vibrant city life, the working people of the Salzkammergut are barely able to earn a living. As a matter of fact, the Salzkammergut´s society has never been a static one but rather adapted to economic

240 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 267ff. 241 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 273. 242 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 276. 83 changes.243 Hence, local society took advantage of its early tourism and pursued social integration among the bourgeoisie by granting them participation in their regional culture.

We soon got into the Mountains, and Vulcan, turning shepherd conducted us to what is called an Alpe (in German Alm).[…]There are several Alpes on each mountain, and when the highest is cleared by the cattle, the period of returning into the plains arrives, this is in autumn, and is a very great day, as all the shepherdesses of all the Alpes, dress themselves in their holiday clothes, decorate their flocks and herds with ribbons and flowers, forming a sort of ´procession, the girls singing their wild melody, called ´Yodler,´ answered by distant voices. In this gay manner they descent from the heights into the plains, finishing the day with a supper and a dance.244

What Martha describes is the ceremonial driving down of cattle from the mountain pastures into the valley in fall. The blacksmith, who Martha calls Vulcan, provides her with information on the locals´ traditions which seem to intensify her stereotypical illusion of a peaceful ideal world in the Alpine nature of the Salzkammergut. Following an invitation for a stag hunt received from the Archduke Maximilian, Martha experiences an Austrian custom that she precisely describes. At the stag hunt participated the Archduke, count Karachi, Landgrave Fürstenberg, a Russian general and some other young men while Martha observed the event with some upper class ladies from a hideout.

The Archduke Maximilian and his attendants shortly after took their stations in little huts of branches arranged for the occasion, each attended by the feathered, well-dressed, handsome-looking servant called a Jäger[…]We Ladies were already there, were particularly requested to—hold our tongues! […] a sound of Dogs was heard, it ceased, presently another sound of Dogs, was followed by a stag which darted by, a shot was fired, the poor stag tried to drag forward but fell and was dead in a moment, this was at a considerable distance from us, and was all we saw. A second stag was however shot and a third poor creature, chased by the dogs made a sudden spring forward and tumbled from the summit of a rock. It was dashed to pieces. O tis odious sport to think of. […] One of the stags was brought towards the house on a handbarrow by some hunters, […]at the same time some horn music was played, so solemn, that it was much more like a dirge than anything else, and one felt a sort of melancholy creeping over the feelings, which would have been very mal á propos, when the Archduke, and all the hunters arriving they boasted of what they did, or could have done, had the stags and their guns done their duty.245

243 vgl. Matieu, Jon, Die Alpen. Zur Europäischen Wahrnehmungsgeschichte seit der Renaissance, Bern 2005. 363. 244 vgl. ebd. 274. 245 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 287. 84 Firstly, Wilmot was astounded by the hunters´ outward appearance; thus, wearing traditional clothes along with a tuft of chamois hair on the hat contributed to the bourgeoisie´s deep connection to the Austrian Alps and its inhabitants´ lifestyle. What is conspicuous is her profound dislike for the Alpine custom; despite her native culture where fox hunting represented a national component, she perceives the entire event melancholic and pitiful. „Überall, wo Fremde selten sind, werden sie gut aufgenommen.“ 5.3. HOSPITALITY AND ACCOMMODATION Jean-Jaques Rousseau

Unfortunately, Piozzi, Wilmot, and Trollope were not quite satisfied by the lodgings they encountered in Vienna. Nevertheless, some of them were easier to please than others. Furthermore, it needs to be taken into account that all of them intended to stay for a different length of time. This matter of fact contributed to their different high demands of accommodation as well.

I have no notion that Vienna, […], can be a very wholesome place to live in; the double windows, double feather-beds &c. in a room without a chimney, is surely ill contrived; and sleeping smothered up in down so, like a hydrophobous patient in some parts of Ireland, is not particularly agreeable, though I begin to like it better than I did. All external air is shut out in such a manner that I am frighted lest, after a certain time, the room should become like an exhausted receiver, while the wind which one about the street in such a manner that it is displeasing to put out one´s head;246

On the one hand, Hester Piozzi criticizes the lack of a chimney in the bedroom that she is accustomed to have; on the other hand, she praises the construction of double windows that prevents the cold winds of Vienna to enter the rooms. Accordingly, she recognizes the Austrian apartments to differ from the British ones. Nevertheless, she realizes and appreciates the benefits of the Austrian construction of windows. While Hester Piozzi travelled Habsburg Austria only incidentally on the Grand Tour through Europe when returning to England, Martha Wilmot Bradford departed to take residence and stay at Vienna for a greater period of time. In the initial days, Martha Wilmot and her family intended to stay at a hotel until they had found a suitable apartment.

We remained at the Hotel 3 or 4 days, seeking in vain for Lodgings. O ma´am, the business of lodgings is woeful! Scarcely any to be met with within reason; the

246 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections Made in the Course of a Journey Through France, Italy, and Germany, London 1789. 309f. 85 prices are enormous, and not a rag of furniture. We were bit by bugs every night, and in despair of redress.247 Accordingly, Wilmot presented the Viennese hotels in a very negative light as she not only criticizes its high prices but also describes the respective lodging in a derogatory way. Besides severe criticism, her comments disclose insufficiencies and lack of hygiene.248 Considering the early beginnings of tourism, a lack of hygiene and other deficiencies were not untypical as the business of tourism had not been fully developed yet. Fortunately, the Wilmot Bradford family was introduced to Arnold who welcomed them warmly at his place and spared no effort to please his guests. Wilmot´s delight of Arnold´s extensive commitment to please them all is clearly expressed in her writings.

