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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY OF 1 CULTURE AND AXIOLOGY CULTURA CULTURA 2014 AND AXIOLOGY OF PHILOSOPHYCULTURE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL Vol XI Vol No 1 No 14.05.14 17:43 CULTURA 2014_265846_VOL_11_No1_GR_A5Br.indd.indd 1 CULTURA Founded in2004, judged tomake anovelandimportantcontributiontounderstan- the submissionofmanuscriptsbasedonoriginalresearchthatare regional andinternationalcontexts. The editorialboardencourages mote theexplorationofdifferentvalues andculturalphenomenain ted tophilosophyofcultureandthestudyvalue. Itaimstopro Culture and Axiology and Culture www.peterlang.com ding thevalues andculturalphenomenainthecontempo Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Philosophy of Journal International Cultura. isasemiannualpeer-reviewed journaldevo- rary world. - 2014

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY OF CULTURE AND AXIOLOGY Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology E-ISSN (Online): 2065-5002 ISSN (Print): 1584-1057

Advisory Board Prof. Dr. David Altman, Instituto de Ciencia Política, Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile Prof. Emeritus Dr. Horst Baier, University of Konstanz, Germany Prof. Dr. David Cornberg, University Ming Chuan, Taiwan Prof. Dr. Paul Cruysberghs, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium Prof. Dr. Nic Gianan, University of the Philippines Los Baños, Philippines Prof. Dr. Marco Ivaldo, Department of Philosophy “A. Aliotta”, University of Naples “Federico II”, Italy Prof. Dr. Michael Jennings, Princeton University, USA Prof. Dr. Maximiliano E. Korstanje, University of Palermo, Argentina Prof. Dr. Richard L. Lanigan, Southern Illinois University, USA Prof. Dr. Christian Lazzeri, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, France Prof. Dr. Massimo Leone, University of Torino, Italy Prof. Dr. Asunción López-Varela Azcárate, Complutense University, Madrid, Spain Prof. Dr. Christian Möckel, Humboldt University of Berlin, Germany Prof. Dr. Devendra Nath Tiwari, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India Prof. Dr. José María Paz Gago, University of Coruña, Spain Prof. Dr. Mario Perniola, University of Rome “Tor Vergata”, Italy Prof. Dr. Traian D. Stănciulescu, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University Iassy, Romania Prof. Dr. Steven Tötösy de Zepetnek, Purdue University & Ghent University

Editorial Board Editor-in-Chief: Co-Editors: Prof. dr. Nicolae Râmbu Prof. dr. Aldo Marroni Faculty of Philosophy and Social- Dipartimento di Lettere, Arti e Scienze Sociali Political Sciences Università degli Studi G. d’Annunzio Alexandru Ioan Cuza University Via dei Vestini, 31, 66100 Chieti Scalo, Italy B-dul Carol I, nr. 11, 700506 Iasi, Romania [email protected] [email protected] PD Dr. Till Kinzel Executive Editor: Englisches Seminar Dr. Simona Mitroiu Technische Universität Braunschweig, Human Sciences Research Department Bienroder Weg 80, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University 38106 Braunschweig, Germany Lascar Catargi, nr. 54, 700107 Iasi, Romania [email protected] [email protected]

Editorial Assistant: Dr. Marius Sidoriuc Designer: Aritia Poenaru Cultura International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology Vol. 11, No. 1 (2014)

Editor-in-Chief Nicolae Râmbu Bibliographic Information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.

Umschlagabbildung: © Aritia Poenaru

ISSN 2065-5002 ISBN 978-3-631-65486-6 (Print) E-ISBN 978-3-653-04760-8 (E-Book) DOI 10.3726/978-3-653-04760-8 © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2014 All rights reserved. Peter Lang Edition is an Imprint of Peter Lang GmbH. Peter Lang – Frankfurt am Main · Bern · Bruxelles · New York · Oxford · Warszawa · Wien All parts of this publication are protected by copyright. Any utilisation outside the strict limits of the copyright law, without the permission of the publisher, is forbidden and liable to prosecution. This applies in particular to reproductions, translations, microfilming, and storage and processing in electronic retrieval systems. This publication has been peer reviewed. www.peterlang.com

CONTENTS

Kyung Han You & Jiha Kim 7 Marcuse’s Legacy and Foucault’s Challenge: A Critical Inquiry into the Relationship between Comedic Pleasure and the Popular Media

Pedro Blas González 23 The Economics of Being: The Struggle for Existence in Prehistory

Luka Zevnik 41 The Discussion about the Universality of Happiness and the Promise of Neuroscience

Peter Mathews 63 The Morality Meme: Nietzsche and A Serious Man

Patrizia Torricelli 83 The Cognitive Basis of Value in Grammatical Form: A Case Study of the Italian Verbs vedere volere and avere

Cyril-Mary P. Olatunji 99 A Philosophical Comparison of John 1:1-18 and the Yoruba Concept of ÒrÒ

Mahdi Dahmardeh, Hossein Timcheh Memar & Abbas Timcheh 113 Memar On Ethics and Culture: A Matter of Variation or Deviation? A study on Top Notch Series

Adrian Nita 127 Leibniz on Spontaneity as a Basic Value

Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine 141 Old Age and Elderly Care: An Islamic Perspective

Georg W. Oesterdiekhoff 165 Psychological Stage Development and Societal Evolution. A Completely New Foundation to the Interrelationship between Psychology and Sociology

Dragos Bigu 193 The Place of Values in Scientific Knowledge

10.5840/cultura20141119 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163

Old Age and Elderly Care: An Islamic Perspective

Benaouda Bensaid Department of Fundamental Knowledge and Inter-Disciplinary Studies International Islamic University Malaysia 53100 Jalan Gombak Kuala Lumpur [email protected]

Fadila Grine Department of Da‘wah and Human Development Academy of Islamic Studies University Malaya, Malaysia

Abstract. A proper understanding of the Islamic perspective on old age with particular consideration of significant current changes and adaptations affecting Muslim elderly’s emotional, cultural and socio-economic needs, transitions and transformations requires a degree of acquaintance with Islam’s religious principles and values. This paper discusses a number of theological and moral concepts and themes pertaining to the elderly in Islam while highlighting the moral and ethical value sys- tem underlying Muslims’ position on ageing and old age. This study shows the ex- tent to which the axiomatic perspective of Islam on old age is essentially shaped by religious beliefs, laws and spiritual practice. This inquiry into Muslim values on old age and elderly care would be of benefit to researchers on religious and cultural values; particularly in multicultural contexts, and yet again more instrumental to health professionals, counselors and social workers interacting with the Muslim elderly. Keywords: Muslim elderly, geriatric care, elderly care, old age, ageing, spiritual well-being.

