The Literary Contribution of Some Important Historians Contemporary to Shams Al-Din Al-Dhahabi

Home , Ibn Asakir, Ibn Nubata, Mamluk dynasty (Delhi), Prince of Antioch, Wassaf

THE LITERARY CONTRIBUTION OF SOME IMPORTANT HISTORIANS CONTEMPORARY TO SHAMS AL-DIN AL-DHAHABI

DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY^ ALIGARH, U.P. (INDIA)

FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF iWaiter of ^|)iIo«op^p IN ARABIC

Under the Supervision of By Dr, Abdul Bari Mrs, Sultana Razia Khanam M.A. (Arabic & Urdu;, B.A. (Hons) (Dae), B.L., Ph.D. (Patna) M.A. (Alig.)

DEPARTMENT OF ARABIC, ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY, ALIGARH. 1986 J)s ^--1 ^g

DS996

r"- ^«- •- Tele : 234 DEPARTMENT Of ARABIC ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH

Dated..?*.**^..f.*^^.?^.».?.^

This is to certify that Mr«, ^Itena 'Isiasiw '^b^namhus ^one h#r M.Phil w®tlc uniar By suservlsion an4 h«s eoruDleted h«i» work succ«ssf!illy. This Is aa orlsrlnwl contrlbuties and «ntlr#ly h#r own*

( Pr* AHiuI Bari ) Sttparvlsor

The tltl« ©f th» K^Phll m«sert«tloa is "Thf* T,lt«r?ry Contribution ©f 5-ORJ« lwf>ort'»T5t *!l?torl»»n!» Contvanwemrj to ^liras al-Dln CONTENTS

Page

Acknowledgement ...... i

Introduction

Ibn al-Tiqtaqa ...... 26

Abu al-Fida ...... 62

Ibn Shakir al-Kutubi ...... 7 9

Al-SafadI ...... 86

Bibliography ...... 99 I avail myself of this opportunity to express my high sense of gratitude to my learned supervisor and benign guide

Dr. ''Abdul Barl, Reader in the Department of Arabic, Aligarh

Muslim University, whose affectionate patronage and constant guidance have been an incessant source of information for me in completing this M.Phil. Dissertation entitled, "The Literary

Contribution of Some important Historians Contemporary to Shams al-Din al-DhahabI" and whose valuable advice made this work possible to see the light of the day. I have selected for this topic four outstanding historians namely Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, Abu al

FidS, Ibn S^jakir al-Kutubl and al-SafadI as they have contributed a lot in the field of Arabic literature in the 8th/14th century.

I further express my heartfelt thanks to Professor Mukhtar ud-Dln Ahmad, Department of Arabic, Aligarh Muslim Universi ty, and Dr. Muhammad Rasljiid, Chairman of the same department for their encouragement, sympathy and interest which they have shown to me in solving my research problems,

I am very much thankful to the Government of the Peoples

Republic of Bangladesh and that of India for extending financial assistance to me under the Cultural Exchange Programme.

Allah alone is besought for help and on Him alone we depend.

December, 1986. (MRS. SULTANA RAZIA KHANAM) INTRODUCTION

We find, while studying Xrabic literature, that in the descrip tion of history there is hardly any separation between works on

History mainly related to the political events; Biography - taken as one of the branches of histoiry. This is due to the two sources from which historical tridltions are derived : The Sirat Literature

(al-?Vaghazl wa al-Siyar) dealing with the life of the prophet

Muhammad (Peace be on him) and the Semi legendary traditions related to the tribal warfare of the Jahiliyya period known as Ayyjin al-Arab and .-msab al-.nrab . These two factors were actually responsible for the gradual built up of Arabic historigraphy. On the one hand, parallel to the oirat literature, there developed the Tabagat litera ture containing biographies Cllmal-Rij al) first on the companions ©f

Muhammad, then on all sorts of illustrious men arranged into classes

(Tabaqat) according to the year of their death. The kitab al-Tgbaqat al-Kubra of Ibn Sad al-Z,uhrX (d.230/B15) was the first standard work of this kind of literature, v;hich flourished specially in the post- classical period of Arabic literature in the increasing quantity of 2 Tabaqat works on rulers, theologians, jurisconsults and poets .

But parallel to this biographical literature there develooed a historical literature Stricto Sensu treating of the struggles of

Islam and the history of the caliphate. Originated in the v/orks on the Ay yam al-'Arab, it dealt with the first wars of Islam :

The HaghazI and the rapid conquests on the new faith. The

1 A good survey of the Ayyam al-Arab is given by Ibn al-Athlr in his Karnil, vol. i, pp. 367-517 and by al-NuwayrI in his N^ al-\rab fl Funun al-Adab, Fann v. Qlsm iv, Kitab v. 2 Cf. Joseph de Somogyi, "The TSrlkh al-Islam of al-^hahabl". The Journal .of Roy^l /-^iatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1932), p. 815. -2-

prototype of this literature on political- hictory is the kitnb nl-LInr^nzi of al-V/nqicli (a. 207/823), but its renl stnndnrd work w\s created by al-Tnbari (d. 310/923), v/hosc "^arlkh nl-Rusul v/a al-IJuliilc has ever since been considered by all the later historians as a pattern and a reliable source as v/ell .

