DOCSLIB.ORG

A Comparison of the References to Muqatil B

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Comparison of the References to Muqatil B Journal of Semitic Studies LIII/1 Spring 2008 doi:10.1093/jss/fgm045 © The author. PublishedREFERENCES by Oxford TO UniversityMUQATIL Press B. SULAYMon behalf AofN the (150/767) University of Manchester. All rights reserved. A COMPARISON OF THE REFERENCES TO MUQATIL B. SULAYMAN (150/767) IN THE EXEGESIS OF AL-THA{LABI (427/1036) Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jss/article/53/1/69/1729574 by ANKARA UNIVERSITY user on 08 July 2021 WITH MUQATIL'S OWN EXEGESIS* MEHMET AKIF KOÇ ANKARA UNIVERSITY, TURKEY Abstract Muqatil b. Sulayman’s work is the oldest surviving exegesis which comments on the entire Qur’an from the beginning to the end. Ana- lytical comparisons between different manuscripts of this exegesis and the quotations made by the exegetes, who greatly benefited from Muqatil, give us important information about the history of Quranic exegesis. al-Tha¨labi’s references to Muqatil offer valuable data illumi- nating the role of ‘the changing contents’ of the manuscripts in un- derstanding the history of the exegesis. Changing evaluations and criticism about Muqatil’s personality and his opinions show that the history of Quranic exegesis needs to be further critically studied. Introduction Muqatil b. Sulayman’s exegesis has been studied by modern scholars to enable them to elaborate on the history of early exegetical activi- ties. The investigation of the transmissions of Muqatil in al-Tha¨labi’s recently published exegesis, al-Kashf wa al-bayan ¨an tafsir al-Qur’an1 has also contributed to the elucidation of the early development of exegesis and to the understanding of its nature in the following peri- * My thanks are due to Associate Professor Ismail Albayrak (Faculty of Divin- ity/Sakarya University) for comments and for correcting the English text of my ar- ticle. I am also grateful to Professor Osman Ta≥tan (Faculty of Divinity/Ankara University) for his advisory support during my final English corrections upon edi- torial suggestions. 1 Al-Tha¨labi, al-Kashf wa al-bayan ¨an tafsir al-Qur’an, ed. Sayyid Kasrawi Îasan (Beirut 2004). Because no serious effort has been made to produce a critical edition, this article makes limited use of this edition. The manuscripts of al- Tha¨labi’s exegesis found in Beyazıt Library (Veliyyüddin Efendi no. 130–3), Süley- maniye Library (≤ehid Ali Pa≥a no. 156) and others consulted are used instead. 69 0636-07_Joss08-1_Art04_fgm00469 12/3/08, 3:31 pm REFERENCES TO MUQATIL B. SULAYMAN (150/767) ods. Thus, the exegeses of Muqatil’s and al-Tha¨labi’s are not ran- domly selected as major themes of this study: Muqatil’s work is the oldest surviving exegesis which comments on the entire Qur’an from beginning to end. Now we have this exegesis in published form.2 Due to controversial opinions attributed to Muqatil, he is considered one of the most interesting figures in the history of exegesis. How- Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jss/article/53/1/69/1729574 by ANKARA UNIVERSITY user on 08 July 2021 ever, the importance of al-Tha¨labi’s exegesis — for the present study — lies in the crucial role it played in the legitimization of Muqatil’s exegesis. After his death, Muqatil’s exegesis was nearly ignored for one and half centuries by many exegetes, possibly, due to criticism of Muqatil,3 which made him unpopular during this period. Remark- ably, the earliest references to his exegesis are found in the commen- tary of Abu ManÒur al-Maturidi (333/945), which contains more than thirty references to Muqatil’s exegesis.4 Given the voluminous- 2 This exegesis was first edited and published in four volumes by ¨Abd Allah MaÌmud ShaÌata in Cairo during 1979–88. This edition is used in this study. There is another edition (Beirut) of this exegesis which was published by AÌmad Farid in 2003. This edition is of doubtful use, because it lacks any scientific meth- odology. First of all, AÌmad Farid does not make any reference to ShaÌata, who edited and published this exegesis before him. AÌmad Farid claims to be the first editor of this exegesis. However, it is clear that AÌmad Farid benefited from ShaÌata’s edition to the extent that he (Farid) repeats the mistake, which ShaÌata had made in his edition: in the explanation of the verse (3:111), ShaÌata mentions the name of Ka¨b b. Malik (40/660?) mistakenly instead of noting the name of Ka¨b b. al-Ashraf (3/625). See Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir (Cairo 1979–88), I, 295. AÌmad Farid repeats the same mistake without alteration. See Muqatil b. Sulay- man, Tafsir Muqatil b. Sulayman (Beirut 2003), I, 186. 