At last William stumbled upon a gentleman, […] who took William to a little converted Jew named Arnold, who received us into his house at a moderate rate and has turned up such trumps that I must introduce him to you. […] He fell in love with William at first sight, and when there appeared a doubt of the lodging accommodating us all, he declared ´upon hish honor, dat de English family should come, and he knew dey would like everything.´ Accordingly, right glad to come, we entered the house, with one excellent drawingroom, one excellent bedroom and one excellent nursery, the family consisting of Mrs Arnold, a very goodnatured Irish woman who teaches English, […] an English maid Betty— and a German one Theresa, to whom we have added Thresa´s sister, Annetto, and a man, a Tower of Babel […] One Kitchen under Bettys inspection supplies all this Olio. William and I are fed by them, and the children and nurse dine at one O´Clock. Well ma´am, as we must separate the end of this month for various reasons, our little Weazle flies from one end of the town to the other, looking for lodgings for us—buys tea, coffee, sugar, everything we want— goes to the Market, scolds our servants for us in German, is in the Kitchen early and late to see that the girls are not galavanting, a trade which is as common and less veiled than amongst you,— tells us where to get bargains of all kinds— puts us up to many things, and in a word, is our adorer, fagtotum and Will O the Wisp, all in one. Our lodging is at length agree´d for, after slaving about it, and now is he poking his nose into every brokers, or other shop in the town to find out and cheaper furniture for us, bargaining and taking all the disgrace of huxtering for us, for the pure pleasure of doing so!!! Every man to his fancy! […]249

At first glance, Mrs. Arnold appears to be merely their generous and good-natured host; however, under closer inspection, Mr. Arnold represents the figure of a mediator who attempts to facilitate their lodging situation to a great extent. The figure of the mediator is characterized by being part of two worlds which enables him to serve as a translator. Due to

247 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters of Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819- 1829, London 1935. 17. 248 vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere. Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel, Paul (Hrsg.), Symbolik von Weg und Reise (1992), 174. 249 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935.17f. 86 the fact that Martha Wilmot and her family arrived at Vienna incapable of the German language, Arnold represents an authentic source that provides them with extensive knowledge of the unknown world. Arnold not only helped them bargaining for luxuries; he was also mediating between them and their household servants. „Werden die Führer zudem unter den Einheimischen rekrutiert, fällt ihnen die wichtige Aufgabe zu, bei Streitigkeiten zu vermitteln oder direkte Aggressionen abzuwenden.“250 As Arnold´s mother tongue is German but is also able to speak comprehensible English, his most important role as a mediator is the elimination of language barriers. Despite his German accent that Martha is hinting at in the previous quote, he perfectly fulfills the role as a mediator. Due to Wilmot´s lack of German, she is not able to communicate with her German servants, which repeatedly causes misunderstandings. “O the stupidity of German servants!!! hiding my sponges, combs and brushes every day! Just when I want them—bring me cold water when I want hot, throwing away my chamomile tea! Etc., etc., etc., etc.”251 Accordingly, Martha Wilmot Bradford is complaining of the German servants in her letters, which expresses her deep dissatisfaction. After all, her scorn towards her German servants is based on her inability to communicate with them in German. With reference to Ortfried Schäffter´s statement, Martha´s inner order is incompatible with the foreign component.

In dem […]Deutungsmuster erhält das Fremde daher den Charakter der Negation der Eigenheit, und zwar im Sinne von Unvereinbarkeit. […] Insofern gerät das Fremde zum Ausgegrenzten, das dem Eigenen „wesensmäßig“ nicht zugehörig ist und als Fremdkörper die Integrität der eigenen Ordnung zu stören und in Frage zu stellen droht. Jenseits dieser Grenze jedoch erfüllt es die Funktion eines signifikanten Kontrasts, der als Gegenbild gerade die Identität des Eigenen verstärken kann.252

Designating her German servants as stupid and incompetent, she distances herself from them and seeks to exalt herself. Her personal premises including her lack of the German language as well as her high social affiliation evoked Wilmot´s dismissive reaction.

Then the lodgings! The necessity of roomy ones on account of health, as they use stoves! What we have got are to cost 130 [pounds] (one hundred and thirty) a year, and there is not one individual article of furniture in them, we must buy it all, and sell it again when we are going away. Our wood is to be laid in […] I must tell you that in expences we are disappointed—everything except luxuries is as dear as in England: dress, dearer, worse and a year behind us in fashion; Tay

250 vgl. Deeg, Stefan, Das Eigene und das Andere. Strategien der Fremddarstellung in Reiseberichten, in: Michel, Paul (Hrsg.), Symbolik von Weg und Reise (1992), 186. 251 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 23. 252 vgl. Schäffter, Ortfried, Das Fremde. Erfahrungsmöglichkeiten zwischen Faszination und Bedrohung, Darmstadt 1991. 19. 87 and sugar enormous. However there are glass konvaniences to be had in abundance, and fruit and flowers dirt cheap—parquet flours—Carpits if you chuse to give a daughters dowery for them, and if you do, the Moths eat them up to riddles in the summer. We happened luckily to bring a few knives with us which are invaluable, as is a small tayput—but the bedding !! no tongue can tell it, and as for a double bed, there is but one in Vienna (John Bloomfield tells me!) and that is Lady Stewart´s, so English Turtle doves place two together to make believe tis one, and we have purchased leather sheets, exquisite things, one to serve as an under, the other as an upper blanket, for a blanket is not to be had for gold and precious stones.[…] Such a thing as a bed curtain is not known, […]253

Her colloquial and highly emotional writing style reveals Wilmot´s profound discontented situation. By criticizing the unavailability of double beds, bed sheets and bed curtains as well as by complaining about the high prices of luxuries, she not only emphasizes shortcomings of the Austrian lifestyle but also conveys a judgmental negative picture of Austria to the reader. In contrast to Martha Wilmot Bradford´s descriptions of the Austrian accommodation, Frances Milton Trollope prefers to maintain a less emotional mode of expression when providing her readership with essential pieces of information.