But even in the post-classical period of Arabic historiography there had been no strict separation betv/een political history and historical biograp'ij^. The biographical element has pervaded the political history through all the stages of its development. This is clearly seen not only from the exterior arrangement of these woris, which were divided into chapters relative to the rulers, whilst also retaining the annalistic form, but also from their subject matter, which is hardly anything else but the history of rulers. This is conspicuous in works both on the history of cities or provinces and on dynastic or general history. Such works as the Tarlkh Bng^hdad of al-KJintlb al-Ba^dadl (d. 403/1071) or the Tnrikji Ll^idlna Dimashg of Ibn'Asakir (d. 571/1176) or the Kitab Bughygt al-Tglib fi Tarlkj] Halab of Ibn al-Adim ( d. 660/1262) are in the strict sense of the word rather biographical collections tiinn iiistorical works. And one can hardly decide whether the Bayan al-IIgglijib of Ibn al-Adhari (lived in the fourth century A.H.) and many other works on Spanish and Ilaghribian history would not be better ranked among the biograpiiical works than among those on political hisotpry . Again, in the works dealing with the 1 Ibid. -3-

history of dynasties or single rulers written in a pnnegyric style the predominance of the biographical element is manifest, as i n the al-Kitab al^ynmlnl of aliUtbi (d. 427/1036) or in the kitab al-Rnwdatayn fi Akhbar al-Dav/latayn of Abu S]iama( d.665/ 1268)\

From the beginning of the 5th century A.II,onwards, a compilnto- ry activity can be perceived in all branches of lluslim science. A ^^ellnigh endless variety of compendiums and concise text books and lexica are written on philology, history, and religious and natural science as well. This activity manifests itself both in history political/and in biography. In political history the necessity of both the continuation and the abbreviation of al-Tnbari's work called into e:d.stence a host of voluminous compilations, as the al-Knmil f 1 al-TnrlkJi of Ibn al-A-tliir (d. 630/1253), the Kitab Ilulditasar al-Duwal of Bnrhebraeus ( d. 688/1289), the IJukjitasar Tarikh al-Basjiar of Abu al-Pida ( d. 732/1331), and the Kitab al-FnlUiri fl al-Adab al-Sultaniyya y/a al-Duv/nl al-Islamiyya of Ibn al-Tiqtaqa ( d. about 701/1301), which is one of the best 2 compendiums of Lluslim history written in Arabic . The same activity is to be seen in biographical literature also. The former local or professional biograpliies had grown into the great collections of general biograpliy, from which the companions of the prophet and the first four caliphs were excluded as being well-known from 1 Ibid,P.816 2 See the remark of H.A.lIicholson in his, A Literary History of the Arabs (London, 1907),p.454- ' ~~~~ -— -4-

tJae Tnbaqnt works. The most famous work of this kind the Kitnb Wnfnygt al~AVnn of Ibn Khallikan (d. 681/1282), with its conti nuation: the Fawat al-Wafayat of al-Kutubi (d. 764/1365), the Tnrikh al-HuIcama'of al-Qifti (d. 646/1248), and the Kjtab^Uyun al-Anba^ fl Tabngat al-Atibba of Ibn Abi Usaybiyya (d. 668/1270), 1 serve as reliable guides in this vast biographical literature .

But, at the same time, the necessi.ty arose of further com pilations comprising both political history and biographies of the illustrious in the same wirk. As a matter of course, this style of historiography was chiefly cultivated by the encyclopaedists, whose number rapidly increased from the 6th century A.H., and wlio embraced the whole range of human loiov/ledge of their time. The first scholar who compiled a S3rmposium of both general history and historical biography in one work was the celebrated Baghdad polyhistor Ibn al-Jawzl (d. 597/1200). V/ith his Kitab al-IJimtazam he initiated a new school of historiography in Arabic literature, because his work contains both general history in short onnalis- tic form and also the obituary notices of all the parsons of some 2 consequence who died in the several years . The Kjtab al-IIuntazam was considered as a standard work on general history by many illustrious later historians. Specially the Ilirat al-Zaman of Sibt b. al-JawzH ( grand son of the former, died in 654/1256) 1. Joseph de Soraogyi, "The Torikh al-Islam of al-Dhahabi", JRAS (l952),pp.81C-7. ~~~ 2 Cf. Joseph de Somogyi, "The Kitab al-Uuntazam of Ibn al-JawzI',' The Journal of Royal Asiatic Society;(CTrea-f: Britain, 1932),pp.49- -5-