INTRODUCTION

Muslim societies are religious by nature and as such, an understanding of their socio-religious fabric is critical not only to reaching a comprehension of their axiomatic perspective on a wide array of issues and problems, notable among which are those of the elderly. To a rather large ex- tent however, the Islamic religious perspective sheds light on societal value systems, moral norms, customs and practices. This dynamic reality of religion and morality continues to sustain a number of traditions including those relevant to old age and elderly care. The latter is never ab- sent from the body of Muslim literature, particularly in the works of Qur’anic exegesis, hadith, law and manners in general. In his al-Adab al- Mufrad for instance, Bukhari (d. 870) devotes three different chapters to

141 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care the theme of the elderly; notably the Chapter of the Old person “bab al- kabir,” Chapter of the Virtue of the Old Person “bab fadl al-kabir,” and Chapter of Priority of the Old person as first in both speech and question “bab yubda’ al-akbar bi al-kalam wa al-su’al.” Similarly a number of early Muslim scholars have also addressed the issue of ageing and the elderly. Ibn Abi al-Dunya is considered one of the earliest authors on the question of ageing, where he discusses greying, dyeing of hair, as well as the conditions and stages of old age. Other Muslim scholars include Ibn Qutaybah al-Dinawari (d. 889) in ‘‘‘uyun al-akhbar,” Imam Ibn Abi ‘Assim bin ‘Amru (d. 900) on “al-khidhab” (dyeing of hair), Ibn Abi al- Dunya al-Asbahani (d. 922) on “al-shib wa al-khidhab” (greying of hair and dyeing of hair), Ibn al-A‘rabi A. bin Muhammad (d. 1450) on “al-Shib wa al- khidhab” (greying of hair and dyeing of hair), Ibn ‘Asakir ‘Ali bin al-Hasan (d. 1175) on “al-khidhab” (dyeing of hair), and Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 1201) on “al- shib wa al-khidhab” (Greying of hair and dyeing of hair). Along a similar paralell, we find that Muhammad bin Yusuf, the Physician of Herat, also wrote a geriatric medical dictionary entitled “Bahr al-Jawahir.” In more contemporary times, Sa‘d al-Din M. al-Hilali wrote “Qadhiyyat al-musinnin wa ahkamuhum al-khassah fi al-fiqh al-islami” (The issue of the elderly and their rulings in Islamic law). ‘Abdullah bin Nasir al-Sadhan also wrote on “Ri‘ayat al-Musinnin fi al-Islam” (Elderly care in Islam), while Yusuf al-Qaradawi wrote “Huquq al-shuyukh wa al-musinnin fi daw’ al-shari‘ah al-islamiyyah” (Rights of the elderly and seniors in light of the Shari‘ah). To explore the Islamic perspective on old age and elderly care, this study discusses in-depth concepts and characteristics of old age in light of the Qur’an, hadith reports, Qur’anic exegesis, and the held views of Muslim juriscounsults. This conceptual framework is necessary for a substantive discussion of the religious, spiritual and socio-economic implications of ageing in Islam. Much of the Islamic norms and values on elderly care are reflected in the study of the position and regard of elderly in Islam and their legal rights, and more importantly through the analysis of responsbilities held by the Muslim community towards them; including that of the family towards the elderly.

ON OLD AGE IN ISLAM

Muslim revelation carries out the extensive mandate of defining and setting the philosophy and norms of social, moral and behavioral values for

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Muslim life. Islam sees life as God’s most bountiful gift to humans, a testing ground for human actions (Qur’an, 67: 2), submission to the Di- vine (Qur’an, 51: 56), as well as a period for cultivating virtue (Qur’an, 9: 105). As such, significance is given to the fundamental belief that life originates from God and ends by His Will only. In light of this overarch- ing conception, and the belief that life is both bounty and opportunity, Muslims are to enjoy the blessings of life and show thanks to God for them, while never losing hope, wishing or praying for death, or terminat- ing their own lives or others’ lives (Qur’an, 4: 29, 5: 32). The attention Islam grants to life is characterized by a balanced focus and consistency from before birth up to the moment of death. This is particularly seen in the Qur’an’s highlight of various stages of life, uniquely describing the nature of human creation in terms of strength while referring to old age as a stage of weakness and infirmity and the greying of hair as that which subsequently follows that of strength (Qur’an, 30: 54, 36: 68). The Qur’an in one instance, describes this stage of life as “infirm old age” (Pickthall, Qur’an, 19: 8) while establishing the relative quality of old age with respect to divine decree as found in the reality that that some die young while others grow older to learn wisdom; determined by Divine will (Qur’an, 40: 67). The Qur’an reinforces some of the social dynamics pertaining to the elderly as in the narrative of the daughters of Prophet Shu‘ayb (Jethro) who took on their father’s role due to his physical weakness (Qur’an, 28:23); or the empathetic portrayal of the emotional state of the elderly, as in the case of Jacob, an aged and venerable man who grieved for the loss of his beloved son Joseph (Qur’an, 12: 78). The Qur’an also highlights the perspective of an old man’s reaction to his children while exhibiting concern at their decrepit perception (Qur’an, 12: 94); or associates old age with men’s impotency in producing offspring and womens’ inability to conceive children (Qur’an, 3: 40). In Islamic literature however, old age is referred to across a wide range of terminology encompassing shaykh, shaykhukhah, dhi al-shaybah, sha’ib, musinn, mu‘ammir, kabir, and kibar. Old women are called ‘ajuz (Qur’an, 51: 29, 26: 171, 37: 135). For some, shaykh refers to a person of fifty years of age or above, and interestingly, between fifty and eighty years according to others (Ibn Manzur, 1988, 3: 31). In Arabic, the adjective musinn denotes accumulation of age (Ibn Manzur, 1988, 3: 221). Some set the age of the musinn ranging from sixty and above (Sadhan, 1997, 33:

143 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care

200î201). Others however, speak rather of the “functional age,” as is the case with Izzat Ismail who maintains that old age is associated with a generally observable and measurable decline in physical and rational capabilities (‘Izzat, 1983: 17). For Sadhan, the musinn refers to every old person unable to care for their selves due to age, yet not necessarily as a result of disability or other reasons” (Sadhan, 1997: 200î201). The Shaykh is the person who exhibits signs of old age and exhibits greying of the hair (Ibn Manzur, 1988, 2: 391). Shaykhukhah (old age) denotes no- ticeable patterns of physical decline in the physique and function of the individual due to the onset of advanced age in such a manner that it af- fects both physiological and rational processes (Qanari, 1987: 17). In a more distinctive denotation, the term haram however, refers to extreme old age (aqsa al-kibar) (Ibn Manzur, 1988, 6: 799). Mu‘ammir indicates the ageing elderly (Ibn Faris, 4: 111). A number of opinions assert that the mu‘ammir is particularly reflective of the age of forty five, or perhaps even more. Qatadah contends that mu‘ammir is to be admitted to the age of sixty (Qurtubi, 2005, 14: 244). The majority of Islamic sources allude in general form to certain subjective characteristics such as physical weakness, greying hair, forgetfulness, and feebleness. On a different tangent, and rather precisely however, Islam describes the age of forty as a time of maturity and wisdom and according to the Qur’an call for acts of thankfulness to God, piety and kindness towards parents (Qur’an, 46: 15). It was at this age that Prophet Muhammad is reported to have received the revelation of the Qur’an. The Qur’an also makes special mention of an age termed ardhal al-‘umur, as in the following: “And Allah creates you, then causes you to die, and among you is he who is brought back to the most abject stage of life, so that he knows nothing after (having had) knowledge” (Qur’an, 16: 70). English translators of the Qur’an have rendered the phrase ardhal al-‘umur as “the most abject stage of life” (Pickthall), the “feeble age” (Yusuf Ali), “senility” (muhsin), ‘the worst part of the age’ (Mufti Ta. Usmani), or “the meanest of age” (Daryabadi). For al-Suddi (d. 745), ardhal al-‘umur refers to centenarians who have reached or exceeded one hundred years of age; or seventy five years of age as reported on the authority of Ali; ninety according to Qatadah; and ninety-five according to some others. Ibn ‘Abbas perceives ardhal al-‘umur as one’s lowest point of inability, whereby one becomes similar to an immature child (la ‘aqla lahu) (Qurtubi, 2005, 10: 103). Suyuti (d. 1505), a

144 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163

Shafi‘ite scholar, argues that the age of haram is in effect synonymous with ardhal al-‘umur due to the imbalance in mental abilities, senses, deteriorated comprehension and failure of memory, and also in view of the change in one’s physical outlook, and the growing inability to carry out many religious obligations and duties, as well as the tolerant leniency they are granted in performing others (Suyuti, 1996, 6: 62). The Qur’anic clause (‘so that he knows nothing after (having had) knowledge’) (Qur’an, 16: 70, 22: 5) goes on in the same verse to highlight a decrease in learning abilities, and perhaps even a retrograde reversal of the condition of learning and interaction; effectively implying a return to the state of fundamental childhood and of physical weakness, basic thinking and meager comprehension exhibited through forgetfulness or even denial and rejection of learned information, alongside an increasing- ly pervasive inability to manage ordinary matters of life. Razi interprets this clause as indicative of the symptoms of the stage following adult- hood, comprised of extreme weakness and deficiency (nuqsan). The stage of “feebleness of age” however, does not necessarily result in the total dismissal of learning capabilities or a state of complete mental imbalance, but rather highlights a decline in cognitive capabilities due to forgetfulness and the likely inability to acquire or process new knowledge. It denotes a state of physical and mental weakness and perhaps futile effort to reform the past (Shanqiti, 1995, 2: 409, 3: 377). Some view this as a stage of disgrace, likely because of its characteristically regressive nature, therefore perceiving it to reflect a rather undesirable episode in human life. It is perhaps for this reason that Prophet Muhammad is reported to have sought refuge in God from old age (‘Asqalani, 2001, 2: 470). The condition of muddled confusion is known to experts in the disci- pline of hadith as kharaf or ikhtilat and expresses a discordant mental imbalance and untenable speech and actions by the speaker as a result of sickness or old age. On the basis of certain hadith reports, a number of Muslim scholars –most prominent amongst them being Shanqiti (d. 1971) – suggest that reading the Qur’an protects and wards one against the state of elderly feebleness and furthermore that Muslim scholars are immune to forgetfulness, loss of knowledge, deterioration of cognitive faculty, memory or insanity (Shanqiti, 1995, 2: 410). His prime contention is that true belief in God, obedience and constant remembrance preserves believing persons from the frailty of old age. In his Ruh al- Ma‘ani, Alusi disagrees with this assumption and argues on the contrary,

145 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care that real life experiences contradict the said immunity and in fact appear otherwise, as shown with the many Qur’an memorizers who were afflict- ed by the plight of feebleness (Alusi, 2005, 5: 425). Along a similar parallel, some Muslim scholars have explored the possible connection between the condition of age’s feebleness and the theological beliefs one holds. Alusi disapproves of this thesis (Alusi, 2005, 5: 433) while some others argue that disbelief results in the eventual state of infirmity of body and mind as understood from the Qur’an (Qur’an, 95: 4î6). While these various opinions speak of significant differences and in- dicate a rather subjective assessment of old age, particularly in regards to the onset of old age, they nonetheless collectively underline salient fea- tures prominent throughout the condition of elderly such as physical changes, growing needs and increasing dependence. Muslims’ varying opinions draw on no objective criterion that may lead us closer to a comprehension of any precise beginning of old age, which may be to the detriment of elderly-oriented policies or affirmative societal action on the grounds of conflicting perceptions of who is in effect elderly, and who is not. One however, finds that the Qur’an appraises and specifically al- ludes to the changing nature of humans in old age, noting a certain re- duction in energy, fragility and vulnerability (Qur’an, 17: 23), physical weakness and greying of hair (Qur’an, 19: 4), as well as weak memory. Significantly enough, these conceptions do not necessarily point to physical weakness or to weak-mindedness as determinants of old age in Is- lam. Rather, it is for this reason that shaykhukhah is not synonymously associated with physical disability, but rather seen to reflect a series of critical transformations of the aged and ageing associated with distinguished levels of spirituality and moreover with maturity, profound wisdom and sagacity; and perhaps weakness and neediness on what are perceived to be generally less important and transient physical and functional levels.