Damit du für den Fall, dass du einmal hierher kommen solltest, besser unterrichtet bist als ich, will ich dir sagen, dass diese Wohnung, die wir glücklicherweise gefunden haben, aus sieben mäßig großen Zimmern samt einer kleinen Küche besteht, wofür wir bis zum siebenten Mai des nächsten Jahres hundert Pfund Sterling bezahlen müssen. Die Lehre unseres mühsamen Suchens scheint daher zu sein, dass es hier viel schwerer ist als in Paris, eine Wohnung zu finden, und dass sie, wenn man eine findet, teurer und überdies viel schlechter eingerichtet ist. Die Fenster haben zum Beispiel Draperien, aber keine Vorhänge; die Sofas und Stühle sind statt mit Seide oder Samt mit buntem Kattun überzogen, und statt der Himmelbetten, die in Paris ein Schlafgemach häufig in ein Prunkzimmer verwandeln, sind unsere kleinen, hölzernen Liegestätten, obschon sie recht nett aussehen, nicht über drei Fuß breit, und von Draperie ist nicht die geringste Spur zu sehen.254

Considering their writing styles, Trollope´s relief to finally have found an apartment seems to exceed any inconvenience whereas Wilmot conveys a highly irritable and slightly envious impression. While Wilmot describes the lodging situation with an overtone of annoyance and exclamation, Frances elaborates on her inconveniences in a more rational manner. Nevertheless, they both consider the search for affordable lodgings as burdensome and emphasize the lack of deficiencies such as bed curtains. Also, what needs to be taken into account are Trollope´s and Wilmot´s different writing formats; while Trollope is well aware of her profession as an author who pursues to inform her readership with useful information

253 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 20. 254 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 95. 88 but also entertaining anecdotes, Wilmot´s writing format represents a personal letter that was intended to be read only by the person addressed. In terms of hospitality, Hester Piozzi was very pleased with the innkeepers´ services at Innsbruck. What she emphasizes in her records is the female servants´ neat looking appearance and their impeccable service, which mirrors Piozzi´s personal interest in the female image existing in foreign countries.

And it is no small comfort to find one´s self one more waited on by clean looking females, who make your bed, sweep your room etc. while the pewters in the little neat kitchens, as one passes through, amaze me with their brightness, that I feel as if in a new world, it is so long since I have seen any metal but gold unencrusted by nastiness, and gold will not be dirty.255

Besides her special attention on foreign women, it appears she likes to boast of being able to enjoy their service. Considering her choice of words, she is insinuating her wealthy lifestyle that she was able to maintain at her husband´s place in Italy because she discloses to be accustomed to use precious golden tableware rather than metal ones. Accordingly, by conveying her personal impressions gained at Austria, she takes advantage to present herself in a positive way to London´s readership. Due to Piozzi´s longstanding stay at Italy, she started to assimilate into its society. As a consequence, her assimilation caused her to feel partially Italian; therefore, she tends to draw various comparisons with the Italian culture rather than her native culture. When reflecting on Austrian customs, she notices them to be very different from Italian ones.

So different are the customs here and at Venice, that the German ladies offer you chocolate on the same salver with coffee, of an evening, and fill up both with milk; saying that you may have the latter quite black if you chuse it—“ Tout noir, Monsieur, á la Venetienne;”—adding their best advice not to risqué a practice so unwholesome.256

While in Italy it is usual to get offered only black coffee, in Austria people prefer to add milk whenever possible; however, they also grant the opportunity to opt for the healthier, Venetian version with which she seems very familiar. Considering Martha Wilmot Bradford´s experiences in the Salzkammergut, she and her family were met with a warm welcome at their arrival in Bad Ischl as their hosts, the Imperial Blacksmith and his wife, received them at their house with self-made produce.

255 vgl. Piozzi Lynch, Hester, Observations and Reflections Made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy, and Germany, London 1789. 270f. 256 vgl. Piozzi, Hester, Observations and Reflections made in the Course of a Journey through France, Italy and Germany, London 1789. 314. 89 I found the door of the house interwoven with flowers, a large plumb cake, indeed two, lying on a table in my bed chamber, with a pyramid of fresh butter decked with flowers, as an offering of welcome—the house stocked with something of everything necessary for living; flower pots in all the rooms—and the rooms freshness and cleanliness and niceness itself, all in the cottage whitewashed style, […] I call them Vulcan and Venus—and like other heathen divinities Vulcan changes himself now and then into a shepherd, in which character he has already given us a grand entertainement [sic] in the mountains, begging us to invite all our acquaintances,[…]But this mountain life is, as I say, […] living a hundred years before we were born. The living is as cheap as it was in England 50 years ago—but the houses dear.257

