The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica

The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica treats a singular case study of the use of music to resist oppression, combat evil, and fight injustice. Cantica, better known as Inno delle nazioni / Hymn of the Nations, commissioned from Italy’s foremost composer to represent the newly independent nation at the 1862 London International Exhibition, served as a national voice of pride and of protest for Italy across two centuries and in two very different political situations. The book unpacks, for the first time, the full history of Verdi’s composition from its creation, performance, and publication in the 1860s through its appropriation as purposeful social and political commentary and of its perception by American broadcast media as a ‘weapon of art’ in the mid twentieth century. Based on largely untapped primary archival and other documentary sources, journalistic writings, and radio and film scripts, the project discusses the changing meanings of the composition over time. It not only unravels the complex history of the work in the nineteenth century, of greater significance it offers the first fully documented study of the performances, radio broadcast, and filming of the work by the renowned Italian conductor Arturo Toscanini during World War II. In presenting new evidence about ways in which Verdi’s music was appropriated by expatriate Italians and the United States government for cross-cultural propaganda in America and in Italy, it addresses the intertwining of Italian and American culture with regard to art, politics, and history; and investigates the ways in which the press and broadcast media helped construct a musical weapon that traversed ethnic, aesthetic, and temporal boundaries to make a strong political statement. ROYAL MUSICAL ASSOCIATION MONOGRAPHS

General Editor: Simon P. Keefe

This series is supported by funds made available to the Royal Musical Association from the estate of Thurston Dart, former King Edward Professor of Music at the University of London. The editorial board is the Publications Committee of the Association.

Recent monographs in the series (for a full list, see the end of this book):

Heinrich Schenker and Beethoven’s ‘Hammerklavier’ Sonata Nicholas Marston

Regina Mingotti: Diva and Impresario at the King’s Theatre, London Michael Burden

Brahms Beyond Mastery: His Sarabande and Gavotte, and its Recompositions Robert Pascall

The Politics of Plainchant in fin-de-siècle France Katharine Ellis

Skryabin, Philosophy and the Music of Desire Kenneth M. Smith ROYAL MUSICAL ASSOCIATION MONOGRAPHS 24

The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica

Roberta Montemorra Marvin First published 2014 by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © Roberta Montemorra Marvin 2014

Roberta Montemorra Marvin has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice. Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: Marvin, Roberta Montemorra. The politics of Verdi’s Cantica / by Roberta Montemorra Marvin. pages cm. – (Royal Musical Association monographs) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4094-1785-9 (hardcover) 1. Verdi, Giuseppe, 1813–1901. Inno delle nazioni. 2. Music–Political aspects–History–19th century. 3. Music–Political aspects–History–20th century. I. Title. ML410.V4M28 2014 782.42092–dc23 2014000533

ISBN 9781409417859 (hbk) Contents

List of Figures and Tables vii List of Music Examples ix Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations and Sigla xv A Note on Translations, Titles, and Bibliographic Citations xvii

1 Introduction 1

2 Verdi’s Cantica: Behind the Scenes 19

3 The Public Face of Verdi’s Cantica 37

4 Toscanini’s “Weapon of Art” 69

5 Toscanini’s Film: Voices of Protest and Veiled Messages 83

Appendix A Texts for Verdi’s Works on Toscanini’s Programs 127

Appendix B Film Scripts and Commentaries 135

Bibliography of Sources Consulted 161 Index 175

List of Figures and Tables

Figures

3.1 Cover of the first edition of Inno delle nazioni, Milan: Ricordi, 1862 (plate no. 34275) 50

4.1 Program for Toscanini’s July 26, 1915, Concert in Milan 70 4.2 Program for Toscanini’s January 31, 1943, NBC Radio Broadcast 72

Tables

3.1 Text modifications in the London publications of Cantica 49 3.2 Music performed before and after the Inaugural Concert for the London International Exhibition, May 1, 1862 53 3.3 Performances of Inno delle nazioni in London in 1862 62

5.1 Introductions for individual Italian film participants 98

List of Music Examples

1.1 Inno delle nazioni, “Gloria pei cieli altissimi” passage, mm. 36–39 (chorus) 15 1.2 Inno delle nazioni, “In questo dì giocondo” passage, mm. 48–56 (chorus, soprano line) 15 1.3 Inno delle nazioni, “Signor che sulla terra” passage, mm. 138–146 (solo tenor) 16

Acknowledgments

My work on this project could not have been accomplished without the assistance of numerous individual and institutions. It is my pleasure to acknowledge them here. Much of my research was made possible with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities, both a Fellowship for University Teachers and a Summer Stipend.1 The University of Iowa supported my work through the Arts and Humanities Initiative, as well as a Stanley International Programs–Obermann Center Award. The University’s Obermann Center for Advanced Studies provided working space for part of the time that I spent on the project, as well as technological assistance in its early stages. The staff of the Library of Congress Music Division and ofthe NBC History Archive provided invaluable assistance with the radio broadcast materials and office documents; thanks especially to my good colleague and friend at the Library Denise Gallo, whose ongoing interest in my work is very much appreciated. The staff at the New York Public Library at Lincoln Center, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations, was exceedingly helpful and accommodating during my work with the archival materials in the Toscanini Legacy Collection; thanks go in particular to Bob Kosovsky. The librarian and archivist of the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (London), Nicola Allen, opened the archives to me and assisted with my search for materials related to the 1862 London International Exhibition. The University of Iowa Special Collections and Interlibrary Loan Departments went the extra mile to get what I needed to complete the project. The staff of the British Library’s Music and Rare Books Room and Manuscript Room, the National Art Library at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London, the National Archives and Research Administration in College Park, Maryland, and the Wisconsin Historical Society in Madison answered questions and helped locate resources in their collections. Documents indispensable to unraveling the history of Inno delle nazioni were provided by the American Institute for Verdi Studies (AIVS) in New York and the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Verdiani (INSV) in Parma. I am indebted to their former directors, the late Martin Chusid and the late Pierluigi Petrobelli, respectively, for their generosity in opening these facilities to me. Special thanks go to Francesco Izzo, who patiently and devotedly worked to locate documents for me in the rich collection of the AIVS, and to Marisa Di Gregorio Casati, who researched the holdings at INSV to locate several letters concerning

