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The United Democratic Front and Political Struggles in the Pietermaritzburg Region, 1983-1991
Mobilization, Conflict and Repression: The United Democratic Front and Political Struggles in the Pietermaritzburg region, 1983-1991. BY NGQABUTHO NHLANGANISO BHEBHE Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Historical Studies, University of Natal. Pietermaritzburg July 1996. DEDICATION To My Family I dedicate this thesis to my father R. Hlanganiso and to my mother K. Rawuwe. To my sisters, Nominenhle and Lindivve,and my brothers, Duduzani, Dumile and Vumani, thanks for your patience and unwavering support. ABSTRACT In the eight years of its existence, from 1983 to 1991, the United Democratic Front had a major impact on the pace and direction ofpolitical struggles in South Africa. The UDF was a loose alliance of organizations, whose strength was determined by the nature of the organizations affiliated to it. This thesis explores the nature of the problems faced by the UDF in the Pietermaritzburg region, and how it sought to respond to them. Chapter one -covers the period from 1976 to 1984. This chapter surveys the political context in which the UDF wasformed, beginning withthe Soweto uprising of 1976, and continuing with the growth of extra-parliamentary organizations in the late 1970s and early 1980s, leading up to the formation of the UDF in 1983. This chapter ends with emergence of organized extra-parliamentary activitiesin Pietermaritzburgin 1984. Chapter two assesses the period between1984 and mid-1986. This was the time when the UDF activists began to mobilize in the region, and it was during this period that UDF structures were set up. -
The Making and Re-Imagining of Khayelitsha
The Making and Re-imagining of Khayelitsha Josette Cole Executive Director, Development Action Group (DAG) and Research Associate, Centre for Archive and Public Culture, University of Cape Town Report for the Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of Police Inefficiency in Khayelitsha and a Breakdown in Relations between the Community and the Police in Khayelitsha January 2013 PREFACE During a working career that now spans 37 years I have worked in a number of institutions – i.e. VERITAS, the Surplus People’s Project, W. Cape (SPP), the MANDLOVU Development Initiative and, the Development Action Group (DAG). In all of these I have both honed and applied incremental skills learnt from direct practice to design and implement programmes and projects related to urban land, housing, local government, community development and, capacity building in the context of a pro-poor agenda. Between 1996 and 2012 I also worked as a freelance development consultant and researcher through my small company, Social Trends Development Services, where I worked on numerous assignments for government, the NGO sector, and international NGOs related to the design and evaluation of a range of programmes and projects linked to reconstruction and development in the context of our democratic transition. In between my professional work I have researched, written and published numerous articles, academic papers and books, three of the latter extensively cover various aspects of Cape Town’s social history, with a special focus on past and present settlement life in the South-east Metro of the city. I am a Research Associate in the Archive and Public Culture Research Initiative based in the Social Anthropology Department at the University of Cape Town (UCT) and about to formally register as a PhD candidate in Historical Studies at UCT. -
South Africa's Amnesty Process: a Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1997 South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation Emily H. McCarthy United States District Court for the District of Columbia Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Emily H. McCarthy, South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 183 (1997). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss1/4 This Symposium Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOUTH AFRICA'S AMNESTY PROCESS: A VIABLE ROUTE TOWARD TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION? Emily H. McCarthy* The road to democracyfor South Africa was based on compromise. One of the most significant compromises made by the negotiators was the acceptance of an amnesty process culminating in the passage of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995. The Act grants full indemnity from criminal and civil prosecution to anyone affiliated with a political organization who committed an "act associated with a political objective" and who fully discloses all relevant facts. The purpose of the Act is twofold: to establish the "truth" about the apartheid past and to promote "reconciliation" among South Africans. -
The Rise of the South African Security Establishment an Essay on the Changing Locus of State Power