3 Muqatil’s thought in favour of tashbih or tajsim (anthropomorphic) is consid- ered unacceptable by the mainstream of Muslims. See, for example, al-Ash¨ari, Kitab maqalat al-Islamiyyin, ed. Hellmut Ritter (Wiesbaden 1980), 152–3, 209; Ibn Îibban, Kitab al-majruÌin min al-muÌaddithin wa al-∂u¨afa’ wa al-matrukin, ed. MuÌammad Ibrahim Zayid (Aleppo 1396), III, 14; al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Bagh- dad aw madinat al-salam (Beirut n.d.), XIII, 164. Apart from anthropomorhic ten- dencies, Muqatil is also accused of being a Murji’i, Zaydi, liar, Ìadith fabricator to- gether with tadlis (deceiving or concealing some part of the report deliberately). See, for example, al-Ash¨ari, Ki†ab maqalat al-Islamiyyin, 151; Ibn Abi Îatim, Kitab al-jarÌ wa al-ta¨dil (Hyderabad 1952), VIII, 354; Ibn Îibban, Kitab al- majruÌin III, 14-15; Ibn ¨Adiyy, al-Kamil fi ∂u¨afa} al-rijal (Beirut 1985), VI, 2428; Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist (Beirut 1978), 253; Ibn Îazm, al-MuÌalla ed. AÌmad MuÌammad Shakir (Beirut n.d.), II, 35; al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad XIII, 164, 169; al-Shahristani, al-Milal wa al-niÌal, ed. AÌmad Fahmi MuÌammad (Beirut 1948), I, 228; al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamal fi asma’ al-rijal, ed. Bashshar ¨Awwad Ma¨ruf (Beirut 1992), XXVIII, 450; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i¨tidal fi naqd al-rijal, ed. ¨Ali MuÌammad al-Bajawi (Beirut 1963), IV, 173; Ibn Îajar, Tahdhib al- tahdhib (Beirut n.d.), X, 284. 4 Twenty-one of these references are found in Muqatil’s published exegesis. See 70 0636-07_Joss08-1_Art04_fgm00470 12/3/08, 3:31 pm REFERENCES TO MUQATIL B. SULAYMAN (150/767) ness of al-Maturidi’s exegesis one might think that the references to Muqatil’s exegesis in al-Maturidi’s commentary are too few. None- theless, despite the existence of several early exegeses which have come down to us, al-Maturidi retains a unique place because of his extensive usage of Muqatil’s commentary. After al-Maturidi, we see 5 that al-Naqqash (351/962) used Muqatil in his exegesis, and then Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jss/article/53/1/69/1729574 by ANKARA UNIVERSITY user on 08 July 2021 Abu al-Layth al-Samarqandi (373/983) and al-Tha¨labi benefited from it.6 Two centuries after al-Tha¨labi, several exegetes continued to use Muqatil’s commentary, such as al-Mawardi (450/1058) 260 times in his exegesis, al-™usi (460/1068) 7 times, al-WaÌidi (468/1076) 764 times,7 al-Baghawi (516/1122) 425 times, al-Zamakhshari (538/1143) 13 times, Ibn ¨A†iyya (542/1147) 47 times, al-™abrasi (548/1153) 215 times, Abu al-Faraj b. al-Jawzi (597/1201) approximately 1300 times, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (604/1207) 220 times and the famous tradition- alist Ibn Kathir (774/1372), whose fastidiousness is well known,8 makes 18 references to Muqatil b. Sulayman in his exegesis.9 These al-Maturidi, Ta’ w ilat ahl al-sunna, ed. Fa†ima Yusuf al-Khiyami (Beirut 2004), I, 262, 519, 524; II, 626; III, 18, 261, 306, 420–1, 429, 463, 464, 552, 588, 617; IV, 46, 73, 168, 259; V, 78, 523. The other thirteen references in Muqatil’s pub- lished exegesis have not been found. For these references see ibid., III, 114, 217, 277, 306, 399, 585; IV, 49, 211, 255, 437; V, 17, 80, 437. These references made by al-Maturidi have been investigated by Kıyasettin Koçoglu [see Kıyasettin Koçoglu, ‘Maturidi’nin Mutezileye Bakı≥ı’ unpublished Ph.D. thesis (Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü 2005)]. Koçoglu used the manuscript of al- Maturidi’s exegesis, which is now in the Topkapı Palace Museum/ Madina Dept no. 180. Although the editor of al-Maturidi’s published exegesis, Fa†ima Yusuf, did not use the Topkapı Palace Museum manuscript, there is full agreement between the references in both the published and manuscript forms of al-Maturidi’s ex- egesis. 