should be mentioned in this connection, because Sibt b. nl- Jnwzi exactly follo^ved the method of his faraoas ancestor,whose Kitnb al-nuntaznm he continued upto his own time and enlarged with additional matters often disregarded by Ibn al-JawzI, as the local history of Syria, specially of Damascus. The system laid down by the Kitab al-IIuntazam was adopted by numerous later authors, as by Iluhamraad b. Shakir al-Kutubi(d. 764/1363) in his general hi story *Uyun al-Tgwarlkh and also by al-Ta/^hribardl (d. 874/1469) In hir- history of Egypt, entitled al-IIujuJ-i al-Znhira fi Mululc Ilisr wa al-Qahira. The common feature of all these volu- 1 minous compilations is the predominance of the biograpliical matter over the historical narrative. V/ith the possible exception of the period prior to their own time and some matters of predilection these works mostly contain shorter or longer vitae illustrorum virorum, proceded for the sake of completeness by short, hardly sufficient and often biased surveys of political narrative, so that but for the material contained in the biographical records the res-gestae of a given later period of Huslim historj?- could not probably have been reconstructed, n^he general character of these historical works has been described excellently by R.P. •A.Dozy in speaking of the Spanish Arab historians: " Hommes des letters, ces clironiqueurs enregistrejit en outre le deces des... general de 1' epoque qua travers one sorte de brouillard"

1 Sec, his Ilistoire de 1' Afriauc ct de 1' Zspagno Par Ibn Adhari (leyden, 1849-51),P.19. Cf.Joseph de Somogyi, "The Tarikli al_Iclam of al_Dhahabi", JRAS (1932),pp.817-8. -6-

V/ith certain exceptions this characterization is generally good also for the authors of the school of Ibn al-Jawza, thas specially for a prominent disciple of the famous Baghdad Poly histor, al-D]iahabi. Fis name has ever been famous for his lesser works, some of v.'hich are in general use both in the Orient and in the Occident, but his chief work, the Tarlkh al-Islnn, has never yet been studied nor discussed as a whole, though it fully deserves our attention for its valuable data, v;hich are in many

•i cases nowhere else obtainable .

Shams al-Din Abu''Abdallah I.Iuhammad b. Ahm^d b'Uthman al- Dhahabl al-Turkumani al-Fariql al- Dimashql al~Shafi'l was born at Damascus or at Llayyafariqin on the 1st or 3rd of the month of Rabi* al-Th_ani, 673/5th or 7th of October,1274. As his surname, al-Turkumani, implies, his family was of Turkish descent.In 690/ 1291 - according to others at the age of 18 - he began his stu dies in IJaditli ^ Damascus under the direction of ^Umar b.Qav/was, Ahmad b. Hibatallah b. 'Asakir and Yusuf b.Ahmad al-Qamuli, He continued his Hadith studies in several Islamic centres,under 2 the beSt authorities of his time .

Al-Dliahabl had the reputation of a scholar of the first rank in history, had 1 til and fiqh; in this latter he belonged to the majlJihab of al-Shafil. He was at his studies day and night 1 Ibid, pp.818-9. 2 For detailed life and works of al-Djiahabi, see, Joseph de Somogyi, "The Tari]dl al-Islam of al-Diiahabl", JRAS(1932), pp.819-55, note-1 of page 819. -7-

and had a great many esc ell en t pupilc, aiaonc vJiom his chief bio grapher is to be specially mentioned, 'Abd al-V/aliliab al-Sabki, author of the Tabagat al-Sjiafiiy^ra al-Kubra. He Vvtis an intimate friend of the latter's father, Taqi al-Dln al-Subki, x; o v/as con sidered stronger than he in Shafiite lav/. After a successful scientific and teaching career al-DhahabI died at Damascus in the night of Sunday - I.Ionday on the 3r6 of the month of IlllU- nl-Qa'da 748/3-4 February,1348, or, according to others, in 753/1353.he v/as buried at Damascus, at the Bab al-Saghlr^ in the burial-place of so many illustrious Damascenes ,

Al-Dhahabi^ s manifold capacities v/ere aclcnov/led^ed by his contemporaries and his later biographers as v/ell.Al-Iaitubl beg ins his biographical record on al-Dhahabi with select poetical plirases in praise of his scientific achievements. He v/as common ly called by his biographers Iluhaddit]i al-'Asr (traditionist of the nge) art! Kha tarn al-IJuffaz ( seal of the Ilafizs) .According to Salah al-Din .al-Safadl, "he hnd nothing of the rigidness of the traditionists or of the stupdity of the historians; on the contrary, he v/as a faqih an-nafs ( a lav/er of spirit) and v/as skilled in the sayings (opinions) of people". And Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani adds to this stciitement: "I drank from the water of

1 Cf. Joseph de Somogyi. "The Tarikh al_Islam of al-Dliahabl, " The Journal of P-oyal Asiatic Soci etyf Great Britain and Ire land , 1932),pp. 820-1. -8-

Znmzara in order -to rench the rnni: of nl-Dhnhnbl in Iiifz". I'e also coiupoGGcl a beautiful lagida on the excGllcnt qualities of 1 al-Hhahabi ,

But, on the other hand, v.'e also find opinions v/hicli tend to detract fron the reputation of al-Diiahabl. Thus, his contcn- poraries, Abu al-Fida and *'Unar b. al-V/ardi, v;hilc adnittin^ that he was a traditionici and liistorian of a Jiifdi order. He cor.ipilcd biographies of some of his contemporaries v;hile they \7ere still alive from information obtained from cnthaciastic youn^^j.ien nho gathered round '^im. Hot being able to verify their statements liimself, he furnished th.e good reputation of certain persons, 2 though quite unvdttingly .