What mirrors Martha´s statement is the locals´ adaption to economic changes. Due to industrialization, international trade of iron products declined and forced local people to find new ways to maintain a livelihood. Considering the tremendous rise of summer visitors in the Salzkammergut in the early nineteenth century, locals´ sensed a forthcoming lucrative business. Thus, the blacksmith´s host gifts and prompting to invite as many people as they like not only evinces his exceeding hospitality but also his endeavor to become a known and successful innkeeper among the infamous summer visitors in the Salzkammergut. Apart from the economic circumstances, Martha´s statement above reveals her opinion on the alpine lifestyle which she perceives retrogressive and outdated. Her description and perception of the Alpine surroundings even evokes the impression of a lost world. Nevertheless, she takes great delight in the blacksmith´s hospitality. Having invited many Austrian aristocrats to the blacksmith´s house for a large dinner party, Martha offered a dish typical of the English cuisine including plum pudding and roast beef. We had a large party to dinner to-day. We had promised the Stürmers an English roast beef, mashed potatoes and plumb pudding (the three things which I have uniformly found make the deepest impression on strangers who visit England) and it ended in our inviting the Landgrave and Landgravine Fürstenberg, Pss Hohenzollern, la Duchesse d ´Acerenza, Css. Leoben […] what amused me not was that the Landgrave is ´Grand Master of the Kitchen´to the Emperor, and consequently the first judge of good eating in the Empire, so that poor dear Nurse, had she known for whom she was cooking a dinner would probably have spoilt all from anxiety to do it well—as it was, Baron Stürmer told me afterwards that the Landgrave had remarked to him how good it was, and I observed him eat a second time of the plumb pudding, a rare event in Germany, where dishes are handed round, and people are seldom offered a dish a second time.258

257 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 273f. 258 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 275. 90 Hoping to please her guests, Martha ordered her housemaid to prepare an English dish for the Austrian company in order to make them encounter how exquisite the English cuisine was. Accordingly, the dinner party consisting of Austrian and British personalities enabled an intercultural exchange of cultural values. On the one hand, the Austrian guests became accustomed to the English cuisine; on the other hand, Martha Wilmot experienced German table manners that she perceives very different from British ones. After all, mutual hospitality and respectful behavior enabled both country peoples to benefit from this intercultural encounter. Another experience that Martha gained was when she and her companions dined at an inn amidst of an Alpine pasture near Bad Ischl. There she became acquainted with the Austrian cookery that strictly differentiated between different social classes.

When we arrived at the Alpe, which we did by scambling up with the help of iron- spiked staffs, each provided with a grappling iron, we were received by the hofSmidt´s [sic] wife, a right clever-looking woman in her costume.She had provided a capital dinner (a soup, knödel—dumplings—of bread and currants, GebackeneHändel—a national dish, chickens cut up and fried in clarified butter with parley [sic] after having been dipped in the yolk of an egg, then powdered with flour, and then covered with fine bread-crumbs—Sallad, KoltzknechtKnödel [sic]—Woodcutter´s dumpling, a sort of rice moistened with butter for the rich, and water for the poor, boiled in salt and water for the poor, fried with butter for the rich in little round balls—bread, butter, honey, cream, coffee, and I forgot to mention boiled beef, without which a German never dines).259 Besides elaborating on different ways of cooking Austrian dishes, Martha´s writing style and words of choice provide information on contemporary circumstances; for instance, the fact that she was using grappling iron mirror the early stages of mountaineering that were pioneered in the Alps by British mountaineers in the early nineteenth century. Additionally, Martha´s description of the Alpine host wearing a dirndl conveys the impression of the healthy and nature-related lifestyle of the locals, which represented a widespread cliché created by the bourgeoisie during the era of romanticism. The numerous invitations that Martha and her family had received by the Austrian aristocratic summer visitors prove the country people´s hospitality but also indicate the Wilmots´ involvement and integration in the noblest circles in Austria. Many noblemen even possessed majestic manors at the lakes in the Salzkammergut where to the Wilmots were often invited for dinners and parties. In the following journal entry, Martha describes a tea party at the landgrave Fürstenberg´s place where she was appointed to prepare English tea.

259 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 276f. 91 When we went there, the Archduke Maximilian (to whom William was presented in the morning) was already arrived, a large party for Ischl soon assembled, […] a table laid out with all sorts of refreshments and the, which tea I made (as English ladies are supposed by other nations to have a peculiar gift, for making tea well, and the Landgrave had fixed his heart on my doing so), the consequence was agreeable to me, as it placed me on the left side of the Archduke, who most graciously addressed me first in French, and afterwards in English, which he speaks admirably well.260

What again is noticeable in Martha´s records is the Austrians enormous interest in the British culture. As drinking tea has ever since been associated with Great Britain, the anglophile Austrian landgrave was apparently hoping to experience a bit of English tea culture at his house by having his British guest prepare the beverage. However, in terms of Martha´s experience, the acquaintance with the Archduke Maximilian seemed to be of much greater interest to her. The preparation of tea is also addressed by Frances Trollope who praises the Austrian method to cook tea. In January 1837, Trollope was at the ball of the Turkish envoy where she discovered a modern contrivance for preparing tea.

Die Teebereitung ist hier zu einer Wissenschaft und zu einer Vollkommenheit gediehen, von der man bei uns zu Hause nicht einmal zu träumen wagt. Erstens übertreffen die hiesigen, weit besseren Teesorten, die man, wie ich glaube, häufig als Geschenk aus Russland erhält, an Geschmack bei weitem alle Sorten, die ich bis jetzt kennen gelernt habe; zweitens wird nicht nur der Teekessel stets durch Spiritus am Kochen gehalten, sondern auch die Teekannen stehen auf Gestellen, unter welchen Flammen derselben Art brennen, so dass man kalten oder schwachen Tee hier nicht kennt. Dieser Vorzug, starken Tee nach Belieben stets zur Hand zu haben, ohne wie in London die Treppe in die Küche hinuntergehen zu müssen, ist vor allem für die Mütter hübscher Töchter ein großer Trost, deren Pflicht es ist, ihre Augen offen zu halten, so lange Geigen sprechen und Füße ihnen antworten.261 Although Great Britain has been renowned for her tea, Frances Trollope expresses her fascination for the sophisticated modality of preparing tea in Vienna. Due to her native culture, she is accustomed to drink not only hot and strong tea but also cold and weak one. What is also surprising is that she considers the variety and the excellent taste of teas available in Vienna even to exceed the British ones. Also, she refers to the different types of tea as host gifts that she assumes imported by Russian visitors; as a matter of fact, during Metternich´s era a great number of Russian aristocrats visited Vienna in order to experience

260 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 285. 261 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 224. 92 Metternich´s glamorous waltzing society.262 This kind of information can also be gathered from Martha Bradford´s letters and her journal. Another difference between the Austrian and British drinking habits could also be detected by Trollope that she attempts to have confirmed by incorporating an amusing anecdote conveyed by an Austrian anglophile.