1 The opinions set forth here do not necessarily reflect those of the Endowment. The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica the Inno delle nazioni. Maria Mercedes Carrara Verdi and her family generously allowed citation of letters preserved at the Villa Verdi in The Works of Giuseppe Verdi; those documents are quoted here from that publication. My thanks go also to the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence, the Biblioteca del Conservatorio “Giuseppe Verdi” in Milan, and the Biblioteca del Museo Civico del Risorgimento in Bologna for their responses to inquiries. I am deeply indebted to Harvey Sachs for his interest in my project and his generous support of my request for permissions to cite documents held in the Toscanini Legacy Papers at the New York Public Library at Lincoln Center; without his assistance this project could not have come to fruition in its present form. Special thanks go to Liana Toscanini, whose prompt responses to my inquiries facilitated the process, and to Allan Steckler, who kindly granted permission to publish all that I requested. Lippincott Massie McQuilkin, the literary agency that handles the estate of May Sarton, kindly granted permission to publish the draft script for the Hymn of the Nations film; I wish to thank Derek Parsons, agency assistant, for his help in that process. Finally, Misha Lee, Gillian Lusins, and Scott Norman at NBC Universal efficiently handled permissions to publish documents from the NBC History Archive. Several individuals provided valuable input into this project. Much of the research for Chapters 2 and 3 was undertaken during my work on the critical edition of Inno delle nazioni for The Works of Giuseppe Verdi,2 with which Philip Gossett and Kathleen Hansell provided invaluable assistance. A variety of matters large and small have been addressed with the assistance of Rick Altman, Christina Bashford, Barry Sterndale Bennett, George Biddlecombe, Alessandra Campana, Davide Ceriani, Rachel Cowgill, Gabriella Dideriksen, Mark Everist, Annegret Fauser, Linda B. Fairtile, Lewis Foreman, Peter Horton, Robert Ketterer, Gundula Kreuzer, Simon McVeigh, James Parakilas, Roger Parker, Pamela Potter, David Rosen, Jesse Rosenberg, Julian Rushton, Christina Taylor Gibson, Pieter Van Nes, David Wright, and Susan Youens. Douglas Ipson, Chloe Valenti, and Flora Willson generously shared their unpublished work with me. Other colleagues and friends kept me sane and contented when working away from home: David Charlton, Richard Crawford, Charles Dill, Therese Ellsworth, Francesca Franchi, Al and Denise Gallo, Miriam Gilbert, Inge Newton, Hilary Poriss, Jackie Roe, Christopher Scheer, John Snelson, Grayson Wagstaff, Andrew Weaver, and Phyllis Weliver, among them. Faculty, colleagues, and staff at the University of Iowa, Diana Davies, Kristi Fitzpatrick, Carolyn Frisbie, Linda and Richard Kerber, Susan Malecki, Teresa Mangum, Elena Osinsky, William Reisinger, Jay Semel, Downing Thomas, and Karla Tonella facilitated my work in various ways over the years. A special thanks to David Gompper, who expertly prepared the musical

2 These chapters draw substantially on my historical introduction to that edition.

xii Acknowledgments examples. I was also fortunate to have assistance from some wonderful research assistants during their time at the University of Iowa, including Kathryn Fenton, Heather Foote, and Jennifer Jackson Peavy. With regard to publication of this book, Heidi Bishop, Emma Gallon, Laura Macy, and Barbara Pretty at Ashgate, as well as Mark Everist and Simon P. Keefe, editors of RMA Monographs at various times during the genesis of this work, exercised patience and showed support for the project throughout its gestation. Portions of this work were presented in various places over the years, including the American Musicological Society Annual Meeting in Washington, DC; the Second Biennial Conference of the North American British Music Studies Association, the Fifth Biennial Conference on Music in Nineteenth- Century Britain, the Music and Social History Seminar of the Institute for Musical Research at the University of London, colloquia at Catholic University of America, Oxford Brookes University, the University of Leeds, and the University of Iowa. The final study benefited from the perceptive comments and probing questions presented by audience members at these events. My thanks, as always, must also go to Jane A. Bernstein and Robert L. Marshall, the people who first taught me to cherish music scholarship and who remain valued mentors. My husband, Conrad, as always, patiently and supportively tolerated my years of work on this project; many years ago he awakened in me a deep appreciation for Arturo Toscanini, and it is therefore to Conrad that this book is dedicated.

RMM May 2014

xiii

Abbreviations and Sigla

AM L’art musical (Paris) BG Boston Globe DJM Dwight’s Journal of Music (Boston) DN Daily News (London) DT Daily Telegraph (London) GB-Lbl Great Britain, London, British Library GB-Lrsa Great Britain, London, Royal Society of Arts, Archive GMM Gazzetta musicale di Milano(Milan) I-PAi Italy, Parma, Istituto Nazionale di Studi Verdiani MH Morning Herald (London) MP Morning Post (London) MS Morning Star (London) MW The Musical World (London) NYES New York Evening Sun NYT New York Times NYWT New York World-Telegram ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Online edition [www.oxforddnb.com] OMO Oxford Music Online [www. oxfordmusiconline.com] RGM La revue et gazette musicale (Paris) Treccani.it: Dizionario Treccani.it: L’enciclopedia italiana: Dizionario biografico degli italiani [www.treccani.it/biografie] Treccani.it: Enciclopedia Treccani.it: L’enciclopedia italiana [www.treccani.it/enciclopedia] US-NARA United States, College Park, MD, National Archives and Records Administration US-NYaivs United States, New York University, American Institute for Verdi Studies US-NYp United States, New York Public Library at Lincoln Center, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations, Music Division, Toscanini Legacy Collection US-Mwhc, NBC United States, Madison,WI, Wisconsin Historical Society, NBC History Archive US-Wc, NBC United States, Washington, DC, Library of Congress, NBC History Archive

A Note on Translations, Titles, and Bibliographic Citations

All translations are mine unless noted. The original Italian is normally given only when it is not readily accessible in published form. The various titles of Verdi’s composition are used as follows: Cantica before its premiere, Inno delle nazioni after its premiere, and Hymn of the Nations with regard to Toscanini’s performances during World War II. The Bibliography of Sources Consulted contains full citations; all footnotes contain a short citation format. Abbreviations for archives and frequently cited journals, used in the footnotes, are found on p. xv.

1

Introduction

In a question-and-answer session at Georgetown University in Washington, DC, on December 14, 2009, then Secretary of State Hilary Rodham Clinton responded to a comment concerning the role of the arts in promoting and preserving human rights globally: “[A]rts and artists are one of our most effective tools in reaching beyond and through repressive regimes, in giving hope to people. […] [A]rtists can bring to light in a gripping, dramatic way some of the challenges we face.”1 History has repeatedly borne witness to the truth in these words. As a marker of national identity, art has often been put to use to resist oppression, combat evil, and fight injustice. Throughout the centuries visual artists, poets and novelists, dramatists, and composers have intentionally created works for such purposes, and existing works have been appropriated to serve such needs at various times and in various places. With regard to music, that from the “popular” sphere has frequently been created and put to use in these ways: as just a few of the more obvious examples, the anthems of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, the anti-war and tribute songs of the Vietnam War era, the anti-apartheid songs in South Africa from the second half of the twentieth century. In the “classical” realm we find memorable examples in the living past of music being appropriated to make poignant statements: Leonard Bernstein’s 1989 performance of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony to celebrate the fall of the Berlin Wall; or the lesser-known but equally moving performance of the Mozart Requiem in June 1994 conducted by Zubin Mehta in the burned- out ruins of Sarajevo’s National Library.2 An especially compelling situation involves the World War II era composers, performers, and music scholars whose stories of resilience in the concentration camps of the Nazi regime still so move us. From that period we can also easily identify compositions written expressly for such purposes, including, for example, Olivier Messiaen’s Quatour pour la fin du temps (1940–41) and Dmitry Shostakovich’s “Leningrad” Symphony (No. 7, 1941). In each such instance, the music and its creators, and even its executants,