5 In his exegesis, Ibn ¨A†iyya (542/1147) has noted four places, where al- Naqqash narrates from Muqatil. See al-MuÌarrar al-wajiz fi tafsir al-kitab al-¨aziz (Beirut 1993), I, 124, 374; II, 427, 441. Only one of these references was found in the manuscript of al-Naqqash’s exegesis in Süleymaniye library (Hasan Hüsnü Pa≥a no. 40). See Al-Naqqash, Shifa’ al-Òudur fi tafsir al-Qur’an al-karim, 154. This ex- egesis of al-Naqqash contains the explanation of very few verses of the Qur’an. Page numbering of this manuscript is arranged in accordance with modern books. A su- perficial study of this exegesis shows that al-Naqqash uses Muqatil rarely. For two other references to Muqatil see ibid., 151. 6 The transmission of al-Samarqandi and al-Tha¨labi will be dealt with later in this article. 7 This figure only shows the number of references to Muqatil in al-WaÌidi’s work entitled al-Wasi† fi tafsir al-Qur’an al-majid (eds, ¨Adil AÌmad ¨Abd al- Mawjud, AÌmad MuÌammad ∑ira, ¨Ali MuÌammad Mu¨awwi∂, AÌmad ¨Abd al- Ghani al-Jamal and ¨Abd al-RaÌman Uways [Beirut 1994]).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nīshāpūrī Scholars in the Formation of Sunnī Scholarship in the Eleventh Century
    Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e) Vol. 55, no. 2 (2017), pp.427-462, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2017.552.427-462 NĪSHĀPŪRĪ SCHOLARS IN THE FORMATION OF SUNNĪ SCHOLARSHIP IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY Mohammad Syifa Amin Widigdo Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia email: [email protected] Abstract The role of Nīshāpūrī medieval scholars in the tenth-eleventh century in the formation of Sunnī orthodoxy has been rarely discussed. The existing scholarship focuses primarily on the local history of Nīshāpūr and other parts of eastern Muslim world or emphasizes more on the contribution of Baghdādī scholars in the light of the formation of Sunnī legal schools, which in turn is deemed as Sunnī orthodoxy, than their counterpart in Nīshāpūr and other cities in the east. Therefore, this paper attempts to show how Muslim scholars from Nīshāpūr contributed to the advancement of Sunnī scholarship in the fifth/eleventh century through a closer study of intellectual strategies developed and employed by Nīshāpūrī scholars to cope with their local challenges. They built intellectual networking and attempted to integrate legal and theological scholarship in Islamic scholarship to deal with their local problems, which interestingly shaped their distinctive contribution in the light of Sunnī scholarship tradition. By means of this attempt of intellectual networking and harmonizing legal scholarship (fiqh) and theological scholarship (kalām), they were not only able to tackle local problems but also equipped with intellectual means to push doctrinal boundaries within Sunnī scholarship in the fifth/ eleventh century. [Peran ilmuwan Nīshāpūr abad pertengahan dalam pembentukan ortodoksi Sunni di abad 10 – 11 masehi masih jarang dibahas.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan
    The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan George Fiske Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 George Fiske All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan George Fiske This study examines the socioeconomics of state formation in medieval Afghanistan in historical and historiographic terms. It outlines the thousand year history of Ghaznavid historiography by treating primary and secondary sources as a continuum of perspectives, demonstrating the persistent problems of dynastic and political thinking across periods and cultures. It conceptualizes the geography of Ghaznavid origins by framing their rise within specific landscapes and histories of state formation, favoring time over space as much as possible and reintegrating their experience with the general histories of Iran, Central Asia, and India. Once the grand narrative is illustrated, the scope narrows to the dual process of monetization and urbanization in Samanid territory in order to approach Ghaznavid obstacles to state formation. The socioeconomic narrative then shifts to political and military specifics to demythologize the rise of the Ghaznavids in terms of the framing contexts described in the previous chapters. Finally, the study specifies the exact combination of culture and history which the Ghaznavids exemplified to show their particular and universal character and suggest future paths for research. The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan I. General Introduction II. Perspectives on the Ghaznavid Age History of the literature Entrance into western European discourse Reevaluations of the last century Historiographic rethinking Synopsis III.