Der größte Unterschied zwischen Wien und London in den Mahlzeiten besteht jedoch[…], in der Menge des Weines, der getrunken wird. Ich fürchte, dass die Engländer trotz aller Reformen in dieser Beziehung den Österreichern als arge Zecher erscheinen müssen, und im Vergleich zu ihnen sind sie es auch. Obwohl sie alle ein wenig davon zu sich nehmen – genauso wie sie ein wenig Eis genießen oder etwas schwarzen Kaffee trinken -, ist das übliche Getränk sowohl der Männer als auch der Frauen Wasser, dies aber in so reichlichem Maße, dass es uns stets in Erstaunen versetzte. Kurz, es herrscht unter den Österreichern die äußerste Mäßigkeit, dass ihnen die Art, wie man in England zu leben pflegt, fast bacchantisch vorkommen muss. Ich unterhielt mich kürzlich mit einem österreichischen Kavalier, dem man nachsagt, er neige sehr stark zur Anglomanie; […]Aber auch er konnte sich, als er mit liebenswürdiger Begeisterung die Schönheiten Englands aufzählte, nicht enthalten hinzuzufügen: „Es gibt nur eine Sache, die mir missfällt…ich kann ihr unmäßiges Weintrinken nicht vertragen.“263 Despite the Austrians´ desire for entertainment, their craving for wine and other kinds of spirits is very restrained. In contrast, the British appear to be very demanding epicures who indulge themselves in drinking vast amounts of wine. Consequently, Trollope is very surprised by the Austrians´ modest consumption of luxury food including coffee, ice cream, and wine. Besides their modest consumption of food and drinks, the Austrian crème de la crème attaches great importance to create a pleasant atmosphere by having the dining tables set in a very elegant way.

Die Mode, die Tafel so elegant wie möglich zu dekorieren und sie so bis zum Ende des Mahles zu lassen, ist in jeder Hinsicht viel besser als unser System, die Schüsseln auf den Tisch zu stellen, der fast unmittelbar darauf unansehnlich wird. Schönheit und Eleganz werden durch diese Methode zweifellos befördert, und auch ihr Einfluss auf die Konversationslust der Gäste ist günstig.[…] Gold- und Silbergeschirr in verschwenderischem Überfluss, Blumen, Vasen, Gruppen von Figuren, eine Menge Wachslichter (ich hab noch niemals eine Lampe auf oder über der Tafel gesehen) machen jenen Teil eines eleganten Wiener Diners aus, der für das Auge bestimmt ist, und sie sind jenen sowohl in London als auch in Paris bei weitem überlegen.264 Accordingly, she favors the Viennese style to dine over the British ones as she recognizes its advantages. What she is particularly amazed of is the abundance of precious silverware and

262 vgl. The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna 1819-1829, London 1935. 38. 263 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 213f. 264 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 212f. 93 golden plates. Although she has usually been very critical of social circumstances, she expresses her fascination of the aristocracy´s lavish lifestyle encountered in Vienna.

Au reste – la cuisine, dieser in aller Welt feststehende Begriff für menschliche Genüsse, ist hier überwiegend französisch, nur die Reihenfolge, in der die Schüsseln gereicht werden, entspricht mehr der Mode von London als jener von Paris. Eine viel gepriesene Delikatesse, die hier niemals fehlen darf, ist die paté de foie gras Bei einundzwanzig Mittagstafeln habe ich sie nur zweimal vermisst, und da auch kein Souper bei einem Ball ohne sie als vollständig betrachtet wird, so muss die Zahl krank gemästeter Gänse größer sein, als sich vorzustellen appetitlich ist. Considering the fact that Trollope had experienced severe poverty herself in England and America, she covers her satisfaction to mingle among the crème de la crème by using snobbism. As mentioned before, Trollope was delighted of the type of teas and the cuisine encountered among the Austrian nobility; however, she had complaint of the absence of tea pots and enjoyable coffee in the rural regions near the Austrian Bavarian border.

Zwar führen wir eigenen Tee mit uns, aber die ständige Schwierigkeit oder vielmehr Unmöglichkeit, eine Teekanne zu erhalten, bringt mit sich, dass wir nicht oft zu diesem Genuss kommen.[…]ein Teekessel ist in diesen Gegenden fast noch unbekannter als eine Teekanne.[…]so kamen wir denn häufig nach einer langen Fahrt an unserer ersten Raststation an, ohne etwas Besseres bekommen zu können als ungenießbaren Kaffee.265 The rural regions of Tyrol were dominated by peasants who lived on dairy farming. Due to the fact that tea was primarily consumed by the upper middle class, the demand for tea was nonexistent among the local peasantry of Tyrol. As a consequence, tea pots were unavailable and coffee waited on in rural inns only of low quality. Nevertheless, Trollope turned out to be satisfied by the Tyrolean breakfast received at an inn near Innsbruck despite initial hesitance.