1 “Remarks on the Human Rights Agenda for the 21st Century”; www.state.gov/ secretary/rm/2009a/12/133544.htm, accessed Aug. 8, 2013. 2 On various uses of the Mozart Requiem in this regard, see Keefe, Mozart’s Requiem, esp. chapter 3. The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica conveyed an effective, emotion-packed, and enduring message about the situation. The subject is broad and daunting, and my goal in this volume is a modest one. I present here a case study, albeit a rather unusual one, of the phenomenon of politicized interpretation and reinterpretation constructed around and imposed upon an artistic object. I tell the story of Verdi’s Cantica, better known as Inno delle nazioni or Hymn of the Nations, a musical composition that served as a nationalistic voice for Italy in two very different situations across two centuries. My story is about two iconic figures who could never be counted among those that the Pulitzer-Prize-winning writer Archibald Macleish labeled as “the irresponsibles” (men who failed to oppose the oppressors who sought to destroy civilization)3—the composer Giuseppe Verdi and the conductor Arturo Toscanini. These two Italian musicians, in the collective historical consciousness of both Italians and Americans, became cultural heroes, by taking a visible and unflagging stance for their principles and using their art in various ways to speak to and for the people of their homeland. This tale, therefore, becomes one of many tales about how the public face of music and its creators can be and was manipulated to propagandistic and political purpose. The story begins in 1861 when Verdi accepted a commission to write a musical composition to represent the newly liberated Italy at the 1862 London International Exhibition. The result of this charge was his Inno delle nazioni, or Cantica as it is titled in the autograph score, a setting for chorus, solo tenor, and orchestra of verses by a young Arrigo Boito. Labeled by one Victorian commentator as a work “rife with modern Italian patriotism and modern Italian inspiration,”4 the composition was intended to represent the newly free and (nearly) unified Italy as a player in the Western European cultural (as well as industrial and political) world. The premiere of the work was to have taken place on May 1, 1862, at the Exhibition’s Inaugural Concert, but intriguing circumstances resulted in Verdi’s music being refused by those who had commissioned it. The cantata was not left to languish, however, for the impresario James Henry Mapleson arranged for its performance at Her Majesty’s Theatre in London, where it had its premiere on May 24, 1862, with Verdi present. After a few performances in England, France, and Italy, the work fell into oblivion. Inno delle nazioni was nonetheless destined to become an impassioned “voice” for Italy at other crucial historical junctures in the country’s history, when Toscanini revived it to make political statements during World War I and, of greater significance, during World War II. With much ado, in January 1943 the conductor resurrected Verdi’s music for

3 Macleish, The Irresponsibles (c1940). Macleish (1892–1982) served as Librarian of Congress, Director of the War Department’s Office of Facts and Figures, and Assistant Director of the Office of War Information during World War II. 4 Times (London), April 30, 1862.

2 Introduction a radio broadcast, an all-Verdi program designed to convey a message about Italy and the war. That broadcast led to the making of a United States government propaganda film featuring Toscanini and Verdi’s composition. Through carefully constructed discursive and visual strategies that demonstrated relevant correlations between Verdi and Toscanini as men, between Italy’s oppression in the mid-nineteenth century under Austrian rule and in the early to mid twentieth century under the Fascist regime, and between the supposed political meanings of and responses to Verdi’s music in the past and in the present, Verdi’s work was cultivated as a “weapon of art” that Toscanini could use to make artistic political statements in various situations. Within the communications networks of the World War II era, this was not difficult to accomplish. There is no doubt that Verdi and Toscanini were, and are, legendary in the history of music; that stature seems also to have made each man— in his own time, and beyond—a figure in Italian political history. And it is precisely the legends surrounding them that account for the story told here. The basic profiles of the two main players are important to this historical narrative. Verdi was, what I will call, a cultural patriot, a composer whose life and work were intertwined with the political climate and events of his era in various ways. Our current understanding of the extent and nature of the relationships in the Ottocento between Verdi’s civic philosophy, his music, and the political aspirations and accomplishments of pre- and post-unification Italy continues to evolve. Yet, despite new sources of information and the accretions of observations on these relationships left by decades of scholarship and recent scholarly debates,5 there can be no doubt that Verdi’s activities and works left ample evidence on which to build such historical political narratives. (As discussed further below, whether those narratives were/are correct is not the issue here: rather, the knowledge of the time—history as it was then “remembered”—was at play.) The composer’s words and actions— his enthusiasm, as expressed in his letters to colleagues and friends, concerning the 1848 revolutions;6 his adherence to the ideas of and his lifelong admiration for Italian Risorgimento heroes Camillo Benso di Cavour, Giuseppe Garibaldi, and Giuseppe Mazzini;7 his service in

5 The extent to which his operas were symbols of the Risorgimento has been hotly debated in recent years. Among the studies contributing to those debates are Gossett, “‘Edizione distrutte’,” esp. 181–5; Parker, “Arpa d’or dei fatidici vati”; Parker, “‘Va pensiero’ and the Insidious Mastery of Song”; Parker, “Verdi Politico: A Wounded Cliché Regroups”; Pauls, Giuseppe Verdi und das Risorgimento; Sawall “‘Viva V.E.R.D.I.’”; Smart, “How Political Were Verdi’s Operas?”; Smart, “Magical Thinking”; and Stamatov, “Interpretive Activism.” 6 See, for example, Verdi’s letters to his librettists Francesco Maria Piave, April 21, 1848 (Bonaventura, Una lettera, 14), and Salvadore Cammarano, April 20, 1848 (Mossa, ed., Carteggio Verdi–Cammarano, 19–24). 7 I wish to thank Chloe Valenti for sharing with me her unpublished dissertation, “Verdi Reception in London, 1842–1877,” which discusses Verdi and Mazzini in London,

3 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica

Italian political bodies, including a term in parliament following Italian independence—all point to his belief in a unified and autonomous Italian nation. His service to his profession, with regard to reforming the music conservatory system, advocating for composers’ rights, improving theatrical working conditions, and even supporting the institution of uniform musical pitch, shows him as an activist for his art.8 His philanthropic activities—the building of the Ospedale in Villanova sull’Arda and of the Casa di Riposo per Musicisti in Milan— demonstrate his humanitarian concerns.9 Verdi’s cultural patriotism was manifest in his compositional endeavors as well: his choices of overtly nationalistic subjects (e.g., La battaglia di Legnano, Les vêpres siciliennes), as well as political and cultural resonances in other works (e.g., I Lombardi alla Prima crociata, Ernani, Attila);10 his 1848 Inno popolare also known as Suona la tromba written, on Mazzini’s request, to poetry expressly composed by Goffredo Mameli;11 his interest in folk forms as evidenced in his two songs using stornelli;12 and his decision to accept the international commission that resulted in his writing Cantica. Toscanini, during his lifetime, was viewed in similar ways to Verdi. As a result of his zeal with regard to fighting Fascism and Nazism, many commentators believed that for the conductor “the political act was entirely at one with the artistic personality.”13 Seemingly larger than life both musically and politically, Toscanini engaged in benevolent artistic activities with a political bent, which are too numerous to address fully here.14 It is, however, worth mentioning a few events that as well as Garibaldi’s visit to the English capital in the context of nineteenth-century Verdi reception. See also Gossett, “‘Edizioni distrutte’”; Luzio, Garibaldi, Cavour, Verdi; and Smart, “Liberty On (and Off) the Barricades.” 8 On Verdi’s activities with regard to music education reform, see Marvin, Verdi the Student – Verdi the Teacher, chapter 3. On the business of opera in Italy, see Panico, Verdi Businessman, and Rosselli, “Verdi e la storia della retribuzione del compositore italiano”; as well as Rosselli, Music and Musicians in Nineteenth-Century Italy, and Rosselli, The Opera Industry in Italy from Cimarosa to Verdi; and Tabanelli, “Verdi e la legge sul diritto d’autore.” On the composer’s interest in uniform pitch, see Meucci, “Verdi, Bazzini e l’unificazione del diapason in Italia.” 9 Information on these institutions can be found in Botti, Verdi e l’Ospedale di Villanova d’Arda; Cella and Daolmi, La sensibilità sociale di Giuseppe e Giuseppina Verdi; Matz, Verdi: Il grande “gentleman” del Piacentino; Rossi and Rinaldi, “Sull’ali dorate”; see also www. casaverdi.org/en/index.html, accessed June 6, 2013. 10 On “nationalistic” subjects in Verdi’s operas, see, for instance, Sorba, L’Italia del melodramma nell’età del Risorgimento, esp. 190–212, and Gavazzeni, “La melodramma ha fatto l’Unità d’Italia,” esp. 117–83. On I Lombardi, see also Smart, “How Political Were Verdi’s Operas?”; and on Attila, see also Ipson, “Attila Takes Rome.” 11 On Inno popolare, see Marvin, Introduction to Giuseppe Verdi: Hymns / Inni, xi–xii; Palazzolo, Verdi ritrovato; Gossett, “‘Edizioni distrutte’,” esp. 189–94; and Benedetti, “Divagazioni sulla musica del Risorgimento.” See also note 34 in this chapter, and, for information concerning its performance by Toscanini in 1915, see Chapter 4 below. 12 See Marvin, “Verdi, Nationalism, and Cultivation of the Folk Idiom.” 13 Thompson, “Introduction,” in Hoeller, Arturo Toscanini, 3. 14 These activities are discussed in some detail in Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, chapter 6, and throughout Sachs, Toscanini.