    [Show full text]
  • In Yohanan Friedmann (Ed.), Islam in Asia, Vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), P
    Notes INTRODUCTION: AFGHANISTAN’S ISLAM 1. Cited in C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Coming of Islam to Afghanistan,” in Yohanan Friedmann (ed.), Islam in Asia, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. Erica C. D. Hunter, “The Church of the East in Central Asia,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 129–42. On Herat, see pp. 131–34. 3. On Afghanistan’s Jews, see the discussion and sources later in this chapter and notes 163 to 169. 4. Bosworth (1984; above, note 1), pp. 1–22; idem, “The Appearance and Establishment of Islam in Afghanistan,” in Étienne de la Vaissière (ed.), Islamisation de l’Asie Centrale: Processus locaux d’acculturation du VIIe au XIe siècle, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39 (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2008); and Gianroberto Scarcia, “Sull’ultima ‘islamizzazione’ di Bāmiyān,” Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, new series, 16 (1966), pp. 279–81. On the early Arabic sources on Balkh, see Paul Schwarz, “Bemerkungen zu den arabischen Nachrichten über Balkh,” in Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry (ed.), Oriental Studies in Honour of Cursetji Erachji Pavry (London: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1933). 5. Hugh Kennedy and Arezou Azad, “The Coming of Islam to Balkh,” in Marie Legen- dre, Alain Delattre, and Petra Sijpesteijn (eds.), Authority and Control in the Countryside: Late Antiquity and Early Islam (London: Darwin Press, forthcoming). 6. For example, Geoffrey Khan (ed.), Arabic Documents from Early Islamic Khurasan (London: Nour Foundation/Azimuth Editions, 2007). 7. Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quan- titative History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979); Derryl Maclean, Re- ligion and Society in Arab Sind (Leiden: Brill, 1989); idem, “Ismailism, Conversion, and Syncretism in Arab Sind,” Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 11 (1992), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Methodologies for the Dating of Exegetical Works and Traditions: Can the Lost Tafsı¯R of Kalbı¯Be Recovered from Tafsı¯R Ibn Abba¯S (Also Known As Al-Wa¯D.Ih.)? *
    13 Methodologies for the Dating of Exegetical Works and Traditions: Can the Lost Tafsı¯r of Kalbı¯be Recovered from Tafsı¯r Ibn Abba¯s (also known as al-Wa¯d.ih.)? * MICHAELE.PREGILL Introduction CHOLARSHAVELONG sought to recover genuine sources from Sthe early Islamic period for what they might tell us about the con- tours of Islamic discourse before the imposition of normative stan- dards and concepts associated with the construction of Sunni orthodoxy in the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries. Before the emergence of ‘classical’ Islam restricted and reshaped the parameters of acceptable thought and practice, the earliest generations of Muslims naturally entertained a broader spectrum of possibilities in the realms of devotional practice, law, historical recollection and interpretation of the Qur’an. The gradual articulation of orthodox standards led to active or passive censorship of received material, for example as presented in the Qur’an commentary of Abū Ja1far al- 2abarī (d. 311/923), the first great monument to the nascent ideology of Sunnism in the tafsīr genre. Thus, identifying authentically pre- classical literary works, or at least authentically pre-classical strata of material within works composed at a later time, has long been a pri- ority for scholars of tafsīr, just as it has been for those working in other fields in the study of the early Islamic tradition. * I would like to acknowledge the many helpful comments I have received on this paper from various scholars, especially Andrew Rippin and Gerald Hawting; Devin Stewart and Walid Saleh have also offered much-needed advice. 393 Michael E.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion and State in Late Mughal India: the Official Status of the Fatawa Alamgiri