RELIGIOUS IMPLICATIONS OF OLD AGE IN ISLAM

In addition to the plethora of physiological and psychological transformations undergone by the elderly, as well as the socio-economic factors and health issues they are often confronted with, Islam acknowledges a number of weighty religious and spiritual dimensions corresponding to old age. Examples of this include a close acquaintance with the divine, acquisition of wisdom and increase of honorability. These religious con-

146 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163 siderations however, may be delineated as effectively universal; making appearances in other religious scriptures such as Christianity. Along such a parallel, one finds that the Old Testament takes a stance where the position it accords to the elderly is that of honor (Lev. 19: 32). Moreover, it establishes that understanding is only to be found in the aged (Job 12: 12 RSV), while righteousness and judgment are best preserved in the older generation (Dan. 7: 22). In addition to this, old age and experience are defined as synonymous (Sir. 25: 6) (Fahlbuschet, 1999, 3: 822). Concurrently, Islam exhibits a deep appreciation for a life that is long and full of righteousness and moral goodness. From an Islamic perspective, older age provides the individual with the opportunity for self- purification and reform while also emphasizing the centrality and significance of the social role they occupy within the community at large. This partly explains the significance of spiritual and moral refinement of character in Islam as outlined in the following tradition of Prophet Muham- mad: “None of you should wish for death or pray for it before it comes to him, for when one of you dies, his good deeds come to an end and nothing increases a believer’s lifespan but good” (Muslim, 2006, 1: 1236). This theological conviction implies that the increase in age is synonymous with an increase in good deeds, showing both to be positively cor- related. Moreover, such a conception serves as a religious and effective assurance for healthy mental conditions of the elderly while also achiev- ing a substantial advantage in sustaining a more profound cognitive and intrinsic spiritual appreciation for ageing in Islam. Similarly, Islam places old age in close bearing with the divine, and therefore supplies meaningful spiritual content for it. Once more, it seems that the functional purpose here is to effectively sustain enhanced elderly spiritual and healthy living alongside positive interaction with society as exhibited in the following prophetic tradition: “God has left no excuse for the person who lives to be sixty or seventy years old; God has left no excuse for him; God has left no excuse for him” (Ahmed, 1999, 13: 139). Along similar lines of religious reasoning, Islam holds the spiritual worth of the elderly in high esteem while viewing their greying hair as both positive and encouraging. In an alternative departure from common understanding, Islam advocates the conception that greying hair should not be a physical change met with despondency and depres- sion, but should rather be embraced and spiritually interpreted, and being taken as a motivating drive for personal reform and increased effec-

147 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care tive contribution to society. It hence serves as a mark of consolation and distinction on behalf of efforts and sacrifices made earlier in life (Suyuti, 1996, 6: 62), generates a constant yet positive assurance of divine mercy while shaping positive public perception and treatment of older people. Altogether, the prophetic traditions allude to a distinct spiritual character of the old aged people by means of distinguishing sanguine descriptions of grey hair taking the form of distinguishing light on the Day of Resur- rection (Tirmidhi, 1998, 3: 224), and moreover of it being a sign of as- cendancy of religious stature (Baghawi, 1991, 6: 211). One may postulate that it is likely because of these religious meanings that Islam discourages the pulling of grey hairs or dying them black. Islam further attaches worth to old age with respect to the societal contributions of the elderly at large, and as such establishes a proportionate connection between growing old in age and the quality of life that the elderly opt for; as old age is not seen as a time for withdrawal, social disengagement or disregard of responsibility. The intellectual contributions established by early Muslim scholars during their old age clearly tes- tify to this. Consequently, to achieve a clear understanding of the position of Islam on old age, a thematic survey of many religious texts is required. Some works that may be prone to misinterpretation in this regard are Ibn al-Jawzi’s Sayd al-khatir and Tanbih al-na‘im al-ghumr. While a number of reports and interpretations highlight the marked increase in spiritual attention found in old age as an exceptional occasion for re- pentance and change of the self, this should neither be rendered as justi- fication for isolation from life, seclusion, or social disengagement for the elderly, nor should it serve as an excuse for unconditional preoccupation with religious worship at the expense of life’s varied exigencies. The concept of good deeds as set forth in many hadith reports in relation to old age are broad, and are meant to encompass all forms of good deeds and actions beneficial not only to the self, but also to society. In this manner, the social utility and esteem of the elderly increases with direct benefit to society, while the elderly experience a positively engaged and intrinsically satisfying lifestyle that does away with the apathy associated with their age or feelings of helplessness and uselessness often experienced by their respective stratum. Islam’s favorable view of extended life as a platform for increased goodness and righteousness (Tirmidhi, 1998, 4: 143) is on the one hand a compliment and boon to the upright character and positive contribu-

148 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163 tions of elderly, while on the other hand serving as a strong indication of the role and position of the elderly in society. This is while it points to the imperative need of society to support their well-being and facilitate their contributions. What Islam likely seeks to instill is an increased sense of awareness of the positive worth of ageing and the potential inherent through maintaining a sustainable air of positivity within the elderly community, while developing self-esteem, security, balance and pro- nounced societal rapport. As such, the goal of Islam with regards to the elderly is to sustain an effective symbiotic relationship between the community of the elderly and society while curbing and preventing any thoughts or practices of passivity, isolation or social disengagement.

