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Nīshāpūrī Scholars in the Formation of Sunnī Scholarship in the Eleventh Century
Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e) Vol. 55, no. 2 (2017), pp.427-462, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2017.552.427-462 NĪSHĀPŪRĪ SCHOLARS IN THE FORMATION OF SUNNĪ SCHOLARSHIP IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY Mohammad Syifa Amin Widigdo Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia email: [email protected] Abstract The role of Nīshāpūrī medieval scholars in the tenth-eleventh century in the formation of Sunnī orthodoxy has been rarely discussed. The existing scholarship focuses primarily on the local history of Nīshāpūr and other parts of eastern Muslim world or emphasizes more on the contribution of Baghdādī scholars in the light of the formation of Sunnī legal schools, which in turn is deemed as Sunnī orthodoxy, than their counterpart in Nīshāpūr and other cities in the east. Therefore, this paper attempts to show how Muslim scholars from Nīshāpūr contributed to the advancement of Sunnī scholarship in the fifth/eleventh century through a closer study of intellectual strategies developed and employed by Nīshāpūrī scholars to cope with their local challenges. They built intellectual networking and attempted to integrate legal and theological scholarship in Islamic scholarship to deal with their local problems, which interestingly shaped their distinctive contribution in the light of Sunnī scholarship tradition. By means of this attempt of intellectual networking and harmonizing legal scholarship (fiqh) and theological scholarship (kalām), they were not only able to tackle local problems but also equipped with intellectual means to push doctrinal boundaries within Sunnī scholarship in the fifth/ eleventh century. [Peran ilmuwan Nīshāpūr abad pertengahan dalam pembentukan ortodoksi Sunni di abad 10 – 11 masehi masih jarang dibahas. -
The Right to Asylum Between Islamic Shari'ah And
The Right to Asylum between Islamic Shari’ah and International Refugee Law A Comparative Study Prof. Ahmed Abou-El-Wafa Produced and Printed by Printing Press of Naif Arab University for Security Sciences Riyadh - 2009 (1430 H.) The Right to Asylum between Islamic Shari’ah and International Refugee Law A Comparative Study Prof. Ahmed Abou-El-Wafa Riyadh - 2009 (1430 H.) “Those who believed and emigrated, and strove in the cause of GOD, as well as those who hosted them and gave them refuge, and supported them, these are the true believers. They have deserved forgiveness and a generous recompense.” (Quranic Surat al-Anfal, "The Spoils of War" [Chapter 8 verse 74]) “Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.” (Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 14) "Every man shall have the right, within the framework of the Shari'ah... if persecuted, is entitled to seek asylum in another country. The country of refugee shall be obliged to provide protection to the asylum seeker until his safety has been attained, unless asylum is motivated by committing an act regarded by the Shari'ah as a crime". (Article 12 of the Declaration on Human Rights in Islam) United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Regional Office in the Regional Office in the Arab Republic of Egypt GCC Countries E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Arabic Website: English Website: www.unhcr.org.eg www.unhcr.org First Edition 2009 This book is written, on behalf of UNHCR by Prof. Dr. Ahmed Abou-El-Wafa, Chief of the Department of Public International Law, Faculty of Law, Cairo University. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced firom the microfilm master. UMT films the text directly fi’om the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter 6ce, while others may be fi’om any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing fi’om left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Ifowell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 THE EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF ARABIC RHETORICAL THEORY. 500 C £.-1400 CE. DISSERTATION Presented m Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Khaiid Alhelwah, M.A. -
A Comparison of the References to Muqatil B
Journal of Semitic Studies LIII/1 Spring 2008 doi:10.1093/jss/fgm045 © The author. PublishedREFERENCES by Oxford TO UniversityMUQATIL Press B. SULAYMon behalf AofN the (150/767) University of Manchester. All rights reserved. A COMPARISON OF THE REFERENCES TO MUQATIL B. SULAYMAN (150/767) IN THE EXEGESIS OF AL-THA{LABI (427/1036) Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jss/article/53/1/69/1729574 by ANKARA UNIVERSITY user on 08 July 2021 WITH MUQATIL'S OWN EXEGESIS* MEHMET AKIF KOÇ ANKARA UNIVERSITY, TURKEY Abstract Muqatil b. Sulayman’s work is the oldest surviving exegesis which comments on the entire Qur’an from the beginning to the end. Ana- lytical comparisons between different manuscripts of this exegesis and the quotations made by the exegetes, who greatly benefited from Muqatil, give us important information about the history of Quranic exegesis. al-Tha¨labi’s references to Muqatil offer valuable data illumi- nating the role of ‘the changing contents’ of the manuscripts in un- derstanding the history of the exegesis. Changing evaluations and criticism about Muqatil’s personality and his opinions show that the history of Quranic exegesis needs to be further critically studied. Introduction Muqatil b. Sulayman’s exegesis has been studied by modern scholars to enable them to elaborate on the history of early exegetical activi- ties. The investigation of the transmissions of Muqatil in al-Tha¨labi’s recently published exegesis, al-Kashf wa al-bayan ¨an tafsir al-Qur’an1 has also contributed to the elucidation of the early development of exegesis and to the understanding of its nature in the following peri- * My thanks are due to Associate Professor Ismail Albayrak (Faculty of Divin- ity/Sakarya University) for comments and for correcting the English text of my ar- ticle. -
The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan
The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan George Fiske Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 George Fiske All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan George Fiske This study examines the socioeconomics of state formation in medieval Afghanistan in historical and historiographic terms. It outlines the thousand year history of Ghaznavid historiography by treating primary and secondary sources as a continuum of perspectives, demonstrating the persistent problems of dynastic and political thinking across periods and cultures. It conceptualizes the geography of Ghaznavid origins by framing their rise within specific landscapes and histories of state formation, favoring time over space as much as possible and reintegrating their experience with the general histories of Iran, Central Asia, and India. Once the grand narrative is illustrated, the scope narrows to the dual process of monetization and urbanization in Samanid territory in order to approach Ghaznavid obstacles to state formation. The socioeconomic narrative then shifts to political and military specifics to demythologize the rise of the Ghaznavids in terms of the framing contexts described in the previous chapters. Finally, the study specifies the exact combination of culture and history which the Ghaznavids exemplified to show their particular and universal character and suggest future paths for research. The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan I. General Introduction II. Perspectives on the Ghaznavid Age History of the literature Entrance into western European discourse Reevaluations of the last century Historiographic rethinking Synopsis III. -
Introduction 1 War During the Prophet's Lifetime
Notes Introduction 1. Johnson, Th e Holy War Idea, p. 21; Said, Orientalism; and Covering Islam. 2. Firestone, Jihād, p. 13. 3. Johnson, Th e Holy War Idea, p. 19. 4. Ibid., p. 22. 5. Ibid., p. 23. 6. Donner, “Th e Sources of Islamic Conceptions of War,” p. 57. 7. Firestone, Jihād, p. 13. 8. Martin, “Th e Religious Foundations of War, Peace, and Statecraft in Islam,” p. 108. See also Halliday, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation, p. 35. 9. Haddad, “Operation Desert Shield/Desert Storm: Th e Islamist Perspective,” p. 256. See also, e.g., Otterbeck, “Th e Depiction of Islam in Sweden,” pp. 143– 156. Margaret Pettygrove indicates that “Th e demonization and reduction of Islam in popular American culture, particularly with respect to suicide bomb- ings and Political Islam, suggests that Islam is an inherently violent or extremist religion” (“Conceptions of War in Islamic Legal Th eory and Practice,” p. 35). See also Abu-Nimer, “A Framework for Nonviolence and Peacebuilding in Islam,” p. 221. 10. Huntington, “Th e Clash of Civilizations?,” p. 48. See also Huntington, Th e Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order. 11. See Buaben, Image of the Prophet Muh.ammad in the West, pp. 327, 329. 12. Watt, Bell’s Introduction to the Qur’ān, p. 182. 1 War during the Prophet’s Lifetime 1. See Watt, Muhammad at Medina, pp. 336–338; Watt, Muh.ammad: Prophet and Statesman, pp. 241 f. 2. Ibn Ish. āq, Al- Sīrah. 3. See Ibn Kathīr, Al- Sīrah, Vol. 1, p. 24. -
In Yohanan Friedmann (Ed.), Islam in Asia, Vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), P
Notes INTRODUCTION: AFGHANISTAN’S ISLAM 1. Cited in C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Coming of Islam to Afghanistan,” in Yohanan Friedmann (ed.), Islam in Asia, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. Erica C. D. Hunter, “The Church of the East in Central Asia,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 129–42. On Herat, see pp. 131–34. 3. On Afghanistan’s Jews, see the discussion and sources later in this chapter and notes 163 to 169. 4. Bosworth (1984; above, note 1), pp. 1–22; idem, “The Appearance and Establishment of Islam in Afghanistan,” in Étienne de la Vaissière (ed.), Islamisation de l’Asie Centrale: Processus locaux d’acculturation du VIIe au XIe siècle, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39 (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2008); and Gianroberto Scarcia, “Sull’ultima ‘islamizzazione’ di Bāmiyān,” Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, new series, 16 (1966), pp. 279–81. On the early Arabic sources on Balkh, see Paul Schwarz, “Bemerkungen zu den arabischen Nachrichten über Balkh,” in Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry (ed.), Oriental Studies in Honour of Cursetji Erachji Pavry (London: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1933). 