    Religion and State in Late Mughal India: The Official Status of the Fatawa Alamgiri Dr. Muhammad Khalid Masud* Following the advent of the phenomenon of the nation-state in modern Muslim countries, the issue of the relationship between the state and religion assumed great significance. Islamic scholars have differed over the scope of this relationship, and a key factor underpinning this inquiry has been different interpretations of the various schools of Islamic law. In this regard, the Hanafi school, due to its wide following, has been the center of attention of Islamic scholars since long. This article examines the Fatawa Alamgiri, a compilation of authoritative Hanafi doctrines, with respect to the meaning of the official recognition of the Hanafi school and the relationship between the state and madhhab (school). The meaning of official recognition is explored in the context of personal madhhab of the kings, royal patronage of madhhab, madhhab as a source of legislation, requirements for judges to interpret madhhab, and prevalence of madhhab among the masses. This article concludes that official recognition of madhhab cannot be obtained only on the basis of the evidence of personal adoption of madhhab by kings, its royal patronage, and its prevalence among the masses. In fact, official recognition is obtained when a madhhab becomes the exclusive source of legislation in the state, and judges are required to adhere to it exclusively. In this sense the Hanafi madhhab was never recognized as an official madhhab in pre-colonial India. 1. Introduction The formation of the nation-state in modern Muslim countries raised some important questions about the place of Islamic law in the structure of the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Bektashi Order - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Personal Tools Create Account Log In
    Bektashi Order - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Personal tools Create account Log in Namespaces Views Article Read Bektashi OrderTalk Edit From Wikipedia, the freeVariants encyclopedia View history Main page More TheContents Bektashi Order (Turkish: Bektaşi Tarikatı), or the ideology of Bektashism (Turkish: Bektaşilik), is a dervish order (tariqat) named after the 13th century Persian[1][2][3][4] Order of Bektashi dervishes AleviFeatured Wali content (saint) Haji Bektash Veli, but founded by Balim Sultan.[5] The order is mainly found throughout Anatolia and the Balkans, and was particularly strong in Albania, Search BulgariaCurrent events, and among Ottoman-era Greek Muslims from the regions of Epirus, Crete and Greek Macedonia. However, the Bektashi order does not seem to have attracted quite as BektaşiSearch Tarikatı manyRandom adherents article from among Bosnian Muslims, who tended to favor more mainstream Sunni orders such as the Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya. InDonate addition to Wikipedia to the spiritual teachings of Haji Bektash Veli, the Bektashi order was later significantly influenced during its formative period by the Hurufis (in the early 15th century),Wikipedia storethe Qalandariyya stream of Sufism, and to varying degrees the Shia beliefs circulating in Anatolia during the 14th to 16th centuries. The mystical practices and rituals of theInteraction Bektashi order were systematized and structured by Balım Sultan in the 16th century after which many of the order's distinct practices and beliefs took shape. A largeHelp number of academics consider Bektashism to have fused a number of Shia and Sufi concepts, although the order contains rituals and doctrines that are distinct unto itself.About Throughout Wikipedia its history Bektashis have always had wide appeal and influence among both the Ottoman intellectual elite as well as the peasantry.