POSITION OF ELDERLY IN ISLAM

As discussed earlier, Islam views old age as God’s blessing in life for increased piety, virtue and reform (Tirmidhi, 1998, 4: 143). For the purpose of ensuring the positive course of elderly life, Islam sets out a number of spiritual, ethical and legal measures to sustain just treatment and mercy reflecting essential values and principles such as dignity, honor, kindness, respect, appreciation, ease, support, solidarity and service. Kindness and utmost gentleness towards aged individuals stem from Muslims’ spiritual and theological systems and their efforts to translate divine names and attributes into everyday life. Muslims are instructed and continually exhorted to exhibit kindness and mercy in all affairs of life, as shown in numerous hadith reports as in the following: “Anyone who does not show mercy to our children nor acknowledge the right of our old people is not one of us” (Tirmidhi, 1998, 3: 386). Another tradition states: “Part of respect for God is to show respect to an old Mus- lim” (Ibn al-Qattan, 1997, 4: 371). Moreover, Muslims are also instructed to care for the elderly owing to their feebleness, as seen in the reported hadith: “One may exalt Allah through showing kindness and respect to the elderly among you….” (Albani, 1: 438). Securing dignity for the elderly however, involves establishing justice over their rights and needs while ensuring an equitable distribution of responsibilities in a manner that transcends religious, ethnic and cultural demarcations and discernment. The example of the second Muslim Ca- liph ‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab regarding justice towards the elderly of other faith groups is still used as a moving religious and legal precedent. We

149 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care are told of an old Jewish impoverished person who had resorted to beg- ging to fulfill his needs and pay off the governmental taxes dues (jizyah). Upon knowing of his plight, ‘Umar provided him with adequate financial support, exempted him from the payment of taxes and issued a new public policy to not overburden the weak or poor non-Muslim citizens. This policy was essentially based on the principle of justice and built around the mandate of those deserving charity (Abu Yusuf, 139). The general course of Islamic textual traditions however, reflects an inherent interest in drawing proportionate relationships between spirituality, religious devotion, morality and law while further reinstating the connection to God and religiosity to serve as a pristine foundation for a sound cognitive and emotional perspective on the issue of elderly. This interest is expressed clearly in a number of famous prophetic narrations including one which describes with scathing humiliation those who de- spite their capabilities, fail to care for their parents. The concept imbued within the text is the significant correlation between care for parents and entering Paradise (Muslim, 2006, 1: 1189). Another aspect of this interest is shown in the attempt of Islam to intertwine respect for the majesty of God and honoring the elderly (Ibn Muflih, 1995, 2: 315). Similarly, Islam advances a reciprocal relationship of spirituality and mutual benefit between honoring the elderly and one’s future well-being as stated in the following: “No young man honors an old man on account of his age without Allah decreeing for him one who will honor him in his old age” (Ibn al-Qaysarani, 1995, 4: 2062). More specifically, Islam views care for old parents as a blessing for life and wealth, and as an act which expiates sins and yields the pleasure of God, and reason leading to the rise of one’s spiritual status. At the heart of Muslim faith rests the imperative need for piety and religious devotion to resonate with kindness in general and towards the elderly in particular. This is understandable in view of the fact that Islam essentially seeks to integrate what rests innately within, with what exists and is carried out without; effectively merging belief with practice, worship and rituals with actions and deeds, and further bring about acknowledgement of the re- spected status accorded through care for parents, and a holistic appreciation for their sacrifice in life. Muslims perceive parental satisfaction as a condition for God’s satisfaction and responsiveness to their prayers, as indicated in the story of Uways al-Qarni (Wadi‘i, 2002: 495-498). As

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Khan observes, “the caretaking of elderly parents is found to be morally and spiritually uplifting by Muslims” (Khan, 2003: 196). In broader terms however, Muslim scholars have drawn on verses in the Qur’an (Qur’an, 4: 36, 17: 23) to establish that kindness shown to parents is a fundamental religious obligation. The Qur’an addresses a number of values revolving around treatment of parents, as found in God’s praise for Prophet Yahya’s kindness to his older parents (Qur’an, 19: 14). This implies that attention shown towards the needs of older parents is more rewarding when extended prior to their infirmity and el- derliness. In the Qur’an (19: 32), God praises Jesus for his unconditional dedication to his mother, pride for her service and his deep gentleness to her (Hannawi, 1997: 16). Islam’s religious practice also stands firmly against neglect, abuse or harm of parents as inferred from the Prophetic tradition where undutifulness to one’s parents was considered to be a major sin. Islam affirms one’s spiritual pursuits and religious piety through the degree of compassion and gentleness shown to parents. In this manner, parental satisfaction becomes a genuine indicator for divine satisfaction. In the following section, a number of basic ethical and moral considerations in Islam established for the treatment of elderly parents will be addressed. Along a similar parallel, one finds that the following Qur’anic verse places significant moral emphasis on the style and content of communication used to meet the various needs of elderly parents; “Your Lord has decreed, that you worship none save Him, and (that you show) kindness to parents. If one of them or both of them attain old age with thee, say not ‘Fie’ unto them nor repulse them, but speak unto them a gracious word. And lower unto them the wing of submission through mercy, and say: My Lord! Have mercy on them both as they did care for me when I was little. Your Lord is best aware of what is in your minds. If ye are righteous, then lo! He was ever Forgiving unto those who turn (unto Him)” (Qur’an, 17: 23î25). Through establishing this, the Qur’an ex- horts children to grant high esteem to their parents and not to utter uff [Fie] to them; a pejorative expression showing unrest, anger and discom- fort. Razi (d. 925) uses the method of juristic inference to argue that the prohibition of fie is not limited to the utterance itself, but rather implies prohibition of all forms of abuse, harm and mistreatment (Razi, 1938, 20: 189). Children are therefore forbidden to rebuke their parents, belie them or repulse them (Razi, 1938, 20: 190).