As an author, al-]2hahabl v;as not so prolific as Ibn al- Jav.'zl or al-Juyuti, but some of his writings soon attained a high standard both in t'lc Orient and in the Occident. :'.is vorks- likc those of co many post-classical Arab autliors - are of compi- latorj^ char-ictcr, and are distinguished by careful composition and constant references to his authorities. It is for those peculi arities that his '.;orks on hadit]] and specially on the *Ilm al- 3 Ri,1'^l« have become very popular . But his principal and longest work is his great general history entitled TarlliJi al-Iclam( The History of Islcim). This work, though well-lmown and much referred 1 Ibid,p.321. 2 Ibid,pp.821-22. 3 Ibid,p.822. -9-

±0 by both Oriental and Occidental Scholars, has never yet 1 been edited as a v/hole nor discussed at any length , The ?nrl]ch 2 a 1-Is Ian consisted of 12 or 20 volumes , It contains a general history up to 700/1500, and was finished by al-BJiahabl by the year 74V''540 , i.e. seven years before his death, vjhich struck one of the later al-Ell''^habi specialists, Ibn Qadi ShUbhb^,v.'ho said, "It is strange that he ( al-'Dhahabl) stopped in his Tarlkh al- Isi am at the ye.'ir 700 A.II. and did not continue it to the year 740 A.ll., as he did in his al-Ibar, for it was continued in his presence by both al-yununi to his ovm tine and al-Jazarl" .c:he work was discovered part by part by Kamal al-Din b. "Abd al-7ahid, 5 who said, "It is an illustrious bookT " His opinion v/as certainly not shared by one of the most prominent pupils of al-Dhahabl al- SuhHi according to v/hom," It would be an excellent work, if it were free from a certain bias" ,

As al-Dhah.nbl is a well-lcnown s;^rrian historian,Iluhadditil, biographer and prolific A'/riter who v/as born at Dnmascus in 675/ 1274 and died there in 784/1547? he accordingly, lived and v/orked under the Bahrl Ilamlulc rules (648-792 A. IT/1 250-1590 A.D) in Egypt 7 and Syr in . Hie "^nrilii! al-Iclan is considered as an authority on 1 Ibid,p.825 and note 1 of the sane page for detailed account o± '^h'" printed edition of the '""rik'i al-I-^lnm 2 According to Uajjl Fhalifa in his raaJif •^l^Z\mml lTo.2220, the history consists of 12 volume; but according to nl- Kutubl in his ?nwnt al-"fnfayat. vol.ii,p. 185, it consists of 2*^ volLLMes, 5 SGC Hajji I^alifa, Ibid. 4 Ibid. -10-

the LIongol(Il-l±,nns of Persia r.654-750/1256-1349) invasion oi the caliphate. Scarcely ever has Islnn e::periencecl more tragical times and more hardships than during the I-ongol invasion in the course of the Tth/IJth century with the despite of the nomads, practitioners of the open-air life, for sedentary occupations, the people of cJiingiz Icjian turned against and mercilessly des- tro3'-ed the towns and works of civilization everywhere. Their disastrous compaign v;as onl3r facilitated b3'- the decomposition of the political unitj'- of I.-^lau nt that tine. In Baghdad the 'Abbasid caliphate still subsisted, but its splendour was on the wane; to the west of Baghdad, in Egypt, Palestine, and a part of Syria, the Ayyubids ( 564-643/1169-1250) reigned, and in Asia Ilinor the Saljuqs ( of un or IMther Asia), while to the east of Baghdad the ûrkish Princes from Khiva had a rather insecure hold on the vast stretch of the ^warinmian empire from the Ganges to the Tigris and from Turkestan to the Indian Ocean.This 3 Of .al-Kutubi, Fnwat. vol.ii.-p. 183. 6 Gf.al-Subki, Tabaîat al-Shaffia al-Kubra, vol.v,p.21?. 7 For al-DhahabI' s life and works, see, a3-3aYtltI,Tabaqat al- IIuffa_z ed.F.V/ustenfeld, :oci,9; al-Kutubi, Unwat al-y/afayat (Bai.1-q,1282/l865),vol.ii,pD. 183-4; al-Subki7âbaqat ai:: Shafilvva al-Kubra (Cairo 1324/1906) vol.vi,pp. 2lb-2b; ^Ûmar

p. i5p; -i-Dn ai-Aiusi, oaia _ai-iiynavn ii I'lUiiakamat ai-iuimaci: (Bulaq. 1298/1880).P.21; ITasIr al-DIn al-Shafi'I. Uadd'al- y/gfir ( Cairo. 1329/1911) ,P.'19, Cl.IIuart, Arabic Literature (london, 1903},pp. 341-2; Pons Boygues Ensajro bio-bibliogra- fico (Lladrid 1898), p.416; Lloh.b. Cheneb, "al-Dhahabl", Encyclopadia of Islam,vol.i,p.954• -11-

stnte of nffairs v;ns inviting to f\n enterprising invader of the sort of Ghingiz IShTm pho, in 615/1218, crushed the giljvariaciinn empire, v/hile his grand son, Hulagu kiian (r. 654-663/1256-1265) put an end to the Vibbasid Caliphate in 656/1258. The western provinces of Irian, including Egypt,v/ere however spared from the devastating fury of the Ilongols by the Baliri IL-Tinlulc Sultan's victory over KatbogJ}'"'* Hulagu's general, at'Ayn Tnlut,Palestine, in 659/1260, when in 699/1299 - 701/1501 his ^rand son Gjiazan Ila- limud (r.694-705/1295-1304) failed in conquering 3yria, Islaci waS" definitely safe from further Ilongol attacks ,

