Reviews

official Liberalism. Finally, it was not so in 1992 – one of only four gains for the much the ‘non-revolutionary’ character of party in that year’s general election – is the British workers which prevented their assigned particular significance as set- conversion from Liberalism to more asser- ting an example to other Cornish seats, tive organisations. Rather, it was the close though this does prompt the question relations between official Liberalism, the of why gains in other parts of the coun- miners, their unions, and especially Non- try did not result in similar geographic conformity which ‘which created a for- concentrations of success. The answer in midable barrier that the socialists could part is scattered throughout the book in not penetrate.’ (185) This was not a case of the various references to Labour’s failure working-class ‘conservativism.’ The rela- in the early and mid twentieth century tions between local Liberalism and social- to establish itself firmly in Cornwall, ist activists was an assertion of equality, leaving a much wider space in the politi- not deference. Attention to the strained cal environment for the Liberal Party relationship between working-class activ- than elsewhere in the country. ism, in its various forms, and the Liberal More controversially, Ault suggests caucus, in its various parliamentary and that the 1997 successes flowed from a urban and rural forms, show how the var- strategic choice by the party: ‘[The Lib ious questions of membership in various Dem] period of greatest electoral success groups and their programmes were nego- has been since they abandoned equidis- tiated in the dynamic formation of politi- tance in the mid-1990s. So, [the party’s contested the newly created constituency cal identities. usual] search for an independent identity, of Nottingham West, he did so not as a however logical, may have been what socialist representing the SDF but rather William C. Lubenow is Distinguished Pro- was actually holding the party back.’ as someone firmly established in the radi- fessor of History, Stockton University, Gallo- Conversely, a sense of a distinc- cal tradition. He identified himself with way, New Jersey, USA; and Visiting Fellow, tive political culture in Cornwall is, Chamberlain, not Hyndman. Wolfson College, Cambridge. He is the author Ault concludes, not much of a factor in An examination of local politics, of: The Politics of Government Growth explaining the Liberal Democrat suc- assessing the language socialist activists (1971), Parliamentary Politics and the cesses. Feelings of geographic distance used, illustrates the way socialist activists Home Rule Crisis (1988); The Cambridge and separateness helped foster an anti- were prepared to modify their previously Apostles, 1820–1914 (1998); Liberal Intel- establishment mood which benefited a published positions. Further, that the local lectuals and Public Culture (2010); and challenger political party, especially as, political environment shaped the ways ‘Only Connect’: Learned Societies in unlike in Wales or Scotland, it did not activists engaged both each other and Nineteenth-century Britain (2015). come with a nationalistic tinge which benefited a nationalist party. (The Cor- nish nationalists have never had any- thing close to the electoral success of the Welsh and Scottish nationalists.) But that Cornwall: culture, character and campaigns was only a relatively small factor. The character of key Liberal (Demo- John Ault, Liberal Democrats in Cornwall – Culture, Character or crat) campaigners comes through as being Campaigns? (Create Space, 2015) more important, with Ault drawing many pen portraits of many of the party’s Review by Mark Pack MPs from the region, showing how in their many different personal ways they n expanded version of the 2015 general election – in the areas under were nearly all something out of the ordi- author’s PhD thesis, John Ault’s examination. nary. Moreover, there seems to have been ALiberal Democrats in Cornwall As the title suggests, he tries out the something about Cornwall – perhaps its is a valuable addition to the relatively three theories, culture, character and rural nature – which allowed such per- sparse number of detailed local histo- campaigns to explain why Cornwall sonal flair to flourish and gain political ries of the Liberal Democrats. Given its remained a two-party Conservative– reward. It also, Ault suggests, was the academic roots, it is also much more rig- Liberal (Democrat) political system even sort of territory in which the Liberal and orous in its research and sourcing than when Labour was becoming one of the then Liberal Democrat emphasis on local other local histories such as A Flagship two main parties elsewhere. Cornwall issues could best flourish. Borough: 25 Years of a Liberal Democrat Sut- was an area where the old Liberal Party This seems to run slightly counter ton Council, Southport Liberal Association: survived better than in most places, and to the culture point and is a tension left The first 100 years or The Liberals in Hamp- was then also the site of major success mostly unexplored in Ault’s book: is shire. Moreover, by looking at a con- under the Lib Dems, including a major what is significant about Cornwall not its centrated geographic area, yet one that breakthrough in 1997 and culminating political culture directly, but rather that is larger than a single local party, John in the party winning all of the county’s it is a culture which lets other factors be Ault is able to provide rather more per- parliamentary seats in 2005. significant in ways that do not play out spective on the questions of why Liberal In explaining the start of that run elsewhere? There is some evidence in sup- Democrats prospered – at least until the of success, the gain of North Cornwall port of this view in Ault’s constituency