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The Qur’anic exhortation therefore reinforces the obligation to speak with grace to parents, and underlines the particular need for a gentle manner of language, as well as expressions of respect and reverence while precluding embarrassment, stress and harm. Razi draws on the following statement of ‘Ata Allah al-Sakandari (d.1309), the author of al- Hikam: “You should speak to them [your parents] without raising your voice and without glaring at them; as both of these actions contradict gracious words” (Razi, 1938, 20: 190). Causing sadness to parent or unrest causes God’s anger, as shown in the advice of Prophet Muhammad to one of his companions who wished to pledge allegiance to him and emigrate with him, having left behind both of his parents in sorrow and tears; whereupon the Prophet advised him to return to his parents and to make them laugh (Ibn al-Mulaqqin, 2004, 6: 421). The aforementioned Qur’anic reference to obedience and kindness to parents has been the subject of a rather interesting debate among Muslim scholars. The metaphor of lowering the wings of submission through mercy characterizes the nature of care to be shown to parents; this prompts a reflective contrast to the period of childhood vulnerability, weakness and need when parents provided their best care and mercy un- conditionally. In Razi’s interpretation, he likens the lowering of wings to a good upbringing and education and argues that this verse instructs children to care for their parents in the same manner they would have cared for them themselves (Razi, 1938, 20: 191). In his Fi Zilal al-Qur’an (In the Shade of the Glorious Qur’an), Qutb finds the verse to be an emotional reminder of childhood and awaken feelings of love, kindness and compassion as well. For him not uttering ‘Fie” or engaging in repul- sion is the first stage of care and respectful mannerism shown towards parents, whereas speaking with graciousness is a higher positive stage where communication should be both honorable and respectful. Lower- ing the wing of submission, Qutb argues, symbolizes an intense charac- terization of mercy shown to parents, as if submission personified had wings to be lowered in peace. The supplication invoking God to shower mercy on both parents as they have shown care for their little ones is a moving memory of dependent childhood remembered by children (Qutb, 1991, 4: 2221-2222). The Islamic tradition also instructs its followers not to call their parent with their proper names. Similarly Muslims are also encouraged to active- ly connect with their parents’ circles of friendship in an initiative that ef-

152 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163 fectively sustains the living traditions of parents and generates an emotional and socio-historical continuum within society. Similarly, children are in need of maintaining cordial relationships with their parents’ friends so as to sustain increased friendship and amity among people, and thus build unity, establish bonds of love, and spread good memories, peace and tranquility (Hannawi, 1997: 46). Islam seeks to nurture and sustain healthy living practices for the elderly, be they family or not, while strengthening channels for their sup- portive care. The term used for care of parents is birr (righteousness to parents) which consists of giving preference to parents’ satisfaction over oneself, spouse, children and others; obeying them in all that they command unless they command sinfulness, and to fulfill their wishes happily (Hannawi, 1997: 19). Muslim children are prohibited to cause any harm or inconvenience to their parents, let alone insult them. They are also instructed to observe their manner in addressing other parents, for any of their insult towards others may only escalate in worse reactions that are far more demeaning to their own parents (Bukhari, 1987, 5: 2228). The Islamic perception of care prioritization for the elderly sets the parents before oneself, wife or children; as demonstrated in the story of the three who were caught in the cave (Bukhari, 1987, 5: 2228). The onus of financial support for parents falls on the shoulders of children and family members. It is likely for this reason that Islam disallows giving zakat (obligatory payment of dues) for ascendants (usul) such as parents and grandparents. This partly explains the inherent meaning behind the following prophetic tradition: “You and your wealth belong to your father” (Ibn Hanbal, 1999, 11: 503). Marsot notes that a son provides social insurance and functions as old-age pension while the daughter’s economic value towards this end is controlled by her husband’s family. Among rural inhabitants, a son ensures that the land will continue to be serviced and remain in the family (Marsot, 1984, 250). Dedication of endowments to parents, whether in assets or cash form is also permissible. Charity is better given to parents as it concurrently accomplishes the necessary acts of kindness to family (silat al-rahim) and giving of charity. Moreover, clearance of the parent’s debt or loans is considered to be an act of charity (Ibn Hazm, 1997: 189), and is even regarded highly following the death of one’s parents. Similarly, Islamic laws of inheritance require clearance of parents’ debts and execution of

153 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care their will in less than one-third of property or asset shares prior to distribution of the rest of shares. The centrality of parental authority and the weight given to necessitat- ed reciprocal respect is so great that Muslim children are even required to secure parental consent to join Jihad when it falls within the category of communal obligation. Kasani (d. 1189), a Hanafi jurist states the following: “The child is not allowed to leave [for Jihad] except with the consent of both or one of the parents. Obedience of parents is an obligation and takes precedence over communal obligation” (Kasani, 1982, 7: 98). Qurtubi holds the view that seeking parental consent for jihad is part of kindness (ihsan) (Qurtubi, 2005, 10: 157). The principle is that kindness to parents takes precedence over supplementary religious acts as understood from the tradition according to which Prophet Muhammad advised one of his companions to make jihad through service of his parents instead of leaving them behind (Bukhari, 1987, 3: 1094). Muslim spiritual practices should not be seen as mere mystical or ritualistic exercises, but rather be decoded in terms of possible positive intellectual, emotional and behavioral outputs gradually evolving throughout Muslim life. The practice of spirituality and remembrance of God provide Muslims with an active educational platform of mindfulness with regards to their duties and responsibilities towards parents. One of the many supplications prescribed in the Qur’an states: “Say: My Lord! Have mercy on them both as they did care for me when I was little” (Qur’an 17: 23). Razi asserts that prayer for God’s mercy on parents enfolds all sorts of good in the worldly life and the hereafter (Razi, 1938, 20: 191). Remembrance of parents through spiritual practice entails a process of modeling of Muslim’s consciousness about the position of parents and children’s obligations towards them. Further compounding this in an everyday manner, Islamic religious invocations used in prayer also draw the Muslim worshipper back to a critical stage of life, touchingly described in the Qur’an: “…as they did care for me when I was little” (Qur’an, 17: 24). This raises and elicits positive emotional states, reinforces senses of responsibility towards parents, endorses profound acknowledgement of parent’s care, develops feelings of loyalty and appreciation, and sustains children’s good treatment and care for their parents. It is probably in this context that we understand the tradition of Prophet Muhammad where he is reported to have said: “When the son of Adam dies, his deeds are discontinued except for

154 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163 three things: a continuous charity, beneficial knowledge and a pious child” (Ibn ‘Asakir, 2000, 1: 432).