BRADLOW SERIE£ r NUMBER ONE - ft \\ \ "*\\ The Rise of the South African Security Establishment An Essay on the Changing Locus of State Power Kenneth W. Grundy THl U- -" , ., • -* -, THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The Rise of the South African Security Establishment An Essay on the Changing Locus of State Power Kenneth W, Grundy THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS August 1983 BRADLOW PAPER NO. 1 THE BRADLOW FELLOWSHIP The Bradlow Fellowship is awarded from a grant made to the South African Institute of In- ternational Affairs from the funds of the Estate late H. Bradlow. Kenneth W. Grundy is Professor of Political Science at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio. Professor Grundy is considered an authority on the role of the military in African affairs. In 1982, Professor Grundy was elected the first Bradlow Fellow at the South African Institute of International Affairs. Founded in Cape Town in 1934, the South African Institute of International Affairs is a fully independent national organisation whose aims are to promote a wider and more informed understanding of international issues — particularly those affecting South Africa — through objective research, study, the dissemination of information and communication between people concerned with these issues, within and outside South Africa. The Institute is privately funded by its corporate and individual members. Although Jan Smuts House is on the Witwatersrand University campus, the Institute is administratively and financially independent. It does not receive government funds from any source. Membership is open to all, irrespective of race, creed or sex, who have a serious interest in international affairs. -
I.D.A.J News Notes
i. d. a.j news notes Published by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa P.O. Box 17, Cambridge, MA 02138 June 1986, Issue No. 27 Telephone (617) 491-8343 The Crisis in Crossroads A talk with Dr. Ivan Toms On May 30, 1986, lOAF interviewed Dr. Ivan Toms, the founder of the and-half between the vice-chairperson, Mr. Mamani, and Mr. EmpiJisweni clinic in the Crossroads squatter settlement near Cape Town. Dr. Ngxobongwana. Around '82 Ngxobongwana's group attacked the Toms was the clinic's only doctor during its first three years. It has been the only Mamani group, set their shacks alight and stood around with pangas such clinic serving the 120,000 to 200,000 people of Crossroads, and its staff [machetes] so you either got burned to death or pangaed to death, and has treated 45,000 medical and 16,000 dental cases yearly. forced all the Mamani supporters out ofCrossroads. You have to remember Dr. Toms is currently studying part-time toward a degree in theology. As a that Mamani is no better than Ngxobongwana. It's just the problem of member of the End Conscription Campaign, he has refused further military corruption, ofpoor people having to deal with the potential ofgetting a lot service to the apartheid government, making him liable to a prison term oftwo of money. years and eight months. In '83 the shacks had become very crowded and people made adecision lOAF believes that Dr. Toms' firsthand account is needed to counteract the to start building plastic shelters. -
I. D.A.J News Not
i. d. a.j news not .(1 OFFICE COpy DO NOT REMOVE Published by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa P.O. Box 17, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 August, 1983 Telephone (617) 491-8343 SOUTH AFRICA'S BOMB South Africa wants two, that's right: roughly 900 pounds of plutonium peryear-"enough for forty or fifty One for the black and one for the white. nuclear weapons," according to Barnaby. -Tom Lehrer, from "Who's Next." A September 1982 article in the Progressive by Samuel H. Day a song about nuclear proliferation builds a good case for the existence of what he calls the "Afrikaner Bomb." In the course of a five-month investigation, Day uncovered Does South Africa have the bomb? dues that a nuclear warhead had been manufactured in the Somerset The question has been in the air at least since 1977, when South West plant of the African Explosives & Chemical Industries near Cape Africa was reportedly looking for a nuclear test site in the Kalahari Town, that it had been shipped out of the fishing port of Saldanha and Desert. In 1979 many thought the answer to the question had been detonated in the Indian Ocean in September 1979. Three days after the provided. An American reconnaissance satellite detected a flash of Vela satellite picked up the distinctive double flash, P.W. Botha gave a light in the Indian Ocean thatscientists thought was the telltale sign of a speech in which he hinted that South Africa might have a secret wea- small, unpublicized nuclear blast. -
Desegregating South African Sport