Al Bhahabl's Tnrikh al-Islan combining both general and bio graphical history, finishes in 700/1300-1, and,therefore, includes the whole history of the Ilongol invasion. The value of his narrative is enhanced by his careful gathering of all sorts of information pertaining to his subjedt, and by himself being an eye witness to the last phase of the Llongol invasion Gjinzm's nttacfc on Damascus. It is owing to al-Djjahabi" s conscientous quotation of his authorities that we possess in his Tarilrh al~ Islam the only report on Ghingiz K^ian' s Tatars that is extant 2 in the hitherto Imo^vn works of Arabic literature ,

The Mongol period( Il-Khanids of Persia r.654-750/1256-1549 and Chagatay Khanids and Timurids of Transoxiana r.624-906 /1256- 1500) is generally considered as a curse period for Arabic litera ture. They destroyed all the unique and valuable books preserved 1 Of. Joseph de Somogyi, "al-Siiahabl's Tarikh al-Islom as an Authority of the Ibngol Invasion of the Caliphate",JRAS (1936),pp.595-6. 12-

In different libraries of the 'Abbnsid empire. They nlso burnt all the big libraries and chased a;\vay the wcll-loiov/n scholars of the conquered lands. Eg3rpt and Syria, on the other hand rema ined safe fortunately from their atrocities and that is why th ese two countries ^vere able to produce a lar.'^e number of scho lars, writers and poets in different field of literature in this period and surpassed other Arab countries in science and lea;rn- ing. The Llamlulc Sultans of Egjrpt and Syria in this period were more lenients than the I.bngols to the religious and linguistic attitudes of the people. Cairo Alexandria, Usyut, Payum, Damas cus, Hims, Aleppo and Ilamah became over crowded with the libra ries, schools, colleges, Universities, Ilosques, and all other architectures during the Ilaialulc period. The scholars and men of letters from different corners of the v/orld migrated to Egypt and Syria and follovang the predecessors they displayed 1 there n litrary movement .

The special features of the po.etry of the Kongol period are : the excessive use of the ornamented words with their varie ty of changes, showing of undesired efficiencies by the poets and composition of the poetical histories, which nre more harrar- ful to the meanings. The description of the Icnown things and open speech in Satire are manifested, and vulgar words and popu lar meter entered in poetry of this period. Al-Shabab al-Zarif

1 Of. IIanna nl-Fakhuri, Tnrlliji al--'\dab al-'Arabi. 9th edn. (Bayrut: al-IIatba'a al-Bullslyya,n.d) ,pp.859-81. -13-

(d. 688/1289), al- Buslri (d. 696/1296), Ibn. al- WardKd, 749/ 1348), Safiyyal - Din al- Hilll (d. 750/1349) and Ibn Nubata (d,768/1366) were the most important poets of this period . The other less important poets were Shihab al-Dln ai- Talafarl (d. 675/1276) and S/,raj al- Din al- Warraq (d. 695/1296). As regards to prose literature of the period, the writers who com posed secretarial v;ritings, literary epistles and scientific prose were like Iluhyi al- Din *'Abdallah al- Zahir and his son Path al-Din, Taj Al- Din b, al- Atllir, ahihab al- Din al- Halabi, al- Qalqashandi (d. 821/1418) and Badr al- Din al- Halabi, There were also some writers who colleC-ed in book form the literature of the contemporary and previous pe-riods like Jaraal al- Din al- V7atî/at (d, 7l8/l3l8) who compiled Glûrar al- Khasais al- Wadiha and'Ala al- Din al- Bahai (d. 615/1412) who compiled Hawaii* al- Budur fi Hanazil al- Surur. A fev; encyclopadic works and religious books were also composed in this period • Sîihab al- din al- Nuwayri (d. 732/1332) composed Hihayat al- Arab fi Funup al-^'Arab in 30 volumes which begin from 732/1331, Ibn Fadlallah al-*Umari (d. 748/1348) who wrote Masalik al- Abgar fl Ilamalik al- Amgar in 20 volumes and al- Qalqa ShandKd, 821/1418) v/ho compiled Subh al- A*'s]ia fi Sana al- Insha'vrhich consists of a preface and an Essay, Besides these words, a large number of books on linguis tics and religious sciences were also compiled in the period under review, Ibn Manzur (d, 711/1311 ) '.'rote lisan al-'Arab on laxi- cography in 20" volums, >3uhainmad b,'Abdullah b, Malik (d.672/1273) wwte al- Ulfiyya/Alidullah b, Hisham (d. 761/1360) v/rdte Qatar -14-