LEGAL RIGHTS OF THE ELDERLY IN ISLAM

Islamic law reflects significant depths of Islamic values and unravels the intents of the Lawgiver in regards to the ideal conditions of elderly life in Islam. It should be noted however that Islamic law deals with the issue of the elderly along two parallel lines; one of which perceives the elderly as ordinary community members imbued with prestigious positions while the other attends to their convenience and ease by means of juristic concessions and exemptions; particularly in grounds of worship and rituals. This specific spirit of alleviating hardship and ensuring ease is rather prevalent and may be traced throughout numerous legal concessions. According to the opinions of Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi‘i, and Hanbali jurists even the healthy Muslim elderly may use dry ablution with sand or dust (tayammum) instead of ablution with water should they justifiably fear use of water (Ibn Rushd, 1975, 1: 66). Muslim elderly are also per- mitted to combine their daily prayers without the usual justifications of travelling, rain or weather so as to avoid waiting long spans of time for the next prayer (Nawawi, 1: 40). Along the same line of understanding, the Muslim elderly are exempted from the obligation of fasting during the month of Ramadan – one of the five fundamental pillars of Islam – and are allowed to offer ransom (fidyah) instead (Qur’an, 2: 184). Congruent parallels of concessionary legal logic may apply with regards to the obligation of pilgrimage which requires physical fitness and financial ability. Elderly Muslims are allowed to appoint others to perform pilgrimage on their behalf (Ibn Qudamah, 1985, 3: 179). Their children or family members may perform the duty of pilgrimage on their behalf whether alive or deceased. Islamic law also sets down certain rulings pertaining to the dress code of the elderly. According to the Qur’an (Chapter 24: 31) believing women should not reveal their adornment except for specific categories of individuals including male attendants who lack vigor (irbah). Some Qur’anic commentators argue that this category of people include the old aged people. Qurtubi describes irbah as being those who fail to comprehend or feel sexual desire towards women as a consequence of their age (Ibn ‘Achour, 2000, 18: 169). In addition, the Qur’an (24: 60)

155 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care states that elderly women (al-qawa‘id min al-nisa’) are allowed to lay aside their (outer) garments, provided they do not show their adornment (Ta- bari, 1984, 18: 165). The ruling on marriage in Islam is dependent on the respective interest of the person. Zahirite scholars however, are of the opinion that the elderly who have never before been married must marry. Some view this as praiseworthy while others find it to be reprehensi- ble (Ibn Qudamah, 1985, 7:18). Unlike Malikis, the majority of Muslim jurists opine that the elderly are not mandated with undergoing circumci- sion (Nawawi, 4: 95). The law of Islam also issues a number of recom- mendations with regards to the aesthetic outlook of the elderly and urges older persons to dye their hair in brown, while discouraging the black color (Mughni, 1985, 1: 105). A number of Maliki jurists however, allow the dying of grey hair with black or other dyes (Ibn Juzay, 2: 573). The aforementioned legal exemptions do not merely extend through the social sphere, but extend to the socio-political plane as well. During times of war, the elderly cannot be killed, and prisoners or captives with their distinct status require kind treatment. When taken into light, the far-reaching societal implications and culturally-defining forces such le- galistic outlook would have resulted in, what is found culminates in a rather special position and regard towards the elderly. Moreover, it highlights Islam’s interest in securing a life of honor and dignity for old aged people. From another standpoint, one finds that Islamic law sets some regulations pertaining to the care of the elderly from other faith groups in such a manner that it effectively transcends religious and racial considerations, advocating the spirit of humanistic care and concern for the elderly, not related to personal feeling, but rather to intrinsically-motivated duty. The practices of both ‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab and ‘Umar ibn Abd ‘Aziz serve as legal precedents in this case. Based on these legal precedents, Muslim jurists such as Abu Yusuf (d. 798) conclude that taxes (jizyah) should not be taken from old people who are incapable of work or own little or next to nothing. Care for the elderly according to Islam, is built on the basis of considerations of age and established upon the bedrock of an unchanging principle of human dignity and respect, while further reinforced by numerous Islamic religious texts. A record of the Muslim state policy towards Christians in Iraq states the following: “For every old man who is weak and cannot afford to work, is affected by any illness, was rich but be- came poor and ended up receiving charity from his fellow Christians; I

156 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163 have exempted them from payment of taxes, and allocated for their persons and children financial support from the Muslim treasury so long as they live in the land of Islam” (Abu ‘Ubayd, 1976: 38).

THE MUSLIM COMMUNIY AND THE ELDERLY

The transfer of extended generosity and care in Islam may be likened to an outward expansion of a concentric circle, and which is first to affect one’s close household members and relatives. As Ibn al-‘Arabi observes, “support for one’s family and relatives fulfills the criteria of charity while upholding family kinship” (Ibn al-‘Arabi, 1994, 2: 96). In the context of providing care for the elderly, a central contention revolves around the understanding that sustainable care for the elderly requires a natural stronghold for the care recipients, where the inherent structure of the building is resilient enough to cope with the various involved changes and challenges; thereby passing the mandate of care onto the closest of kin who are best suited for it. In light of this, one may note that Muslim religious culture generates the necessary moral normativeness while de- termining the scope and boundaries of care being extended. What appear to better strengthen the position of the family as far as elderly care is concerned are the shared religious and cultural value systems of society, drawn largely from religious teachings of Islam (Qur’an, 4:1, 13: 25, 16: 90, 8: 74î75) and hadith “Whosoever desires to have expansion in his sustenance and a prolonged life, should treat his relatives with kindness” (Bukhari, 1987, 2: 728, 348). Islam seeks to provide a normative social culture that exists in har- mony with families’ perceptions and attitudes, and further sustains positive interaction holding common views and interests on the parts of both family and community towards the treatment of elderly. It is through such a view perhaps that the Muslim community qualifies as a possible model of sustainable care with its holistic philosophy on the question of the elderly; specifically in that it firmly places the responsibility of care first and foremost on the shoulders of the family while simultaneously nurturing an extended moral responsibility of the community and social institutions. Moreover, it also draws the culture of the general Muslim public closer to the norms of religiosity, spirituality, and morality; which in effect constitute the very foundations of thinking and behavior in Is- lam.