Dieses gepriesene Frühstück bestand aus einer Schale frischer Milch und aus Brot. Warum wir dies, als wir es zum ersten Mal sahen, ablehnten, weiß ich selbst nicht. Aber das Aussehen des elenden Gasthauses, wo wir unser Frühstück, nachdem wir Landsberg verlassen hatten, einnehmen sollten, ließ uns den Versuch angebracht erscheinen, ob wir die Milch, welche unsere Gefährten mit solcher Wonne aus überlaufenden Schalen schlürften, nicht auch genießen könnten. Er glückte vollständig, und da wir nun ein Land wie Tirol betreten, das für seine Milchwirtschaft berühmter ist als wegen jedes anderen Produktes, hätten wir in der Tat keine bessere Entdeckung machen können.266

265 vgl. Trollope, Frances, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 34. 266 vgl. ebd. 35 94 Due to her companions´ delight of the Tyrolean breakfast comprising of a bowl of milk and a piece of bread, Trollope was persuaded to try the local produce. At another inn near Innsbruck, they were pleased with a dessert consisting of wild strawberries that were characteristic of the Alpine nature in Tyrol.

Zum Nachtisch wurden die schönsten Walderdbeeren, die ich je gegessen habe, gereicht, und zwar in verschwenderischer Fülle. Wir erfuhren vom Aufwärter, der uns bediente, dass es diese Früchte noch vier bis sechs Wochen geben würde, da die Bergbauernkinder jedes Hotel der Stadt damit im Überfluss versorgten. Je weiter die Jahreszeit vorrückt, müssen sie die Beeren immer höher und höher auf den Bergen suchen, und die letzten werden häufig dort gesammelt, wo fast jede andere Vegetation aufhört.267 Thus, local inns in Tyrol not only offered self-made produce but also were provided with wild strawberries by the children of indigenous mountain peasants nearby. With regard to Trollope´s native culture that was coined by industrialization and international trade, she was accustomed to all kinds of products and luxuries. However, her descent into poverty caused her to appreciate the modest way of living too as she enjoys Tyrol and its agricultural society that subsisted only on farming. All in all, Piozzi, Wilmot, and Trollope were delighted of the Austrians´ hospitality. However, what was met with disappointment was the insufficient and overcharged lodgings encountered at Austria which can be deduced to the yet unsophisticated business of tourism.

6. RESULTS AND RESUMEE

The preceding analysis has substantiated not only the close interrelation between the traveler´s cultural background and its effects on his perception but also the strong influence of the journey´s purpose on the author´s writing style. Providing the results of the analysis, answers to the guiding questions will be elaborated on chronologically

As stated in Herman Bausinger´s anthology, in the second half of the eighteenth century a shift of perspective unfolded that placed the perceiving subject of travel accounts in the focus of attention. Travel writers were no longer restricted to report in an objective and rational way; instead, readership expected them to present their personal point of views of the world. This change of perspective in narrative writing represented an advantage for Hester Piozzi who escaped Great Britain´s constraining female image to travel Europe. The gradual shift from enlightened to romantic literature enabled her to present her new identity and

267 vgl. Trollope, France, Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Wien 2003. 42. 95 lifestyle to the British society that had been gossiping ever since she left. While women were only expected to cover “female” topics, it was a scandal that Piozzi also uttered her personal standpoint on typical “male” topics such as politics and religion using the personal pronoun “I” to demonstrate that it was her personal views that mattered. Considering the fact that the English nation assumed her marriage to be a misalliance, Piozzi aimed at proving her husband´s higher social status by frequently insinuating her exquisite lifestyle that she claimed to have maintained at Italy. Accordingly, the shift in perspective in travel literature provided her with the opportunity to demonstrate her new identity in the form of her travel narrative to the British society. While Hester Piozzi was one of the few pioneering female travel writers in the eighteenth century who was seeking recognition in the literary canon, it was easier for Wilmot and Trollope to become successful authors in the midst of the romantic era as the profession of female authorship had already been accomplished at the end of the eighteenth century. An important caesura represented the French Revolution in 1789 which contributed to the tremendous rise of romantic literature. Considering socio-political changes, people were increasingly longing for retreat and quiet. With reference to Jon Mathieu´s analysis, urbanization, spa tourism, and transit traffic caused people to escape from crowded and rebellious urban areas to deserted places of pristine nature. In terms of Martha Wilmot, her journal and letters covered topics that are characteristics of 19th century travel accounts including experiences at spas, escape from urban centers to summer retreats, encounters with Habsburg family members in the Salzkammergut as well as illustrations of subjective sensations in nature that are conveyed in a most allusive and graphic narrative style. As Wilmot travelled the Salzkammergut simply for pleasure, her travel journal and letters represent an example of early tourism emerging in Austria. Initiated by Laurence Stern´s groundbreaking Sentimental Journey, travel accounts no longer aimed at the education of mind; instead, it intended the education of the heart. What caused travel writers to feel inspired by Laurence Stern´s as well as Burke Edmund´s pieces of literature was the trend of hiking that set in about 1800 encouraging society to reconcile with nature and perceive its beauty. Eventually, the transition from the enlightened to the romantic era was fully accomplished by 1800. Similar to Wilmot, Trollope was adventurous and curious about Austria. However, the purpose of her journey was more sophisticated because she had planned to write and publish her observations about the most flamboyant city of Europe during the era of restoration. As a matter of fact, her travel account resembles partly of letters as she addresses the reader