4 Introduction

Toscanini’s contemporaries recognized as noteworthy. In summer 1917 Toscanini formed a military band that played for soldiers at the Italian Front at Isonzo (Gorizia) and during the Italian assault at Monte Santo (Friuli). In 1919 for Milanese musicians who were unemployed as a result of World War I he organized a special opera season in which they could perform for compensation. His beneficence during World War I placed him in personal financial straits, for between 1915 and 1918 he apparently performed only benefit concerts and earned little or no money himself.15 Before World War II Toscanini traveled to Palestine, where he conducted during the inaugural season of what would become the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra, an ensemble made up primarily of Jewish musicians who had fled European Nazism and Fascism. In 1943 to Italian prisoners of war being held in the United States Toscanini gave books and musical scores, including works banned by Mussolini and destroyed by Hitler.16 Throughout his life, he presented concerts to raise money for charitable causes including the American Red Cross, war bond drives, Italian war orphans, and numerous others.17 Many of Toscanini’s concerts were programmed intentionally as symbolic protests or political statements; his protests against Fascism, however, went beyond his selection of musical works. For instance, at the Teatro alla Scala Toscanini refused to obey a 1924 decree that all Italian theaters must display photographs of the King and Mussolini and, consequently, was reprimanded by the dictator.18 In 1933 the conductor headed a group of eleven musicians who wrote to Hitler challenging persecutions of German musicians.19 Most famously, on several occasions Toscanini refused to play the Fascist anthem Giovinezza at his performances. In 1931 in Bologna this refusal resulted in his being beaten by Fascist thugs and subsequently placed under house arrest with his mail inspected, his telephone tapped, and his conversations recorded; he was finally asked to leave the country. The Bologna incident received worldwide press coverage at the time and was invoked routinely thereafter whenever Toscanini’s courage in the face of adversity or his willingness to fight against Fascism was mentioned.20 As is well known, after leaving Italy, Toscanini refused

15 Sachs, Toscanini, 135; Dyment, Toscanini in Britain, xii. 16 NBC Daily News, Aug. 25, 1943 (US-Wc, NBC, box 1238). 17 Many of these are discussed in Sachs, Toscanini, as well as in several other Toscanini biographies. 18 The incident is recounted in a number of biographical sources; see, for example, Marek, Toscanini, 167. 19 Anon., “Toscanini Heads Protest to Hitler,” NYT, April 2, 1933. Among other conductors who signed the letter were Serge Koussevitsky, Fritz Reiner, and Walter Damrosch. 20 The Bologna incident is widely recounted. It is documented in Serpa, “I cosiddetti schiaffi diBologna”; and Serpa, “Gli schiaffi a Toscanini”; see also Bergonzini, “Bologna, 14 maggio 1931.” Sachs presents his translation of Toscanini’s own account of the incident (Music in Fascist Italy, 213–14), his translation of the conductor’s telegram to Mussolini regarding the episode (Toscanini, 210–11, and Music in Fascist Italy, 215–16, from the Italian

5 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica to conduct there while Mussolini was in power; in protest of Nazism he subsequently withdrew from engagements at Bayreuth during Hitler’s regime, and later, when Austria was drawn into the Reich, also at Salzburg.21 In addition to his actions, Toscanini used words to make explicit political statements, lending his name to articles in high-profile American magazines expressing his and his exiled compatriates’ opinions on and recommendations for Allied policy toward Italy (discussed below in Chapter 5). Mediated by journalists, radio broadcasters, publicists, and historians, the images of the lives and works of these two Italian musicians—and the perceived correspondences between them—took center stage in 1943–44 with regard to Inno delle nazioni / Hymn of the Nations. Against that very public ideascape, with Hymn of the Nations in 1943 Toscanini was able to create a temporary, situational lieu de mémoire, which thrived precisely as all lieux de mémoire must: “because of their capacity for change, their ability to resurrect old meanings and generate new ones along with new and unforeseeable connections.”22 This study attempts to untangle some of those meanings and connections.

* * *

My aim here is not to rehearse the countless stories and numerous theories that have been formulated about the appropriation of music for political, nationalistic, and propagandistic purposes. In general, the idea that artistic works have political implications is not a controversial one. Nor do I seek to enter the fray regarding how Verdi’s operas were perceived by ottocento audiences, a subject only marginally relevant to the core of my argument. Suffice it to say that wherever one stands in recent debates over the political significance of Verdi and his music in his day, that the composer has long been mythologized as a political hero is not to be denied. And, in the early twentieth century (as discussed in Chapters 4 and 5), the available scholarship did, in fact, equate Verdi’s music with Risorgimento ideals and events.23 Of greater significance, in Barblan, Toscanini e la Scala), several reports of the time (in English translation) from Fascist newspapers in Italy (Music in Fascist Italy, 216–18), and transcriptions/translation of documents about the matter from the files of the Italian Ministry of the Interior (Music in Fascist Italy, 219–24). A summary account is found in Marek, Toscanini, 168–75, among other sources. A file of press clippings pertaining to the incident, presumably those kept by the Toscaninis, is preserved in US-NYp, TLC, L55, C-4. 21 Toscanini’s profile in the “official” political arena is notable as well. When still believing that Mussolini was a leader who would benefit Italy, he allowed himself to be listed on a ballot for election in 1919 for the Sansepolcristi (an early Mussolini faction). Following World War II he was offered a lifetime senatorial seat in the new Italian republic; he, however, declined the honor. See, e.g., Marek, Toscanini, 166; and Taubman, Toscanini, 325. 22 Nora, “Between Memory and History,” 15. 23 The two Verdi biographies specifically mentioned by New York journalists of the time are Toye, Giuseppe Verdi, and Werfel, Verdi.