al- Nadiyya V7a Ball al- Sadiyy and Huhaimnad al- Sanhaji b, A jar rum (d, 723/1323) write al-Mugaddama al- Ajarrumiyya fi I-labadi Ilm al- Arablyya on grammar. In this way Ibn Timiyya (d, 728/1328) v/rite about five hundred books and brochures including Risalat al- Furgan bayn al- Haqq Wa al- Batil and al- Jam* bayn al- *Agl Wa al- Naql , and Ibn Qayyim al- Jawziyya (d. 751/1350) \jrilte Zad al- Maad and Kitab al- Qadr, etc, on religious Sciences • Ibn jChallikan (d, 6 33/ 1282) comppled Tfafayat al- /Cyan , a biographical di. ctionary Ibn Shahir al- Kutubi (d, 70 3/1303) corj^osed Fawat al- Uafayat, al- Qazwini (d. 682/1283) .wrote'^Ajaib al- Ilakhluqat Wa QYjafaih al- Mawjudat in two parts, Abu al- Fida(d, 6 32/1332) wrote al- Mukh- tasar fl Tarikh al- Baajiar and Ibn Battuta (d. 779/1377) write Tuhfat al- Nizar fi Gharaib al- Amsar Ua Ajaib al- Asfar, all

are v/ritten on geographical , historical and biographical literature- es. 1

The contom-^orary Spain in the West witnessed a renovating stage in th filed of literature and sicences, LisSn al- Din al- Kiiatib (d, 776/1374) vas the most celebrated Spanish literateur of ,the period , He was also a poet though in less calibre. He wrote al- Ihata fi TJrlkh Gartiata in 3 V'lumos. He also \-n:ote al- Huial al- Marquma, etc,, on history. He wrote many literary epistles including Raylianat al- Kuttab V7a Hajat al- Iluntatab. He has a Dlwan of poetry though not in high calibre .His style of writing is mainly distinguished with his love of metaphorical beauties and excessive use of historical and scientific allusions in rhymed prose, which were not fr^e from obscurity, artificiality

1 Tbirf. pp. fl=;q_Ri -15-

and monotonyl.

As regards the Mamluk dynasty it covers the period between 656/1258 and 1215/1800 of the Islamic history . The name llaminks refers to the Turkish and Circassian military caste, who were independent rulftrs of Egypt and its dependency Syria.The year 656/1258 , mentioned above , marks the end of an ind n on dent ^Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad as a result of the Mongol invasion which sacked the capital and destroyed its political and cultural heritage. One of the poets of this period recorded the state of 2 the devastated city in the following lines :

" The pulpits and the thrones are empty o^ them, I bid them, till the hour of death, fare\;ell • "

Thousands of books v/ere destroyed and thrown into the geeat rivers of'•Iraq , By then the Muslim Uorld was divided into separate states, and Arabic literature wqs greatly v/eakehed in Lhe Eastern 3 Part of it, specially in Persia , Anatolia and Northern India

The age o'' Ilamluks can be divided into tvjo periods . The first is between 656/1258 and 923/1517 v/hen the Mamluks V7ere

1 Ibid, PP. 840-54> 2 Cf, R.A, Nicholson, A literary History of the Arabs(Cambridge: Iftiiversity Press, 1977) P. 446. 3 Cf.Dr. Muhammad Hasan Bakalla, Arabic CultTire . thought, its ],qngua(jf» and literature ( London: Kegan, Paul International Ltd, 1404/1984), P.180. -16-

Independent and relatively prosperous. The second is from 923/1517 onwards . During this year the Ottoman Empire started to expand

arid historians of literature consider this time as a period of stagnation and decay. During the first period Arabic literature was steadily losing its qualities of originality , creativeness, imagination and vitality, while during the second period Arabic literature was completely stagnant,

L The Age of the Man^ijs is normally known as the Age of Decadence in Arabic Literature and Sciences, because during t>-is period Arabic studies apparently reached their lowest ebb. The great Arab 1-luslim traveller Ibn Battuta was shocked ii?hen he arri ved in the land of the early Arabic grammarians, Basra, in 728/1327 to find that even learned P'^ople committed mistakes in Arabic, Here is his account of this experience 2;

'• I was present once at the Friday prayes in the Mosque, and when the preacher rose to deliver his sermon, he committed many serious grammatical erros, I was estonished at this and s^oke of it to the Qadi, who ansv;ered , 'In this town there is not one left who knows anything about grammar'. Here indet^d is a v/arning for man to reflect on- Magnified be He who changes all things and overturns

1 Ibid , P, 180, 2 Cf, Ibn Battuta, Rihlat fi Asia Ua Africa ( 1325-1354 AD), Translated and selected by H.A.R, Gibb (Travels in Asia and Africa ), with an Introduction and Notes, The Broadway Travellers series, ( London: George Rouledae & Son, Ltd, 1929), P. 87, -17-

all human affairs ' This Basra, in whose people the mastary of graflunaar reached its h^iqYlht, wh-^nce it hrd its origin and v/here it developed, which was the home o"^ its leader Sibawayb whose pre-eminnnce is undisputed , has no preacher I'/ho can deliver a sermon without breaking its rules'