5. Hugh Kennedy and Arezou Azad, “The Coming of Islam to Balkh,” in Marie Legen- dre, Alain Delattre, and Petra Sijpesteijn (eds.), Authority and Control in the Countryside: Late Antiquity and Early Islam (London: Darwin Press, forthcoming). 6. For example, Geoffrey Khan (ed.), Arabic Documents from Early Islamic Khurasan (London: Nour Foundation/Azimuth Editions, 2007). 7. Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quan- titative History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979); Derryl Maclean, Re- ligion and Society in Arab Sind (Leiden: Brill, 1989); idem, “Ismailism, Conversion, and Syncretism in Arab Sind,” Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 11 (1992), pp. -
Learn Islam in Your Language KALEMAH
Learn Islam in your language KALEMAH KALEMAH ISLAMIC CENTER is a community center for all. Kalemah was founded in 2007 and is managed by a Board of Emirati Nationals, an Executive Committee and a staff of over a dozen full- time employees. We operate based on charitable donations from philanthropic individuals, organizations and governmental bodies. We are a non profit organization officially registered under the Islamic Affairs and Charitable Activities Department (IACAD) Government of Dubai. Our Mission: To propagate the pristine, unadulterated teachings of Islam to Muslims and non-Muslims in Dubai in the most effective and appropriate way. Our Vision: The souls of a nation, connected to their Creator. Ikhtiṣār ʿUlūm al-Ḥadīth By Ibn Kathīr (d.774H) All praise be to Allāh and may peace be upon His chosen slave. To proceed: Verily the science of the prophetic narrations, in which a group of scholars – old and new – have taken an interest in speaking about; like al-Hākim, al-Khatīb, those who preceded them from the scholars and those who came after from the Hufāz of this nation. It is from the most complete/important and beneficial sciences which I would love to comment on in a beneficial, comprehensive summarised manner to reach the benefits, and to make easy the obscure matters. The book that I relied upon to abridge is [by] al- Shaykh al-Imām al-Alāmah Abū Amr ibn al- Salāh – May Allāh encompass him with His mercy – from the well-known books amongst the students of this field, and maybe some of the skilful from the young have memorised it – treading behind him, to divide that which has been opened, to summarise that which has been explained, and to organise that which has preceded. -
Methodologies for the Dating of Exegetical Works and Traditions: Can the Lost Tafsı¯R of Kalbı¯Be Recovered from Tafsı¯R Ibn Abba¯S (Also Known As Al-Wa¯D.Ih.)? *
13 Methodologies for the Dating of Exegetical Works and Traditions: Can the Lost Tafsı¯r of Kalbı¯be Recovered from Tafsı¯r Ibn Abba¯s (also known as al-Wa¯d.ih.)? * MICHAELE.PREGILL Introduction CHOLARSHAVELONG sought to recover genuine sources from Sthe early Islamic period for what they might tell us about the con- tours of Islamic discourse before the imposition of normative stan- dards and concepts associated with the construction of Sunni orthodoxy in the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries. Before the emergence of ‘classical’ Islam restricted and reshaped the parameters of acceptable thought and practice, the earliest generations of Muslims naturally entertained a broader spectrum of possibilities in the realms of devotional practice, law, historical recollection and interpretation of the Qur’an. The gradual articulation of orthodox standards led to active or passive censorship of received material, for example as presented in the Qur’an commentary of Abū Ja1far al- 2abarī (d. 311/923), the first great monument to the nascent ideology of Sunnism in the tafsīr genre. Thus, identifying authentically pre- classical literary works, or at least authentically pre-classical strata of material within works composed at a later time, has long been a pri- ority for scholars of tafsīr, just as it has been for those working in other fields in the study of the early Islamic tradition. * I would like to acknowledge the many helpful comments I have received on this paper from various scholars, especially Andrew Rippin and Gerald Hawting; Devin Stewart and Walid Saleh have also offered much-needed advice. 393 Michael E. -
The Status of Rebels in Islamic Law Sadia Tabassum Sadiatabassum Is Lecturer in the Department of Law,International Islamic University,Islamabad