42 Journal of Liberal History 91 Summer 2016 Reviews

Given contemporary debates in the But his Churchill is not only the party about whether really intensive hedgehog who knew one big thing; he literature-based campaigning works, is also the fox who knew many things. it is worth noting that Ault finds that Egregiously intrepid, courageous, vastly delivering six or more pieces of litera- energetic, farsighted and clear-thinking ture a year outside of election time deliv- but unfailingly human, Boris’s Winston ers results. His post-2010 surveys in a had a unique historical impact that was smaller sample of seats also give a hint ‘colossal’ yet benign. Rationally skip- of what was to nearly sink the party ping between Conservative and Lib- in 2015: the less the electorate focused eral parties while embodying the best on the contest as being a local choice instincts of both, he was progenitor and between rival candidates (rather than a later creator of the welfare state (albeit national contest), the worse the Liberal ‘heavily influenced’ by Lloyd George); Democrats did. he turned the scales in World War I by As the book is an adaptation of John pioneering the tank, and in World War Ault’s PhD, it shows its academic roots II by forging the special relationship frequently. Often that is useful, such as with the United States. Indeed, most in the range of reference sources given of what is best about modern Europe, for further reading. The less specialist Africa and the Middle East can be attrib- reader should also be aware that this also uted to Churchill; and what is worst to means the book moves relatively slowly subsequent failures to heed his wisdom. at times when Ault goes through lit- Not that Johnson’s story is pure hagi- research, though it would be fair to con- erature reviews. There are also enough ography. Churchill is acknowledged to clude that it is more suggestive than con- typographical errors to be fairly notice- have been wrong about the Dardanelles, clusive and that it points to a Celtic-fringe able, and occasionally they also obscure Chanak, the gold standard, India and the rather than Cornwall-only phenomenon. understanding – as with the reference abdication. But even then he turns out not Turning to the third of Ault’s puta- to phantom Appendixes B, C and D for to have been really to blame. The return tive factors – campaigning – he draws details of the telephone surveys. The to gold was pressed upon him against his extensively on telephone surveys con- typography also is functional rather than better judgement by the likes of Mon- ducted in constituencies around the UK beautiful, though at least the generous tague Norman, who should have known before and after the 2010 general election line spacing leaves plenty of spaces for better; and in his quixotic champion- to set the Cornish 2010 results in context. scribbled thoughts. ing of Edward VIII’s right to marry Mrs Around 2,600 people were surveyed over Overall, the verdict on Cornwall is Simpson and remain king he was ahead thirteen constituencies, making the indi- that whilst it was campaigning which of his time. True, Churchill had personal vidual constituency results prone to sig- most propelled Liberal Democrat suc- flaws: he was self-indulgent and improvi- nificant margins of error but sufficient cess, it worked best in tandem with dent; he could be inconsiderate and rude. to draw more general conclusions. The popular and effective characters – and But in the final analysis these were the constituency analysis gives a multifac- the environment in the Celtic fringe in flaws of the diamond, subsumed in the eted result, both showing the impor- general was the most receptive for this greatness of the man. If love is imagining tance of local campaigning intensity to combination. that you know someone’s faults but they Liberal Democrat results but also that in just don’t matter, here is a love story. some areas in Cornwall the party out- Dr Mark Pack worked at party HQ from 2000 performed for its level of activity, sug- to 2009, heading up the party’s online operation gesting a wider regional (or, given what for the 2001 and 2005 general elections. He is is said above, Celtic-fringe) effect. author of 101 Ways To Win An Election.

Boris’ Winston Boris Johnson, The Churchill Factor: How One Man Made History (Hodder & Stoughton, 2014) Review by Andrew Connell

nother book about Churchill; negotiate with a seemingly irresist- is there anything more to say? In ible, but irredeemably evil, Third Reich Aidentifying Churchill’s refusal in the summer of 1940 as his supreme – backed by Archibald Sinclair in a walk- achievement, Boris Johnson is in accord on role, but not by his ‘former mentor’ with an historical consensus contested Lloyd George, ‘dazzled’ by the Fuhrer only on the far right. and now ‘an out-and-out defeatist’ – to

Journal of Liberal History 91 Summer 2016 43