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Within such an arrangement, the family unit plays a critical catalyzing role not only in the process of coping with the various needs and changes on the part of the elderly but also throughout the process of ensuring acceptable degrees of integration, engagement and meaningful purpose. The concept and role of family essentially reflects Muslims’ understanding of the bond of kingship as illustrated in a number of religious texts such as the Qur’an (13: 20î21), placing blame on those who reprehensi- bly sever the bond of kinship and are not congenial to their relatives (Dimiyati, 1983, 252). Likewise, the hadith reports associate the articles of Muslim belief with maintaining and upholding the bonds of kinship, going so far as to describe negligence and severing ties of family as a major sin (Muslim, 2006, 1: 1190). Islam goes yet a step further in evoking the communal public conscience with respect to forms of bonds of kinship its members hold; definitely stating “Allah’s mercy will not descend on people among whom there is one who severs ties of kingship” (‘As- qalani, 2001, 4: 413). The presence of such emphasis on family care and kinship is not something relative to any specific era or culture, but rather reflected in continuity that consistently extends to contemporary times. In his study on “Islam in Australia,” Saeed establishes that from birth, to marriage, and into old age a vital family support network is expected to surround the Muslim throughout life. For him, in many Muslim cultures, elderly parents live with their children, reflecting the Islamic understanding that it is an obligation on the part of the children to take care of their parents when necessary (Saeed, 2003: 92). To facilitate this level of focused care when the parents are old, extended families often attempt to live together or at side by side at the least; and when young men marry, they usually bring their wife to the home of their parents (Saeed, 2003: 93). In this manner, extended families effectively include grandparents, aunts and uncles, nephews and nieces, and even cousins and may therefore provide Muslims with better chances of caring for their needy or deserving ones. In the setting of an extended Muslim family, the elderly are regarded with respect and dignity; and are the first to be involved in matters of ar- bitration, while also leading serious consultation, as well as heading notable social functions and celebrations such as weddings, visits and fu- nerals, and at times filling the role of wise individuals, solving problems, arbitrating and preventing crisis.

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As a result, the religious bond socialized throughout the community entails further commitment to a specific set of duties and responsibilities towards other members of the society while making better use of the social space as a systemic field towards the validation of religious piety and devotion. Within this configuration, the degree of religiosity is propor- tionately exhibited according to degrees of support, care and comfort extended to one’s neighbors, guests, wayfarers, needy and poor, as well as the sick, not to mention old aged people. The interest of the community invested into the well-being of the elderly however, enfolds generous, unrequited care and support, and from a critical standpoint, a more positive community life for the elderly. Understanding the stance of the Muslim community towards the elderly however, rests amidst comprehending the significance inherent within the appreciation of religion in the creation and execution of its habitual daily activities, and its respective influence in shaping the social fabric through defining a great deal of public perception, development and decision making. The Muslim cultural framework consistently holds older individuals in high regard and respect, and grooms its youth to show respect and defer to older people, and further treats them with honor and dignity. One may allude to a number of traditions that may serve as a religious driving force for much of the Muslim public ethical norms towards the elderly such as “He is not one of us who does not show mercy to our young ones and esteem to our elderly” (Mundhiri, 2000, 3: 211) and “He who honors an old man for his old age – meaning during his old age – God will grant him one to honor him during his old age” (Tirmidhi, 1998, 3: 440). The social and religious life of the community inspires its members to care for the elderly whether in attitude of preference shown to them, in the position of respect and honor shown to them, or through appreciation of their earlier efforts and sacrifices. This is largely based on a number of prophetic traditions, as with the following: “Jibril commanded me to give priority to the elderly” (Albani, 1555). The same principle applies to congregational prayers, religious matters and consultation over issues of public interest. Society’s respect and kindness towards the elderly may further be grasped through the recommendation of the elderly in leading congregational prayer (Ibn Hibban, 1973, 8: 397). Similar recommenda- tions may be observed in the treatment of the elderly in public functions, particularly with respect to the priority of people being served, as seen in

159 Benaouda Bensaid & Fadila Grine / Old Age and Eldery Care the instance where Prophet Muhammad is reported to have instructed Muslims: “Begin with the elderly” (Albani, 1995, 4: 381). The role played by society in the upkeep and enhancement of elderly life in Muslim communities is not merely limited to matters of values and proffered respect, but rather further takes into consideration their health and the need for involvement and an active lifestyle. The obligatory Fri- day prayer may perhaps be seen as an active bridge to the life and affairs of a community, and may be described as a means of strengthening the bond of the community while securing a minimal degree of social engagement for the elderly. Congregational prayers are no less important, and may be understood within the context of positive spiritual support- ing programs ensuring emotional and social needs for the elderly and in doing so avoid or at least minimize the negative effects of isolation or social disengagement. It is within the Mosque that Muslims spend con- siderable time in socializing, balancing their lives, and boosting their spirituality. Collective dinners and community nightly prayers during the month of fasting also serve to crystallize a deeper sense of community, cohesion, religious devotion, socialization and unity. In addition to this are the two celebrated Muslim festivals (Eids), where visits and the giving of gifts also contribute to the positive well-being of the elderly. The sacrifice of animals on the occasion of Eid may be seen as a religious function existing as both a family and religious community function, whereby the elderly are exposed to socialization and merriment. Islam’s perspective of a communal religious life is geared towards nurturing healthy religious living, decent degrees of positive socialization, a commitment to public life and an interest in the community’s problems and issues. These ambitions find support in current studies showing that religiosity exercises significant influence on the psychological well-being of old people (Mackenzie et al., 2000), and results in a decrease in the amount of depressive symptoms and an overall better quality of life (Clarke, 2005), psychological well-being and better mental health (Boey, 2003), more flex- ible adjustment to life’s problems, and a lower rate of aggression, hostility and rebelliousness (Clark et al, 1999) (Momtaz, at al, 3 (6): 188-189).

CONCLUSION

Taken together, the perspective of Islam on old age and elderly care is deeply rooted in the very texts of revelation and as such is divinely based

160 Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 11(1)/2014: 141–163 and driven, not to mention intricately interwoven with piety, spirituality and morality while mandating and manifesting the very principles of human dignity and appreciation of life. Such a perspective however is not static, but rather dynamic while nurturing religious based forms of solidarity and support. This understanding of Islamic values in regards to issues of old age would perhaps contribute towards the effective development of culturally sensitive approaches on elderly issues from different faith groups; including Muslims. Further research on Muslims’ adap- tation to modernity and globalization on the various issues of elderly care is nonetheless required to bring about a better understanding of Muslim values within a modern context, and to ascertain the different changes affecting Muslims’ religious thought, and further understand the forms and shapes through which Muslim traditions and values on old age and elderly care are manifested in our present-day.

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