    [Show full text]
  • Parti Islamic Theolog(Ies) During the Formative and the Early Middle Period
    TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Contributors ix Introduction 1 SABINE SCHMIDTKE PARTI ISLAMIC THEOLOG(IES) DURING THE FORMATIVE AND THE EARLY MIDDLE PERIOD 1. Origins of Kaldm 27 ALEXANDER TREIGER 2. The Early Qadariyya 44 STEVEN C. JUDD 3. Jahm b. Safwan (d. 128/745-6) and the 'Jahmiyya' and Dirar b. cAmr (d. 200/815) 55 CORNELIA SCHOCK 4- Early Shu Theology 81 MOHAMMAD ALI AMIR-MOEZZI 5- Excursus I: Christian Theological Thought during the First cAbbasid Century 91 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH 6. Excursus II: Ungodly Cosmologies 103 PATRICIA CRONE 7. The Muctazilite Movement (I): The Origins of the Mu'tazila 130 RACHA EL-OMARI 8. The Mu'tazilite Movement (II): The Early Muctazilites 142 DAVID BENNETT 9- The Mu'tazilite Movement (III): The Scholastic Phase 159 SABINE SCHMIDTKE VI CONTENTS 10. Trie Shu Reception of Muctazilism (I): Zaydis 181 HASSAN ANSARI 11. The Shi'i Reception of Mu'tazilism (II): Twelver Shicis 196 HASSAN ANSARI AND SABINE SCHMIDTKE 12. The Predecessors of Ash'arism: Ibn Kullab, al-Muhasibi and al-Qalanisi 215 HARITH BIN RAMLI 13. Between Cordoba and Nisabur: The Emergence and Consolidation of Ash'arism (Fourth-Fifth/Tenth-Eleventh Century) 225 JAN THIELE 14. Early Ibadi Theology 242 WlLFERD MADELUNG 15. Karramiyya 252 ARON ZYSOW 16. Scripturalist and Traditionalist Theology 263 BlNYAMIN ABRAHAMOV 17. Hanafi Theological Tradition and Maturidism 280 ULRICH RUDOLPH 18. Philosophical Theology 297 PETER ADAMSON 19. Isma'ili Theology 313 DANIEL DE SMET 20. Sufi Theological Thought 325 MARTIN NGUYEN PART II INTELLECTUAL INTERACTIONS OF ISLAMIC THEOLOGY(IES) —FOUR CASE STUDIES 21. Occasionalism 347 ULRICH RUDOLPH 22.
    [Show full text]
  • Sufi Commentaries on the Qur1an in Classical Islam
    SÁFI COMMENTARIES ON THE QUR1AN IN CLASSICAL ISLAM The Classical period of Islam, from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, was the period in which the most influential commentaries on the Qur1an were written. Sufi Commentaries on the Qur1an in Classical Islam looks at the unique contributions of Sufis to this genre and how these contributions fit into the theological and exegetical discussions of the time. The study begins with an examination of several key hermeneutical assumptions of Sufis, including their understanding of the ambiguous and multivalent nature of the Qur1anic text, the role that both the intellect and spiritual disciplines play in acquiring knowledge of its meanings, and the ever-changing nature of the self which seeks this kind of knowledge. The second half of the study is an analysis and comparison of the themes and styles of several different commentaries on the Qur1anic story of Musa (Moses) and al-Khadir; the figure of Maryam (The Virgin Mary); and the Light Verse. It demonstrates that, while Sufi interpretation has often been characterized as allegorical, these writings are more notable for their variety of philosophical, visionary, literary, and homiletic styles. Sufi Commentaries on the Qur1an in Classical Islam is the first comprehensive study of the contributions of Sufis to the genre of commentaries on the Qur1an and is essential reading for those with research interests in Sufism, Qur1anic exegesis and Islam. Kristin Zahra Sands is a Mellon Fellow and Assistant Professor of Islamic Studies at Sarah Lawrence College. Her research interests include Sufism, Qur1anic exegesis, and Islam and media. ROUTLEDGE STUDIES IN THE QURAN Series Editor: Andrew Rippin University of Victoria, Canada In its examination of critical issues in the scholarly study of the Quran and its commentaries, this series targets the disciplines of archaeology, history, textual history, anthropology, theology, and literary criticism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Formation of Islam Religion and Society in the Near East, 600–1800