• Hov/ever there are exceptions to every rule, and the age of the Kamluks produced a few literary man and authors who may be considered as a beam of light in this age of darkness in the Kuslim World, Al- Busirl was one of the mofet important poets who lived between 609/1212 and 696/1296. He was, and still is, well-knovm for his poem, the Qasidat al- Burda or the Mantle Ode in which he praises the Prophet and he has alv/ays been considered as presenting the med ieval view of the Prophet, In geographical literature v/e also meet at Dimashqi who died in 728/1327; Abu al- Fida who lived between 6 72/ 1273 and 732/133lj Ibn l-Iajid of Najd who lived in the second half of the 9th/ l5th century and who claimed that it was he v/ho piloted Vasco da Gama from Africa to the Indian Coast, Al- Qalqashandi who died in 821/1418 wrote as already mentioned, an Hmcyclopaedic work v;hich was addressed to vjriters and secretaries to show them the technicaliti es and manners which must be observed in writing , Literary styles and precis - writing v/ere among oth"r subjects which v/ere also treated in this invaluable piece of work of the 8th/l4th century v/h.ich is still extant until the present, A number of important historians andbio- qraphers emerged during this age. To mention some : al- Dhahabi who died in 784/1347 wrote his book ,as mentioned above,TariTili al-Islam 1 Dr. W.H, Bakalla, Arabic Culture, P,l8i, -18-

(History of Islam), the biographer al-Safadi v;ho died in 765/

1363 whose biography covered the fist seven centuries m Islamic History in which biographies were arranged in alphabeti cal order. One can not forget to mention here the historian and biographer Ibn Hajar who died in 853/1449j al- Sakhawl who died in 903/1497 and who produced a 12 volume biographical work, the

12th volume of which is devoted to womenj al- Damiri's Zoological Dictionary compiled in the late 8th/14th century is as mijch a literary v/okj^ as it is a work on natural science; al- Maqrizi who lived between 747/1346 and 846/1442 wrote his famous topogr aphical work on the description of Egypt ; Ibn'Arabshah of Damfl^ cus who lived between 795/1392 afad 854/1454 wrote his biography of the Taymur ( Timurlong) entitled " Marvels of Destiny" ; Ibn Taghribirdi who died in 874/1469 wrote the Annals of Egypt", and al- Maqqari of Tilimsan who died in 1042/16 32 wrote his monomen- tal v7ork on the political and literary history of Mjslim Spain ,

Ibn Timiyya of Damascus who died in 729/1328 v/as one of the great religious thinkers of this age. The encyclopadist Jalal al- Din al- SuyutI of Usyut in Egyp^t v/ho lived between 849/1445 and 911/15 05 v/rote 561 works, about 450 of which are still extant. Although many of these v/orks are short treatises,

1 Ibid , P, 182 -19-

a few of them run into several volumes. Amongst his famous works are : " ItqSn " on the sciences of the Quran, a number of books on Arabic grammar, an autobiography , a dictionary of grammarians and literary men, and a book entitled History of the Caliph"^,

In Muslim Spain we meet the politician Ibn al- Khatib who lived bet\7een 713/1313 and 776/1374. He was one of the last Andalusian poets and v;riters of foLsongs^ or muwashshahas which seem to have died out in Spain by the end of the 8th/l4th 2 century .

In North Africa we meet the great Arab historian and sociologist Ibn Kt>aldun of Tunis who lived between 733/1332 and 809/1406 . His volumnious work on hisotyr is still invalu able to us in modern time. More interesting still is the book which v;as originally an introduction to his history, and it bears the title " the Introduction". Here Ibn Khaldun summed up the principle of Sociological thought, and the first account over of a philosophic conception of history . One must also mentionfcsi here the great Muslim traveller, al- Wazzan of Fez who died about 933/1526 . He v.'as captured by christian corsaris anri taken to Italy where he was converted and named John Leo Africanus. Later he returned to Africa. His work on the history 1 Ibid, P. 182 2 Ibid, P. 182 -20-

of Africa was translated recently from Italian and French by Professor Hamidullah ( Riyadl978). Al- Wazzan's book remained the chief reference for European vrorks on Africa until the end of the 12th/l8th century"^

One of the chracterifetics features of the Mamluk age is the interest in popular literature , both popular poetry and popular romances. It is during this period that alf layla wa layla ( Thousand and one Niqhts) was given its final shape. The legents and romnancd such as that of *Antara and^'Abla were also given a special emphasis. Here the writers of this age were accomplished artists whose wrks displayed technical skill with which the old themes were varied and revived . Moreover the literary styles used brilliantly the colloquial idiom and played with words and phrases • Safi al- Dxn al- Hilli of Hilla in '•Iraq v^ho died in 751/1350 v/as one of the most popular ooets. He wrote a special treatise on the 2 "Arabian Folicsonqs" .