6 Introduction the subjectivity in the media discourse, derived from that scholarship, on the history and meanings of Cantica / Inno delle nazioni—its supposed commentary on Austrian domination of the Italian people and its role in placing Italy on the international stage at a crucial historical juncture in the Ottocento—made it fertile for Toscanini to cultivate as one of Verdi’s most relevant patriotic works for the World War II era. As discussed here, the media discourses played on “cultural memory,” embracing both cultural continuity through preservation of collective knowledge and historical consciousness through references to the past.24 In their attempts to validate correlations with a suitable past, commentators availed themselves of the information available to them, referencing the revolutions of 1848 and the conflicts leading to Italian independence in 1861, as well as of the supposed place of Cantica / Inno delle nazioni in the early days of the new Italian nation. They then saturated the publicity associated with Toscanini the man and his performance of the work with unyielding rhetoric that aligned the meaning and the context of Cantica in the Ottocento and Verdi’s post-unification Italy with its meaning and its context in the 1940s and Toscanini’s World War II.25 These image-makers, in Assmann’s formulation, “narrated” foundational history “to illuminate the present.”26 They also participated in what Peter Stamatov would call “intepretive activism,” using Hymn of the Nations as a cultural object to construct a collective political statement for a receptive 1943 audience.27 The agents’ attempts to create a clear “invented tradition”28—or perhaps “reinvented tradition”—benefited from a blurry authentic tradition, based in (what Assmann has called) “mnemohistory”—that is, “the past as it is remembered.”29 The communicative strategies based on that version of history were essential to making Verdi’s music and Toscanini’s performance of it “useful” as a symbolic weapon in the fight to liberate Italy. With respect to usefulness of this music, it is helpful to consider Jann Pasler’s words, which, although written in regard to Third Republic France, resonate

24 The concept was introduced by Assmann, who has written about it extensively; see, for instance, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization. 25 For an interesting, and relevant, study of how such strategies worked in World War II with regard to Abraham Lincoln and the United States Civil War, see Schwartz, “Memory as a Cultural System.” The six-part “keying process” for the “social frames of memory” that he discusses (921–2) has direct parallels to the Toscanini–Verdi situation: the selection of specific historical situations/events (Austrian domination of the Italian peninsula and Italian independence) was scanned for relevant predicaments, and these were used to show that World War II represented a repetition of the war for independence with participants identifying with their predecessors through similar moral struggles; the ottocento images were summarized by Toscanini appropriating Verdi and his music. 26 Assmann, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization, 38. 27 See Stamatov, “Interpretive Activism,” with regard to the symbolism and uses of Verdi’s operas in his own day. 28 See Hobsbawm “Introduction: Inventing Traditions.” 29 The term was introduced by Assmann, Moses the Egyptian, 9; elaborated and brought together with his other theories in his Cultural Memory and Early Civilization.

7 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica for both 1862 and 1943 Italy: music can provide “a way to imagine the future, voice diverse aspirations, and discover shared values. […] In a world with populations and identities in flux, music may provide a medium for expressing aspirations not necessarily consonant with dominant ideologies; […] for sharing experiences and forging relationships that transcend time and place […].”30 This was precisely what Toscanini did routinely with regard to Verdi’s works (as well as other music), and Inno delle nazioni fit the bill particularly well.31 Another factor made strategies for this use of Verdi’s music feasible and effective: the new possibilities for the dissemination of music through the media during World War II. Annegret Fauser has pointed out “the political, cultural, and even acoustic exceptionality of this global conflict in terms of the deliberate employment of music, and of sound technology, within the military and for propaganda purposes,” noting that “World War II was the first war in which modern media played a key role: radio, phonograph, and film allowed for the strategic distribution of sonic materials in entirely new ways.”32 During this conflict, music, of all kinds, was used in a variety of ways in an international arena: “Whether as an instrument of blatant propaganda or as a means of entertainment, recuperation, and uplift, music pervaded homes and concert halls, army camps and government buildings, hospitals and factories.” Fauser goes on to observe that “music was appropriated for numerous war-related tasks. […] even more than movies, posters, books, and newspapers, music sounded everywhere in this war, not only through its live manifestations but also through recordings and radio.”33 Toscanini was in a position to benefit from these new technologies, and he took full advantage of it, using Verdi’s music, Hymn of the Nations included, to celebrate the glories, dreams, and sacrifices of Italy’s past and thereby to inspire hope for her present situation. By evoking associations with the country’s political liberation in the nineteenth century, within the social framework of collective memory, the past was conceived of as a useful construct that reflected the present.

* * *

As one of only two surviving secular choral works by Verdi34 and as an occasional piece with a political message, Cantica / Inno delle nazioni

30 Pasler, Composing the Citizen, xii and xiv. 31 On uses and abuses of Verdi’s music in general, see Procacci, “Verdi nella storia d’Italia,” and Castelvecchi, “Verdi per la storia d’Italia.” 32 Fauser, Sounds of War, 10. 33 Ibid., 3. 34 The other work is Suona la tromba for unaccompanied three-part male chorus, composed in 1848 and long believed to have first been published in 1865(?) by Paolo de Giorgi in Milan (pl. no. 144). See Marvin, Hymns/Inni, and Gossett, “‘Edizioni distrutte’.” A Florentine publication dating from 1848/1849 has come to light; see Palazzolo, Verdi

8 Introduction occupies a unique position in the composer’s output. It has, however, been relatively ignored. Before publication of my introduction to the critical edition of the work, accounts of its genesis and premiere had been incomplete, often anecdotal, and consequently incorrect.35 And the manner in which the work was appropriated in the twentieth century has been neither adequately investigated nor fully interrogated.36 To provide a more complete glimpse into the history of Verdi’s neglected and misunderstood work, this book explores the socio- musical and musico-political resonances of Cantica across two centuries and two continents, proceeding from a treatment of Verdi’s work in the nineteenth century to a discussion of Toscanini’s appropriation of it in the twentieth. To conclude the present chapter, I present an overview of the music and the text of the work. Chapter 2 looks behind the scenes, presenting a documentary history of the unfolding of events surrounding the work’s genesis. Chapter 3 addresses Cantica’s public face in its performance and publication context in nineteenth-century England and throughout Europe. The history of Verdi’s composition presented here expands on my introduction in the critical edition, which recounted the full and correct history of the work’s genesis for the first time, relying on newly uncovered documents, previously unknown letters, and extensive journalistic commentaries. The remaining chapters present the first detailed account of the making of Toscanini’s documentary film, based on unstudied archival documents, placed in the context of a publicity campaign that sought to use Toscanini’s reputation as a conductor and an Italian patriot. Chapter 4 treats Toscanini’s World War I concert performance and his 1943 radio broadcast of Verdi’s music, and evaluates the rhetoric surrounding the conductor’s use of Hymn of the Nations as a “weapon of art.” Chapter 5 unpacks, for the first time, the detailed history of the making of the film featuring Verdi’s work and examines the messages within it.

ritrovato. There is also a work that Verdi composed in his student days in Milan, titled Cantata pel dì natalizio di S.M. Ferdinando Primo Imperatore e Re, for chorus and orchestra with text by Conte Renato Borromeo (only the text is extant); see Parker, Studies in Early Verdi 1832–1844, 25–7, and Parker, “Verdi and the Gazzetta privilegiata di Milano.” 35 The full and correct history of the work is recounted for the first time in Marvin, Hymns/Inni, xii–xxii (English) and xxxii–xliii (Italian). Standard biographies of Verdi have treated Inno delle nazioni in lesser or greater degrees; these include Abbiati, Giuseppe Verdi; Martin, Verdi; Matz, Verdi; and Walker, The Man Verdi. Gustavo Marchesi devoted part of an essay to the topic: see “Gli anni della Forza del destino,” where Inno delle nazioni is discussed on 720–35, including transcriptions of valuable documents related to the work. Many of these authors recount general information without full documentation, most build on Abbiati’s undocumented account, and each dwells on specific aspects of the story. 36 Brief discussions appear in Fauser, Sounds of War, 88–9, and in Scott, “Why We Fight and Projections of America” (the latter, however, riddled with misinformation); the film is also mentioned in the biographies of the conductor.