    The Formation of Islam Religion and Society in the Near East, 600–1800 Jonathan Berkey’s book surveys the religious history of the peoples of the Near East from roughly 600 to 1800 CE. The opening chapter examines the religious scene in the Near East in late antiquity, and the religious traditions which preceded Islam. Subsequent chapters investigate Islam’s first century and the beginnings of its own traditions, the ‘classical’ period from the accession of the fiAbbasids to the rise of the Buyid amirs, and thereafter the emergence of new forms of Islam in the middle period. Throughout, close attention is paid to the experiences of Jews and Christians, as well as Muslims. The book stresses that Islam did not appear all at once, but emerged slowly, as part of a prolonged process whereby it was differentiated from other religious traditions and, indeed, that much that we take as characteristic of Islam is in fact the product of the medieval period. This book has been written for students and for all those with an interest in the emergence and evolution of Islam. Jonathan P. Berkey is Associate Professor of History at Davidson College. His publications include Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East (2001). THEMES IN ISLAMIC HISTORY comprises a range of titles exploring different aspects of Islamic history, society and culture by leading scholars in the field. Books are thematic in approach, offering a comprehensive and accessible over- view of the subject. Generally, surveys treat Islamic history from its origins to the demise of the Ottoman empire, although some offer a more developed analysis of a particular period, or project into the present, depending on the subject-matter.
    [Show full text]
  • Foucauldianreading of Maqamat of Al-Hamadhani, Al-Hariri, and Hamidi
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714 www.ijhssi.org ||Volume 7 Issue 08 Ver. I ||August. 2018 || PP.11-24 The Similar Literary Styles With Different Discourses: Foucauldianreading Of Maqamat Of Al-Hamadhani, Al-Hariri, And Hamidi Maryam Rahimian, Reza Nazemian, Saeed Vaez Master of Comparative Literature (Persian-Arabic), Faculty of Persian Literature and Foreign Languages, AllamehTbataba’I University, Modiriat Bridge, ShahidChamran highway, South AllamehTabataba’i Street. Tehran, IRAN. Professor of Arabic Language and Literature, Faculty of Persian Literature and Foreign Languages, AllamehTabataba’I University, Tehran, IRAN. Professor Emeritus of Persian Language and Literature, Faculty of Persian Literature and Foreign Languages, AllamehTabataba’I University, Tehran, IRAN. Corresponding Author: Maryam Rahimian ABSTRACT: Power and knowledge are considered as two fundamental concepts from the perspective of Michel Foucault; they have an interwoven and mutual relationshipwith each other in forming the discourses of each period.The power is a factor of creating a system of reality in which the creation of certain knowledge would be possible; and the knowledge would be the main factor of power distribution helping itspreservation and continuity. Of course, in a discourse formation, the inconsistent and contradictory conceptscould be created to form a new discourse formation in order to oppose to the primary power. Arabic and Persian Maqamat written