PLAYING THE GAME? DESEGREGATING SOUTH AFRICAN SPORT by Douglas Booth DEVELOPMENT STUDIES UNIT Centre for Applied Social Sciences WORKING PAPER NO. ISK! — U PLAYING THE GAME? DESEGREGATING SOUTH AFRICAN SPORT Douglas Booth Development Studies Series Working Paper No. 18 Development Studies Unit University of Natal Durban 1988 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES UNIT The Development Studies Unit is a multi- disciplinary unit within the Centre for Social and Development Studies at the Univer- sity of Natal in Durban. The Development Studies Unit was established at the beginning of 1982 with the purpose of providing a focus for research into the problems of developing areas, with a view to assisting the University to play a meaningful role in the upgrading of the quality of life in the poorer areas surrounding it. As well as undertaking research in many areas of South Africa, the Unit offers a post-graduate Masters programme in development studies. ISBN NO: 0-86980-615-7 1. INTRODUCTION This paper critically examines efforts by multiracial1 national sports controlling bodies in South Africa to integrate blacks and promote their respective sports among blacks. These efforts should be viewed against a background of enforced racially segregated sport, the subsequent international isolation of South African sport and strategies devised by the government and white sports administrators to break the sports boycott of South Africa. The paper is divided into two substantive sections. The first provides an overview of government policy and traces developments in counter-boycott strategy. In the second the results of a survey of multiracial national sports controlling bodies are analysed. APARTHEID SPORT. -
INTRODUCTION an Afrikaner's Long Walk to Reconciliation Leon Wessels
1 INTRODUCTION An Afrikaner’s long walk to reconciliation Leon Wessels has been through changes since he rode behind Verwoerd in 1964, writes Kevin Ritchie A young man sits atop a white horse, looking resolutely into the camera. The caption tells us he’s part of an honour guard during the erstwhile National Party’s 50th anniversary celebrations in de Wildt, a small town in the old western Transvaal, in 1964. The rider is waiting to escort the then prime minister of apartheid South Africa Hendrik Verwoerd. The caption tells us that the rider would ultimately become the first NP cabinet minister to apologise publicly for apartheid to a democratic South Africa. The rider is Leon Wessels, a co-author of South Africa’s much-lauded Constitution and a two-term commissioner at South Africa’s Human Rights Commission. The picture was taken almost 43 years ago by David Goldblatt, today an internationally acclaimed photographer, then a Jewish South African shopkeeper from a mining village west of Johannesburg with what would become a burning passion for documentary photography. The image, one of 100 photographs of a cross section of Afrikaners taken throughout the 1960’s was first published in 1975 as a book entitled Some Afrikaners Photographed. The book immediately became a cause célèbre, reviled by the Afrikaner establishment and gingerly treated by the English media with even The Sunday Times refusing to run a review of it, because it challenged the official Afrikaner view of racial superiority and divine ordination. This week a new addition, Some Afrikaners Revisited, was released 32 years after the first one and 13 years into South Africa’s democracy. -
African Studies Seminar Paper to Be Presented in RW 4.00Pro FEBRUARY 1988
UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND AFRICAN STUDIES INSTITUTE African Studies Seminar Paper to be presented in RW 4.00pro FEBRUARY 1988 Title: Apartheid With a Human Face: Punt Janson and the Origins of Reform in Township Administration, 1972-1976. by: Matthew Chaskalson No. 225 Janson and Re-form Page 1 In the late 1970s prominent figures in the South African state made a number of spectacular statements of reform- In 1978 PW Botha warned South Africans to "adapt or die." The following year, Piet Koornhof declared war on the dompas and announced that apartheid was dead. Around the same time, the Wiehahn and Riekert Commissions recommended substantial revision of South Africa's racial legislation. By the end of the decade, reform had been placed firmly on the South African agenda. The dramatic appearance of reform in this per iod has been subjected to much academic scrutiny <1). The nature of reform has been analysed and attempts have been made to explain it, but little historical work has been done on the origins of reform. This was partly a result of political choice. Much of the literature was produced to expose reform. Thus its focus tended to be on the present and future, more than on the past (2). There are other causes for the ahistorical nature of the 1iterature. One is that the public appearance of reform was sudden, and that it followed hard on the heels of the 1976-77 uprising and the Mulder gate? power struggle within the National Party. Another relates to the issue of sources. Post-1958 official documents sire not readily available to academics. -
A Historical Perspective of the Information Scandal