9 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica

The Work Since Cantica / Inno delle nazioni is largely unfamiliar today, a discussion of its music and its text, outlining its structure and presenting contemporary impressions, follows.

The Text

A twenty-year-old Arrigo Boito, in his first collaboration with Verdi, furnished the poetry for Cantica (“hymn” or “canticle”) in March 1862. (The history of the collaboration is recounted in Chapter 2.) The verses appear below, as Verdi set them.37 (Minor variants exist between the reading in the autograph score and various nineteenth-century editions of the piano-vocal score and separate printings of the text. In this regard the most significant sources are the poetic text printed separately on the opening pages of the first Ricordi piano-vocal score and the Italian libretto printed in the program for the first London performance [which is considered further in Chapter 3]. A few of the more significant text discrepancies are included in footnotes here.38 Text repetitions in the score are omitted below to preserve the structural integrity of the poetry. The numbering in square brackets is mine; it is inserted here to facilitate references to the text in the musical discussion that follows.)

Coro di popolo Chorus of the people [1a] Gloria pei cieli altissimi, Glory in the highest heavens, pei culminosi monti, on the mountaintops, pei limpidi orizzonti on the tranquil horizons gemmati di splendor. arrayed in splendor. [1b] In questo dì giocondo On this joyful day balzi di gioia il mondo may the world jump for joy, perchè vicino agl’uomini for close to humanity è il regno dell’amor!39 is the reign of Love! [1c] Gloria i venturi popoli40 Glory, may future peoples ne cantin la memoria, remember it in song, Gloria pei cieli, gloria! Glory in the heavens, glory! Bardo The Bard [2a] Spettacolo sublime! Ecco... Sublime vision! Behold... dai lembi41 from the distant ends remoti della terra, ove rifulge of the earth where the sun cocentemente il sol, ove distende shines fiercely, where the

37 An early version of the text appears in Abbiati, Giuseppe Verdi, 2: 692, with facsimile of the autograph between 688 and 689; see also Marvin, Hymns/Inni, 87. 38 All of the text discrepancies are treated in the critical commentary in Marvin, Hymns/ Inni. 39 The alternative reading in the London and Ricordi sources is “il giorno d’amor” (the day of love). 40 London and Ricordi read “i venturi secoli” (future centuries). Verdi substituted “popoli,” rendering the text more personal and depictive. 41 All sources except Verdi’s autograph score contain “dai lidi” (shores); Verdi substituted “lembi,” a more potent and more idiomatic word.

10 Introduction bianco manto42 la neve, una migrante snow spreads its white mantle, a migrant schiera di navi remigar per l’acque flotilla of vessels sails through the waters degli ampi oceani ed affollarsi43 tutte of the vast oceans, and crowds verso un magico tempio, ed in quel around a magic temple, and in that tempio temple spargere a mille a mille i portentosi spreads by the thousands the wondrous miracoli del genio44! miracles of genius! [2b] E fuvvi un giorno And there was an era che passò furïando quel bïeco when the sinister specter of war passed fantasma della guerra, allora udissi through in fury; at that time one heard un cozzar d’armi, un saettar di spade, a clanging of arms, a clashing of swords, un tempestar di carri e di corsieri... a pounding of carts and horses… un grido di trionfo,... e un ululante a shout of triumph,... and a howling urlo!45 cry! [2c] E colà ove46 fumò di sangue And there where the battlefield il campo di battaglia, un luttuoso reeked of blood, a sorrowful campo santo levarsì, e un’elegia cemetery arose, and an elegy di preghiere, di pianti e di lamenti... of prayers, cries and laments... [2d] Ma in oggi un soffio di serena But thereafter a breath from the serene Dea Goddess spense quell’ire, e se vi furo in extinguished all wrath, and where in the campo field were avversari crudeli, oggi non v’hanno cruel adversaries, today there are in questo tempio che fratelli in arte, in this temple only brothers in art, e a Dio che il volle alziam di laudi un and to God who willed it we raise a canto. song of praise. Coro di popolo People’s Chorus [3a] Signor, che sulla terra Lord, who over the earth rugiade spargi e fior, scatters dew and flowers, e nembi di fulgori and clouds of splendor e balsami d’amor! and balms of love! [3b] Fà47 che la pace torni Make peace return coi benedetti giorni,48 with blessed days, E un mondo di fratelli And a world of brothers sarà la terra allor. will the earth then be. [Bardo] [Bard] [4a] Salve, Inghilterra, Regina de’ mari, Hail, England, queen of the seas, vessillo antico di libertà!..49 [4b] Oh Francia! ancient emblem of liberty!.. O France!

42 The London libretto reads: “ampio manto.” Verdi addressed the two words “bianco” and “ampio” (broad), indicating his preference for “bianco” for reasons of poetic decorum, in a letter to Ricordi on June 23, 1863; see Marvin,Hymns/Inni, xxii. 43 The London libretto, the poetry in the Ricordi score, and the underlaid text in the first piano-vocal score, published in London by Cramer and Beale, read “affrettarsi” (hasten). 44 The alternative reading in the London and Ricordi sources is “miracoli dell’arte” (miracles of art). 45 The London libretto reads “un di morenti sospir” (a sigh of a dying man). 46 London (albeit with a spelling error) and Ricordi read “e là dove”; Verdi’s change adjusted the accentuation pattern. 47 The London libretto reads “Tu che la pace torni” (You who makes peace return). 48 At this point London and Ricordi contain two lines of text, which Verdi did not set: “ne dona santi e belli / secoli di splendor” (give holy and beautiful centuries of splendor). 49 Verdi repeated the following text here: “Salve, Inghilterra, salve, salve!” (Hail, England, hail, hail!).

11 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica

Tu, che spargesti il generoso sangue You, who shed your selfless blood per una terra incatenata50, salve!51 for a land enslaved, hail! [4c] Oh Italia... oh patria mia! che il cielo Oh Italy… oh my country! may Heaven vegli su te fino a quel dì che grande, watch over you until that day when great, libera, ed una tu risorga al sole.52 free, and united you rise again in the sun. Coro di popolo People’s Chorus [5] God save our gracious Queen, God save our gracious Queen, long live our noble Queen, Long live our noble Queen, God save the Queen. God save the Queen. Send her victorious, Send her victorious, happy and glorious, happy and glorious, long to reign over us, long to reign over us, God save the Queen. God save the Queen.