Volume 93 Number 881 March 2011 Combatants, not bandits: the status of rebels in Islamic law Sadia Tabassum SadiaTabassum is Lecturer in the Department of Law,International Islamic University,Islamabad. She received her LLM in International Law from the same University. Abstract The Islamic law on rebellion offers a comprehensive code for regulating the conduct of hostilities in non-international armed conflicts and thus it can be used as a model for improving the contemporary international legal regime. It not only provides an objective criterion for ascertaining existence of armed conflict but also recognizes the combatant status for rebels and the necessary corollaries of their de facto authority in the territory under their control. Thus it helps reduce the sufferings of civilians and ordinary citizens during rebellion and civil wars. At the same time, Islamic law asserts that the territory under the de facto control of the rebels is de jure part of the parent state. It therefore answers the worries of those who fear that the grant of combatant status to rebels might give legitimacy to their struggle. The contemporary world faces many armed conflicts, most of which are deemed ‘internal’ – or ‘non-international’. This article attempts to identify some of the important problems in the international legal regime regulating these conflicts and to find solutions to these problems by taking the Islamic law of rebellion as our point of reference. Islamic international law – or Siyar – has been proven to deal with the issue of rebellion, civil wars, and internal conflicts in quite some detail. Every manual of fiqh (Islamic law) has a chapter on Siyar that contains a section on rebellion (khuruj/baghy);1 some manuals of fiqh even have separate chapters on rebellion.2 The Qur’an, the primary source of Islamic law, provides fundamental doi:10.1017/S1816383111000117 121 S. -
Religion and State in Late Mughal India: the Official Status of the Fatawa Alamgiri
Religion and State in Late Mughal India: The Official Status of the Fatawa Alamgiri Dr. Muhammad Khalid Masud* Following the advent of the phenomenon of the nation-state in modern Muslim countries, the issue of the relationship between the state and religion assumed great significance. Islamic scholars have differed over the scope of this relationship, and a key factor underpinning this inquiry has been different interpretations of the various schools of Islamic law. In this regard, the Hanafi school, due to its wide following, has been the center of attention of Islamic scholars since long. This article examines the Fatawa Alamgiri, a compilation of authoritative Hanafi doctrines, with respect to the meaning of the official recognition of the Hanafi school and the relationship between the state and madhhab (school). The meaning of official recognition is explored in the context of personal madhhab of the kings, royal patronage of madhhab, madhhab as a source of legislation, requirements for judges to interpret madhhab, and prevalence of madhhab among the masses. This article concludes that official recognition of madhhab cannot be obtained only on the basis of the evidence of personal adoption of madhhab by kings, its royal patronage, and its prevalence among the masses. In fact, official recognition is obtained when a madhhab becomes the exclusive source of legislation in the state, and judges are required to adhere to it exclusively. In this sense the Hanafi madhhab was never recognized as an official madhhab in pre-colonial India. 1. Introduction The formation of the nation-state in modern Muslim countries raised some important questions about the place of Islamic law in the structure of the state. -
Bektashi Order - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Personal Tools Create Account Log In
Bektashi Order - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Personal tools Create account Log in Namespaces Views Article Read Bektashi OrderTalk Edit From Wikipedia, the freeVariants encyclopedia View history Main page More TheContents Bektashi Order (Turkish: Bektaşi Tarikatı), or the ideology of Bektashism (Turkish: Bektaşilik), is a dervish order (tariqat) named after the 13th century Persian[1][2][3][4] Order of Bektashi dervishes AleviFeatured Wali content (saint) Haji Bektash Veli, but founded by Balim Sultan.[5] The order is mainly found throughout Anatolia and the Balkans, and was particularly strong in Albania, Search BulgariaCurrent events, and among Ottoman-era Greek Muslims from the regions of Epirus, Crete and Greek Macedonia. However, the Bektashi order does not seem to have attracted quite as BektaşiSearch Tarikatı manyRandom adherents article from among Bosnian Muslims, who tended to favor more mainstream Sunni orders such as the Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya. InDonate addition to Wikipedia to the spiritual teachings of Haji Bektash Veli, the Bektashi order was later significantly influenced during its formative period by the Hurufis (in the early 15th century),Wikipedia storethe Qalandariyya stream of Sufism, and to varying degrees the Shia beliefs circulating in Anatolia during the 14th to 16th centuries. The mystical practices and rituals of theInteraction Bektashi order were systematized and structured by Balım Sultan in the 16th century after which many of the order's distinct practices and beliefs took shape. A largeHelp number of academics consider Bektashism to have fused a number of Shia and Sufi concepts, although the order contains rituals and doctrines that are distinct unto itself.About Throughout Wikipedia its history Bektashis have always had wide appeal and influence among both the Ottoman intellectual elite as well as the peasantry.