96 directly by asking questions. By applying the pronoun ´you´ in her writings, the author establishes an intimate atmosphere so that the reader gains the impression to be part of the stories. What makes her travel account very particular from the present point of view is that it can be regarded as a forerunner of the Bedaecker travel guidebooks. Nevertheless, Trollope´s travel writing exhibits typical literary features of the romantic era, such as gothic descriptions to convey mystical impressions. After all, Trollope´s account mirrors her aspirations as a credible author of the romantic era. Having provided the results regarding the effects of the enlightened and romantic era on the authors´ travel accounts, their similar mode of perception in terms of Anglophilia, Catholic traditions, and the boundary between aristocracy and bourgeoisie will be presented. Considering the fact that Piozzi, Wilmot, and Trollope descended from the same cultural background, they shared some cultural knowledge they referred to when perceiving and presenting aspects of the unknown culture of Austria. One prominent characteristic of the Austrian culture represented the prevailing anglophile tendencies among the Austrian upper classes of which all three authors were very delighted by. They conveyed their anglophile experiences in Austria by applying equalization and parallelization, but also by naming differences to their familiar world. While Wilmot recognized English horse races in Austria to differ from the original ones, Trollope was fascinated by the Austrians´ passion about English literature that she perceived to equal with her fellow countrymen. Additionally, Piozzi was captivated by the emperor´s affinity for English sports. Another similarity in perception is noticeable in terms of Austria´s Catholic customs and traditions. While Piozzi considered the numerous wayside shrines in Austria as eerie, Trollope was confused about the population´s grief observed at the emperor´s grave on All Saints´ Day. Due to the fact they were British Protestant, they were tied to a certain standpoint which they were not able to abandon. Nonetheless, Piozzi´s aversion to erected crucifixes and wayside shrines appeared slightly surprising as she had already become familiar with erected Madonnas and crucifixes in Italy; yet, the ones in Austria she perceived uncanny and odd. After all, they were prevented to gain a full understanding of the Austrian Catholic traditions and customs owing to their British Protestant roots. Apart from similar perceptions of anglophile affinities and catholic traditions, Wilmot and Trollope also noticed the invisible but tangible boundary between the Austrian aristocracy and bourgeoisie. As both authors became well integrated into Vienna´s noblest circles, they were able to observe peculiarities from within, yet, with the awareness of an outsider. In terms of the British culture, the bourgeoisie was not strictly excluded from the aristocratic circles

97 what explains Trollope´s and Wilmot´s dismay over the Austrian aristocracy´s disagreeable and aloof behavior towards people outside their class. Considering Austria´s cultural characteristics such as Anglophilia, Catholic traditions, the strict distinction between aristocracy and bourgeoisie, all of them shared very similar opinions resulting from their common cultural background. Accordingly, Stefan Deeg´s assumption that perception was closely connected with one´s culture of origin could be proven since all of them displayed similar reactions to familiar aspects encountered in an unknown world. Although Stefan Deeg´s assumption could be substantiated, it must be emphasized that individual premises and circumstances affected travelers´ perception as well so that different views were created. These individual premises and circumstances included among others the times of travel, mode of transport, weather conditions, prior knowledge, bias, social status, personal attitudes and experiences: When crossing the rural areas of Austria on coach, they all noticed some peculiarities; for instance, the way of hay harvest, the yodeling of the peasant girls, the nature´s variety, as well as the majestic and sublime mountains. However, what must be taken into account are the different times when their travel accounts were written and published. During Piozzi´s heydays, mountains were still regarded with fear whereas during Trollope´s and Wilmot´s stay in Austria, mountains were associated with astonishment, beauty, and freedom. In the eighteenth century, the Alpine mountains were still considered as a looming danger that was rather avoided by the broad mass. Therefore, not before the onset of Alpine tourism in the early nineteenth century, the view on mountains gradually altered´. In this respect, Piozzi´s perception of the Alpine mountains differed from Trollope´s and Wilmot´s. It was also the selected mode of transport that incisively affected the traveler´s perception. Although the coach represented a great opportunity to watch and analyze the natural surroundings from an enclosed housing, it surely did not favor the acquisition of knowledge about a foreign culture but rather the traveler´s desire to travel comfortably and to observe the outside unknown from a safe distance. A sharp contrast to coach travelling represented walking and hiking. As socio-economic circumstances including urbanization and industrialization initiated the emergence of early tourism from 1800 onwards, hiking became the fashion among the upper classes. Martha Wilmot´s hiking experiences were mostly affected by profound sensations caused by the close encounter of the beautiful but also threatening Alpine terrain. What Wilmot´s experiences influenced as well were thunderstorms, the dangerous rocky pathless terrain, and the local mountain guide. Similarly, Frances Trollope preferred to discover the unknown on foot when hiking to the castle of

98 Johannesburg; however, her experience was less dangerously affected by the weather conditions; nonetheless, Wilmot and Trollope both presented their hikes as a rewarding and enjoying experience. Affected in a different way was Trollope´s journey on the ordinary-ship from Regensburg to Vienna. Since Trollope had expected great weather for the ship journey, she was very disappointed when it was wet and cold. Owing to her expectation, she conveyed a very disappointing impression of her journey on the Danube. After all, different impressions of Austria´s natural environment were generated by the impact of different modes of transport, the travelers´ differing expectations and the shifting views of the Alpine terrain in the course of the enlightened-romantic era. Considering the results of “society and its lifestyle”, the different point of times must be considered. During Piozzi´s visit at Vienna, the broad mass of population was still fully devoted to the ancient system whereas during Wilmot´s and Trollope´s journey political conflicts latently existed among the population threatening the old system. Even though England became increasingly more critical of Austria´s suppressive political system during the era of restoration, Wilmot and Trollope described aspects of the Austrian culture and society they liked. In contrast to Wilmot´s and Trollope´s time of travel writing, it was unusual to address political matters during Piozzi´s time expressing her approval of Joseph II and his way of reigning Austria. One reason for her expressed approval of the ancien regime was certainly to arouse attention in her home country as most Britons opposed Austria´s regime. However, what particularly dominated Piozzi´s travel journal was her focus on foreign women. When travelling Austria, she criticized among others the Tyrolean females´ unattractive appearance; yet, uttered her admiration for the refined intellect of Vienna´s women. It was also cultural bias that influenced her perception; while she generalized the Italian people to be feisty, she believed to discover the phlegmatic disposition of the German at Vienna´s museums. While Piozzi´s perception was severely affected by prejudices and her difficult biography, Wilmot´s perception was restricted by her lack of German and her involvement in Austria´s upper class. Her poor capacity to speak German repeatedly provoked misunderstandings when communicating with her German servants so that she was dependent on her German translator. Since she only mixed and mingled among Austria´s aristocracy anyway, she could rely on communicating in French, Italian, or English. It was also her life at Russia that influenced her views of Vienna as the city reminded her of Moscow. What intensified this impression were similar daily routines among the upper class as well as the