This celebratory and nationalistic text opens with a chorus of the people, who rejoice over the peace that is at hand ([1a–1c], versi lirici). A Bard recalls past wars and foretells a future of universal brotherhood in art ([2a–2d], versi sciolti), to which the people respond praising God for present and future peace ([3a–3b], versi lirici). The Bard then pays tribute to England, France, and Italy, alluding clearly to the good fortunes and glory of the last country in its recent armed conflict, as a result of the aid provided by the first two ([4a–4b], versi sciolti). Boito used a conservative mix of versi lirici (settenari) and versi sciolti (endecasillabi) with fairly straightforward language.53 His text lent itself to subtle, minor modifications, both for purposes of its 1862 performance in London and of its later use by Toscanini; these are discussed in Chapters 3, 4, and 5. Of the poetry Boito’s biographer Piero Nardi wrote (in 1942): “This was poetry for Verdi, for the Italian music of Verdi. […] Among Boito’s poetic works, the Inno delle nazioni remains the one that rests most within our [the Italian] tradition.”54 The Gazzetta musicale di Milano (July 20, 1862) remarked that the able Boito knew how to write passionate words on a subject that inspired Verdi musically. This perception of the poetry’s nationalistic tone and style, and its consequent suitability for Verdi and for musical setting, would become a significant factor in the work’s history.

The Music

In Cantica Verdi set Boito’s text for a solo tenor (modified for soprano for the London premiere) and SATB chorus, with orchestra accompaniment: strings, piccolo, pairs of woodwinds (flutes, oboes, clarinets, bassoons),

50 The London libretto reads “la terra che gemeva” (the land that asw groaning). 51 Verdi repeated “Oh Francia, salve!” (Oh France, hail!). 52 Verdi repeated “Oh Italia, oh patria mia!” (Oh Italy, oh my country!). 53 On Boito’s poetic style in musical works, see D’Angelo, Arrigo Boito, drammaturgo per musica, esp. 191–269. 54 Italian in Nardi, Vita di Arrigo Boito, 90–91.

12 Introduction four horns, two trumpets, three trombones, cimbasso (played by ophicleide at the premiere),55 timpani, bass drum and cymbals, and two harps. Over the course of 312 measures, he combined newly composed music with existing national songs. The integrated music included three songs that placed England, Italy, and France center stage: God Save the Queen, Fratelli d’Italia, and La Marseillaise. For England, Verdi appropriated both the music and the English words of God Save the Queen. First sung publicly in London (at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane) in 1745 at the height of the Jacobite rebellion, in an arrangement by Thomas Arne (director of the theater), the song was associated with Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s defeat of the army of King George II near Edinburgh, Scotland. It became a recognized national musical symbol for the British and for European visitors as early as the eighteenth century and was referred to as England’s official national anthem from the early nineteenth century.56 Verdi’s choice for Italy was a melody that he referred to as the Inno d’Italia,57 better known today as the Inno di Mameli or Fratelli d’Italia, a setting by Michele Novaro (1818–1885; musician, political activist, and composer of several patriotic songs) of words by the poet Goffredo Mameli (1827–1849; one of the most famous Risorgimento patriots), associated with the 1848 Milanese uprising known as the Cinque Giornate. Although in 1862 this was not Italy’s official national anthem—a position it achieved only on October 12, 1946, following the fall of Fascism—as a song reminiscent of an earlier time of political turbulence and a musical statement of resistance related to both relatively distant and more recent events in Italy, it held special political significance for Verdi and his countrymen in the wake of Italian independence.58 For France, Verdi again did not choose the national anthem (of the Second Empire), Partant pour la Syrie (a ballad with words by M. De Laborde and music by Queen Hortense),59 but rather the revolutionary La Marseillaise. Originally known as the Chant de guerre pour l’armée du Rhin (Battle Song of the Army of the Rhine), the song was written by the French army officer Charles-Joseph Rouget de Lisle (1760–1836), following the French declaration of war on Austria in 1792. Declared

55 See Meucci, “Il cimbasso.” 56 A detailed history of the anthem is found in Richards, Imperialism and Music, 88–96. 57 Verdi to Ricordi, March 22, 1862; see Chapter 2 below. 58 See Maiorino et al., Fratelli d’Italia, and Alaleona, Il “Canto degli Italiani”; the history of the song is also presented on the Italian government’s web site: www.quirinale.it/qrnw/ statico/simboli/inno/inno.htm, accessed June 14, 2013. 59 The words were composed in 1809; the piece was originally written as a love song and was popular well before the Second Empire. Hortense Eugénie Cécile Beauharnais (1783–1837), Queen of Holland, was the daughter of Viscount Alexandre de Beauharnais and Joséphine Tascher de La Pagerie; stepdaughter of Napoleon Bonaparte; wife of Louis Napoleon, King of Holland, whom she married in 1802 and separated from in 1810; and mother of Napoleon III (Louis Napoleon Bonaparte).

13 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica a national song on July 14, 1795, it was eventually banned under the Empire and the Restoration, only to be reinstated as a result of the July 1830 Revolution. Not until 1879, under the Third Republic, was La Marseillaise established officially as the French national 60anthem. Nonetheless, in 1862 it was fraught with historical and political meaning, and known to evoke an emotionally charged response from the French people.61 The composer’s choice of all three of these existing songs is especially significant with regard to the work’s reception because of their political associations both at the time and in the historical consciousness; the symbolism is discussed further in Chapter 3.

* * *

The Cantica opens in D major, common time, allegro sostenuto, with an orchestral introduction. Ten measures of percussive chords tutti (with silence at m. 4 and m. 10) are followed by six measures of brass fanfare, characterized by double-dotted rhythms. A measure of silence (m. 17) articulates the next musical idea: a newly composed dolcissimo melody (same as that in Ex. 1.2) in the strings (minus double-basses), punctuated by wind chords (at m. 19 and m. 21). A second, majestic martial melody, played by full orchestra, flavored by minor mode, (beginning at m. 27) concludes the introduction. The chorus enters (m. 36) with a solemn, forceful melody (ABA′C), fortissimo, which moves through a series of minor keys, with the text that begins with “Gloria pei cieli altissimi” [1a]: “a chorus full of vigor and written in that habitual style of the composer, in which unisons produce so great an effect” (see Ex. 1.1).62 At the end of the strophe

60 Adopted by volunteers from Marseilles during the Tuileries insurrection in August 1792, the song became known as the Hymne des Marseillais, more commonly called La Marseillaise. For the full history of the song, see Robert, La Marseillaise; additional information is in Pierre, Les hymnes et chansons de la Révolution. A summary of its genesis can be found on the French government’s website at www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/fr/la- france/institutions-vie-politique/symboles-de-la-republique-et-14/article/la-marseillaise, accessed Dec. 1, 2012. 61 Its contemporary significance was noted, following the Parisian premiere of the Cantica, in AM (May 7, 1863), which commented about Verdi’s use of “the opening measures of the Marseillaise, of which the motive, so electrifying, makes the blood boil in the veins of every French citizen” (“les mesures initiales de la Marseillaise, dont le motif, si électrisant, fait bouillonner le sang dans les veines de tout citoyen français”). In reviewing Cantica’s London premiere, the DT (May 26, 1862) applauded “Verdi’s manly independence in selecting for the illustration of France the noble strains of ‘The Marseillaise,’ the only really national air of our glory-seeking neighbours,” noting that this song was associated with France’s “true greatness, in preference to the weak melody of ‘Partant pour la Syrie,’ a silly love-sick ballad, written by a notoriously infamous woman, and which has been fitly chosen as the representative air of a contemptible and corrupted dynasty.” 62 DJM, Aug. 9, 1862, translated from a letter of May 30, 1862, published inRGM on June 1, 1862, written by a correspondent for the journal who had heard the work performed in

14 Introduction

Example 1.1 Inno delle nazioni, “Gloria pei cieli altissimi” passage, mm. 36–39 (chorus)

(m. 46), the two-measure brass fanfare motive is again heard. The chorus then takes up the dolcissimo orchestral melody (AAB) from the introduction, pianissimo, beginning with the words “In questo dì giocondo” [1b] (see Ex. 1.2).