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE INFORMATION SCANDAL DISSERTATION by JOSHUA KRUGER HAASBROEK Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree MAGISTER ARTIUM in the Faculty of the Humanities (Department of History) at the University of the Free State Bloemfontein Supervisor: Dr J-A. Stemmet Co-Supervisor: Dr M.M. Oelofse Bloemfontein: November 2016 I declare that the dissertation hereby submitted by me for the fulfilment of the Magister Artium degree in the Department of History at the University of the Free State, is my own independent work and has not previously been submitted by me at another university/faculty. I furthermore cede copyright of the dissertation in favour of the University of the Free State. ……………….. J.K. Haasbroek TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE .................................................................................................................. i-vi 1. PROPAGANDA DEFINED 1.1 PERCEPTIONS ON PROPAGANDA ....................................................................1 1.2 THE THEORY OF PROPAGANDA ......................................................................4 1.3 PROPAGANDA IN THE 20TH CENTURY ..........................................................15 2. SOUTH AFRICA: INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, 1950-1970 2.1 SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICS .............................................................................22 2.2 THE STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM .....................................................................28 2.3 SOUTH AFRICA AND THE COLD WAR ..........................................................32 -
South African Bomb
The Rise and Fall of the Peter Liberman South African Bomb The Rise and Fall of the South African Bomb outh Africa built six S 1 nuclear weapons in the 1970s and 1980s and then scrapped them in 1990–91. As one of the few states to produce nuclear weapons and the only one to dis- mantle an indigenous arsenal, the South African case presents a rare opportu- nity to study the causes of nuclear acquisition and disarmament.This article examines the political history of the South African bomb and the light it sheds on three general sources of nuclear weapons policy: security incentives, orga- nizational politics, and international pressure along with state sensitivity to such pressure.It is based on published research as well as dozens of interviews with South African nuclear policymakers. Ofªcial South African accounts and some scholarly studies stress the chang- ing security threat to South Africa as the mainspring behind the nuclear weap- 2 ons program’s development and ultimate demise. Although the militarization and dismantlement of the program did coincide with the vicissitudes of threats Peter Liberman is Associate Professor of Political Science, Queens College, City University of New York. I am grateful for helpful comments and criticisms on earlier drafts by David Albright, Michael Barletta, Richard Betts, Avner Cohen, Neta Crawford, David Fig, David Fischer, Jeffrey Knopf, Leonard Markovitz, Andrew Marquard, Jeremy Seekings, Etel Solingen, Waldo Stumpf, and James Walsh.Robert Windrem generously shared ideas and documents.Also invaluable have been sup- porting grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Smith Richardson Foundation, and the City University of New York PSC-CUNY Research Award Program.Earlier versions of this article were presented at a May 1999 seminar at the Center for International Security and Coopera- tion at Stanford University, and at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Associa- tion, Atlanta, Georgia, September 2–5, 1999. -
The United Democratic Front As Exponent of Mass-Based Resistance and Protest, 1983 - 1990
THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT AS EXPONENT OF MASS-BASED RESISTANCE AND PROTEST, 1983 - 1990 by KEITH VINCENT CLARKSON Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of D. LITT. ET PHIL. in HISTORY in the FACULTY OF ARTS at RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY Promotor : Prof. Dr. L.W.F. GRUNDLINGH NOVEMBER 1997 Expression of thanks I would like to thank the following persons for their contribution to this thesis : My wife Martsan for her support, understanding and patience. My parents for their support of my studies through the years. My colleagues, friends and co-students for their support and encouragement. Thank you Gerrie Terblanche, Beer Duvenhage, Louis Siebrits and Willie Bernard. The library personnel who was always willing to unearth another source. Thank you Christine Prinsloo, Alta Strauss and Nicolene Lubbert. Karien Allers for the editing of the thesis. i CONTENTS i LIST OF ACRONYMS vii SUM MARY x OPSOMMING xii INTRODUCTION 1. Approach to the study 3 2. Focus and aim 5 3. Background of the history of mass-based resistance 7 4. Structure of the thesis 11 5. Historiography 12 6. Methodology and sources 19 6.1. General sources 6.2. Primary documents 6.3. Other sources CHAPTER 1 : THE CONCEPT OF MASS-BASED PROTEST Introduction 26 Defining non-violent mass-based protest 30 11 3. Non-violent protest action 31 3.1. The nature and characteristics of non-violent protest action 32 3.2. Characteristics of protest 33 3.3. The roots of political power 37 3.4. Motives, methods and leverages 43 4. The methods of mass-based resistance and protest 45 4.1.