99 presence of numerous Russian aristocrats at Vienna. As a result, Wilmot loved to spend the summer at the Salzkammergut where she enjoyed regular trips and social gatherings with the crème de la crème. While Wilmot´s journal and letters were written solely from the perspective of an upper-class lady, Trollope´s account was rather composed from the view of a middle-class person. Due to her strokes of fate, she had experienced severe poverty which resulted in her social awareness. The horrendous circumstances that she had experienced in America—the apparent country of freedom per se—caused her vehement disapproval of the political system of democracy. Eventually, her past experiences tremendously contributed to her conservative views and high expectations of conservative Vienna. Based on Trollope´s great fascination for Metternich, she created an exaggerated image of him. It is also noticeable that she attributed to Metternich´s political system the Austrians´ peaceful and joyful lifestyle. Despite her delight of the Austrians´ pleasure in entertainment, she often scathingly criticized certain aspects. For example, she criticized the poor performance of Vienna´s opera singers, the Austrians´ affinity for Lanner and Strauß, as well as the appearance of Austrian Gentlemen at the French ambassador´s gala. Since Austrian classical music was very popular among the British population, Trollope had high expectations which could not be fulfilled. While her high expectations on the opera were met with disappointment, she considered the Austrian passion for waltzing as a temporary fashion trend that she became tired of. Moreover, she uttered fierce criticism on the gentlemen´s appearance whereby she expressed her pro- feminist and anti-democratic stance. Considering their impressions of accommodation and hospitality in Austria, they uttered mixed views. While all of them were very pleased with the Austrians´ hospitality and courtesy, finding a suitable lodging was considered very burdensome. What affected Wilmot´s high demands for lodgings were her exquisite living standards that she had become accustomed to at Russia causing her to complain about the lack of available resources in Austria. Her social status likewise affected her encounter with the Austrian cuisine as she only was provided with the most delicate dishes. In contrast, Trollope not only experienced Vienna´s delicate food but also the food of rural areas served at Tyrolean inns. There she complained of undrinkable coffee but was pleased of the Tyrolean peasants´ dairy produce. Considering Trollope´s premises, formative experiences gathered in America as well as high expectations of Metternich´s regime influenced her views. Having summarized the results of the preceding analysis, it must be clear that not only the traveler´s cultural background but also highly individual circumstances affect his perspective.

100 Accordingly, Harbsmeier´s assumption can be confirmed stating travel accounts give proof of the travel writer´s cultural mentality as well as of his specific way of thinking. Lastly, the investigation has shown that all three authors shared very similar views of the Austrian culture which can be deduced from their common cultural background. Nevertheless, when comparing their travel accounts, it has become obvious that views of unknown aspects can differ due to highly individual premises. What might take further investigation are cause and effect of cultural prejudices on the traveler´s views as well as the behavior pattern between the Austrian aristocracy and bourgeoisie. Although there were some cultural aspects they disapproved of, the British women enjoyed their stay at Austria, fulfilled their purposes of their journeys, encountered familiar and unfamiliar cultural aspects as well as provided an insight into a long past Austrian society once dominated by the ancien regime.

101 7. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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SECONDARY LITERATURE

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105 INTERNETSOURCES

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106 8. APPENDIX REGISTER

Image 1

Zillich, Bernd, available online, [07/15/2017].

Image 2

Thrale, David, Thrale History, 2017, available online, < www.thrale.com/hester_thrale_> [09/20/2017].

Image 3

Thrale, David, Thrale History, 2017, available online, < www.thrale.com/hester_thrale_> [09/20/2017].

Image 4

Stewart E. and Hyde, H.M., (Hrsg.), The Russian Journals of Martha and Katherine Wilmot, London 1934.

Image 5

The Marchioness of Londonderry (Hrsg.), More Letters from Martha Wilmot. Impressions of Vienna, London 1935. 14

Image 6

Diniejko, Andrzej, Frances Trollope: A Maternal Feminist and Social Reformer, University of Warsaw 2014, available online, [12/20/2017].

Image 7

D´Annunzio, Gabriele, 2017, available online,

Image 8

Garstenauer, Rudolf (Hrsg.), Ein Winter in der Kaiserstadt. Wien im Jahre 1836, Frankfurt am Main 1980. 336.

107 9. ATTACHMENTS

Image 1: Multi-ethnic Empire of Habsburg Austria

108

Image 2: Portrait of Hester Lynch Thrale Piozzi

109

Image 3: Hester Thrale sketch in 1793 by George Dance

110

Image 4: Portrait of Martha Wilmot, taken in Russia by an unknown artist.

111

Image 5: Photography of old Martha Wilmot Bradford

112

Image 6: Portrait of Frances Milton Trollope

113

Image 7: Painted by Auguste Hervieu in 1837

114

Image 8: Map showing Trollope´s planned route of her Grand Tour through Europe 1836/37

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