Example 1.2 Inno delle nazioni, “In questo dì giocondo” passage, mm. 48–56 (chorus, soprano line)

A third section (beginning at m. 57), “Gloria, i venturi popoli” [1c], brings a return of the martial melody heard in the introduction (again in minor mode), here sung by the basses and punctuated with jubilant melodic fragments in sopranos, altos, and tenors who interject with “Gloria.” The “voce sola” (Bard) enters in recitative (at the upbeat to m. 68), “a model of musical declamation.”63 He comments on present days of peace and past days of conflict and war [2a–2c] in an accompanied recitative of operatic flavor that builds in rhythmic, melodic, instrumental, and

London. The original reads: “un choeur plein de vigueur et écrit dans ce style habituel du compositeur, où les unissons produisent un si grand effet.” 63 AM, May 7, 1863: “un modèle de déclamation musicale.”

15 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica dynamic intensity, yet remains “always melodic in its declamation.”64 The “dramatic recitative that follows the words, with ultimate effect”65 (especially at [2c]) “expresses them admirably”:66 for example, the oscillating bass figures for the vessels sailing on the oceans (mm. 78–82, [2a]), ascending melodic lines reaching the highest pitches of the phrase in the voice setting “un grido di trionfo” and “un ululante grido” (mm. 102–105, [2b]), and the descending semitone figures in winds for the plaintive “pianti e lamenti” (mm. 110–117, [2c]). An arioso passage (m. 118) begins with an anticipation of the opening vocal phrase intoned by oboe, and the solo tenor enters two measures later with a melody “forming the happiest contrast by its sweetness”67 setting the text passage beginning “Ma in oggi un soffio” [2d] concerning the extinguishing of wrath and the serenity of artistic brotherhood. The tempo changes to andante mosso (m. 137) as the solo tenor takes up a newly composed melody, “a prayer for peace and brotherhood throughout the world,”68 with the words “Signor che sulla terra” [3a] for eight measures in D major (A) (see Ex. 1.3).

Example 1.3 Inno delle nazioni, “Signor che sulla terra” passage, mm. 138–146 (solo tenor)

Accompanied by two harps, “this phrase by its grand simplicity recalls the Prayer of Moïse” (Rossini’s opera).69 The chorus repeats the Bard’s text and music (A′, mm. 146–154), doubled by woodwinds, with arpeggiated figures played by the two harps and a pizzicato chordal accompaniment in the strings. The Bard takes on a new phrase (B, m. 155) for the second stanza of this section of text beginning “Fà che la pace” [3b]. Following this, the chorus returns with “Signor che sulla terra” (m. 162, A″), while the tenor continues with pertichini (B″), which

64 Ibid.: “toujours mélodique dans sa déclamation.” 65 GMM, July 20, 1862: “recitativo drammatico che segue con somma efficacia la parola.” 66 AM, May 7, 1863: “exprime admirablement.” 67 DJM, Aug. 9, 1862; original in RGM, June 1, 1862: “qui forme par sa douceur un contraste des plus heureux.” 68 Illustrated London News, May 31, 1862. 69 DJM, Aug. 9, 1862; original in RGM, June 1, 1862: “Cette phrase rappelle par sa simplicité grandiose la Prière de Moïse.”

16 Introduction repeat his final verse [of 3b] “un mondo di fratelli sarà allor,” thereby emphasizing the peaceful coexistence of nations. The next section begins with orchestral statements of each of the three national songs. First, with a change to triple meter (m. 169), the strings intone (in D major) a full stanza of “the magnificent English national hymn” God Save the Queen,70 as the solo tenor, parlante, praises England as a symbol of freedom [4a]. Quadruple meter returns, along with a change of tempo, (m. 183) for a stanza of the Marseillaise (in G major) in the brass, as the tenor, again parlante, lauds France for its assistance to Italy on the battlefield [4b]. A similar treatment is afforded the Italian song (beginning with the upbeat to m. 198): with a change to C major, the melody is played by woodwinds with horns and strings as accompaniment. The solo tenor expresses Italy’s wish for freedom to be fully restored [4c] in chant-like monotone phrases; in the final three measures of the passage (mm. 210–212) he sings the concluding phrase of the Italian melody, calling out to “his” Italy.71 In the next section, primo tempo, triple meter (mm. 213–225), C major, the chorus joins the orchestra with the English text of God Save the Queen [5], as the solo tenor comments with “Salve, Inghilterra.” With a return to common time, an orchestral statement of the Marseillaise follows (mm. 226–250), treated quasi-fugally in the winds, cycling through fifth-related key areas, with a countersubject in the strings, and again with pertichini from the tenor [4b]. This passage concludes with a lengthy codetta featuring an instrumental crescendo. At m. 250 “these three songs, so disparate in rhythm, tempo, style, character, are then fused together with an art, a clarity, an effect that will have surprised even those good Englishmen, accustomed to the fugues of Handel and the great Sebastian Bach!”72 The chorus sings the English anthem in quadruple meter (C major), which is doubled by the strings, while the woodwinds play the Italian hymn, and the brass the French song. Above the chorus at m. 255 the solo tenor takes on the Italian melody [4c], which leads to the concluding chorus. The newly composed hymn “Signor che sulla terra” returns at the upbeat to m. 276, tutta forza, along with the tonic of D major, played by full orchestra, including harps, and with full chorus. The passage continues through m. 290, where in triple meter, ppp, the upper strings interrupt with the final eight measures of God Save the Queen, as the chorus interjects “Gloria” sotto voce producing “a singular effect […] immediately before the explosion of the formidable unison of the

70 GMM, July 20, 1862: “del magnifico inno nazionale inglese.” 71 See Chapter 4 on Toscanini’s modification to this passage. 72 GMM, July 20, 1862: “Questi tre canti così dispari di ritmo, di tempo, di stile, di carattere, vengono poscia fusi insieme con un’arte, una chiarezza, un effetto di cui saranno stati sorpresi anche quei buoni Inglesi, avvezzi alle fughe di Haendel e del gran Sebastiano Bach!”

17 The Politics of Verdi’s Cantica conclusion.”73 The piece concludes with a boisterous fourteen-measure coda, allegro vivo (beginning at m. 299), with jubilant cries of “Gloria” from the chorus and the tenor.

* * * Commentators measured Cantica against and within Verdi’s operatic style. By those standards, the hymn appears to be a relatively marginal piece within the output of a composer who produced enduring and monumental operatic works. As the following chapters illustrate, however, although not artistically of the quality or stature of the operas, this work was anything but inconsequential. The manner in which the work came into being reveals a great deal about Verdi’s philosophy and aesthetics with regard to the fledgling Italian nation and Italian musical art, as well as about his perceptions of his role in those spheres. And the destiny of Cantica / Inno delle nazioni and its appropriation by one of the great musicians of the twentieth century during turbulent times tell a story of the power of music more broadly. Interpreted in light of differing values, in various situations, and for diverse purposes, the work’s meanings shifted, based on a fortuitous alignment of common ideas and ideals. Over the course of the remaining chapters, those evolving meanings in the work’s “life-history” are explored in detail.

73 DJM, Aug. 9, 1862; original in RGM, June 1, 1862: “Un singulier effect se produit sur le mot gloria, chante sotto voce, immédiatement avant l’explosion du formidable unisson de la conclusion.”

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