    [Show full text]
  • Copyrighted Material
    Index Note: The prefix ‘Al-’ is ignored in alphabetical filing of entries. Listings are by first given name in text for Arabic names. Page references in italics are to illustrations. Page references in bold are to definitions. Abbas I, Shah (r.1587–1629) 161 Abu ‘Abdullah Mas‘ud al-Jawi 147 ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Shah (d.1823) 192 Abu ‘Abdullah Muhammad ibn Karram ‘Abd al-Baqi al-Bakri 198 (d.874) 45 ‘Abd al-Ghafur (d.1877) 194 Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi (d.990 or ‘Abd al-Hafid, Sultan (r.1908–1912) 995) 52 200 Abu al-Ghazi Burasˇ-ugl€ı 204–205 ‘Abd al-Hamid II, Sultan Abu Hafs ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi (r.1876–1909) 208–209 (d.1234) 85–86, 96 ‘Abd al-Haqq 166 Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (d.1111) ‘Abd al-Karim al-Jili (d.1408 or 72, 85 1428) 79, 94 and light 55, 75 ‘Abd al-Khaliq al-Ghijduwani Abu al-Huda al-Sayyadi (d.1220) 90 (1850–1910) 208 Abd al-Malik 223 Abu Ishaq al-Kazaruni (d.1035) 58, ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaza’iri (1808–1883) 60, 96 199–200, 201, 209 shrine 98 ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (d.1166) 84, 87, Abu Najib al-Suhrawardi (d.1168) 84, 88, 125 85–86 ‘Abd al-Rahman Chishti (d.1683) Abu Nasr al-Sarraj (d.988) 52 163–164 Abu Sa‘id ibn Abi’l-Khayr (d.1049) ‘Abd al-Rahman Illaysh 202 59–60, 62, 86, 93, 96, 106 ‘Abd al-Ra’uf (d.1693) 169 Abu Sa‘id al-Kharraz, of Baghdad ‘Abd al-Satar 144COPYRIGHTED(d.899) MATERIAL 29–33, 41 abdal (substitutes) 34 and classification 32–33 ‘Abdullah al-Ghazwani (d.1529) 151 and intimacy with God 32 Abu ‘Abd al-Rahman Al-Sulami Kitab al-Sidq (Book of Truthfulness) (d.1021) 50, 52, 53, 54 30, 31 Sufism: A Global History, First Edition.
    [Show full text]
  • © in This Web
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-51430-9 - A History of Islamic Societies: Third Edition Ira M. Lapidus Index More information INDEX Note: Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations and tables. ‘Abbasid dynasty, 46, 70–3 Abdulrahim, Imaduddin, 744 ‘Abbasid empire: administration of central government, ‘Abdur Rahman, Amir, 722, 724 76–9; Baghdad as capital of, 74–6; decline of central Abi Khayr, 221 government, 85–7; and imperial Islam, 102–106; and Abraham (biblical figure), 36, 42, 96 inquisition, 104–105, 173; and local governments, Abraham ibn Ezra, 309, 310 80–2; provincial autonomy and rise of independent Abu al-‘Abbas b. al-’Arif, 303 states, 88–91; and provincial governments, 79–80; Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad al-Jazuli, 321 resistance and rebellion in, 82–4; and Saljuq Empire, Abu al-‘Ala’ al-Ma‘rri, 201 182.SeealsoArab-Muslim empire Abu ‘Amir b. Garcia, 302 ‘Abbud, Ibrahim, 784 Abu Ayyub al-Ansari, 341 ‘Abdallah (Jordan), 588 Abu Bakr, 35, 48, 49, 65, 454 ‘Abdallah (Saudi Arabia), 614, 617 Abu Bakr ibn ‘Abdullah al-‘Aydarus, 484 ‘Abdallah ibn Abi Bakr, 33 Abu Bakr al-Khallal, 133 ‘Abdallah, Amir (Transjordan), 587 Abu Dhabi, 622 ‘Abdallah, Faruq, 720 Abu Hafs al-Naysaburi, 135 ‘Abdallah Jevdet, 531 Abu Hafs ‘Umar, 295 ‘Abdallah b. Salim, 484 Abu Hanifa, 126 ‘Abdallah b. Yasin, 294 Abu al Hasan al-Shadhili, 297 ‘Abdallah b. al-Zubayn, 69 Abu Hashim, 135 ‘Abd-‘Aziz, Sultan, 325 Abu Jummayza, 781 ‘Abd-‘Aziz, Shah, 699 Abu’l-Fazl ‘Allami, 404 ‘Abd al-‘Aziz b. Sa‘ud.SeeIbn Sa‘ud Abu’l-Kalam Azad, 706 ‘Abd al-‘Aziz b.
    [Show full text]