Let us quote here the Arabian Folksong in the following lines composed by Safl al- Din al- Hillir

Hov7 can I have patience, and thou, mine eye's deliqht. All the livelong year not one moment in my sight 7 And with ^jhat c^n I rejoice my heart, vihen thou that art a joy. Unto every human heart , from me hast taken flighfj

1 Ibdi, PP. 18 2-8 3 . 2 Ibid, P. 18 3 . 3 Cf, R.A. Nicholson, A literary flistory of the_ArabSy P. 449. -21-

I sx^ear by Him who maie thy form the envy of the sun ( so graciously He clad thee with lovely beams of light): The day when I be hold they beauty doth appear to me As tho's it gleamed on Time's dult brow a constellation bright, O thou Scorner of my passion, for whose sake I count as naught All the woe that I endure, all the injury and despite, come rogard the ways of God I for never He at lifes last gasp/ Suffereth the weight to Perish even of mite! "

We have already seen that al- Dhahabi lived and worked between the later half of the 7th /13th and early half of the 8th/14th centuries when Arabic literature has been steadily losing its qualities of onginality^ creativ^ness , imagination and vitality and at- last has completely been stagnant , with some exceptional Arabic literary contributions produced by a few historians, literary men and authors, as mentionedabove , who may be considered as a beam of light in this age of darkness in the ^luslim World. It is further noticed that in the vast new tarritorls added to the Islamic world between the period under review, as indeed already in Persia and central 7i.sia, the medium of belles'-:— letters and poetry was no longer Arabic, but Persian or Turkish , Those new literatures ,while drawing to a greater or less extent on the traditions of Arabic literature not only contributed nothing to Arabic letters, but sinhonod off the talents which might otherv/ise have rejuvenated Arabic literature or opened it up to nev; expedi ences, Uhen it is recalled hov/ much that had given variety and resilience to the literature of the preceding centuries was produceti or initiated in the Persian provinces , the effect of -22-

1 tlieir loss to Arabic letters can be readily appreciated . At the same time, the intellectual energy and literary t^ste that displayed themselves in this period must not be underrated.Ori ginal works of belles-letters may be few, but.the same vigour and freshness of mind tjiat broke through even in the ccholaatic disci plines found other fields of exercise, specially in the first four centuries. It was in the continuing impulse of the ?Iellenis- tic tradition, in the immense development of historical composi tion, and under the growing stimulus of Sufism that they v/ere most active; yet from time to time certain writers found ways and means to express their interests and personalities in vjorks which bear an individual stamp. Amongst the travellers Ibn Battuta(d.779/ 1377) of Tangier w^is famous. Even in al-Andalus prose literature v^as largely a belated reflection of eastern models. Granada pro duced in the Versatile Lisan al-DIn b.al-Khatlb (d.776/1376) one of the last all-round masters of Arabic literary art. Scientific geography which attained one of its --eaks in the world-map and descriptive text compiled by the Sharif al_Idrisl for Roger II of Sicily in 548/1158, still survived to the time of Abu al_Fida, Sultan of Ilamah (d. 732/1331), but was already giving way to elec tric literary art of cosmography, exemplified by Zakariyya al- Quazwinl (d. 682/1283), shams al-Din al Dimnshqi (d. 727/1327) and Siraj al-DIn b. al-v/ardl (d. 850/1446). On a more restricted scale, the Hellenistic legacy entered into the encyclopadic tendency, exemplified not only by al-TusI and al-Raal, but also by many 1 Of.Ed., "Arabiyya", Encyclopadia of Islam (Leyden: E.J.Brill, 1965),Vol.i,P.593. -— 2 Ibid,p.594. 23-

lessor compilers. Encyclopaodism, prevnilins einplinsiG on religious studies and philology, took many forms. The simplest and most compact was the alphabetical arrangement of data in a given field or fields, as in the dictionary of nisbas (Kitab a1~Ansab) compil ed by Taj al-Din al-Sarfani (d. after 551/1 "156), on the basis of which the Greek Yaqut compiled his geographical dictionary (k.al- Buidan).The field which offered the widest scope for this treat ment was that of biography, whether general beginning v/ith the ^•Tafaynt al-AVnn of Ibn Kh.allikan (d. 631/1282), and followed by others, notably the voluminous^r^'Jafl bi al-7afavat of rhalil b, AybQk al-3afadi (d. 764/1365), or limited to particular classes of savants and men of letters: of Physicians by Ibn Abi Usaybia (d. .668/1270); of men of letters by yaqut (I.Ig-jan a 1-Udaba' in 20 volumes); of jurists of the different schools, notably by Taj al-DIn al-Subki, the Shafiite (d. 771/1370), Ibn -iutubugha, the I-Ianafite (d. 879/1474) and Ibn Parhim, the Kalikite (d.799/1397); af traditionists by Shams al-Dln nl-DhahabI (d. 740/1348); and many others. The already established practice of compiling dic tionaries oX scholars and cr.iinent ncn and women associated with a particular city or region was continued on an extensive, and sometimes massive scale, c^. for Aleppo by Kamal al-Din b. al- Admin (d. 660/1262); for Egypt by al-I.laqrlal (d. 845/1442); for al-Andalus by Ibn al^Abbar (d, 650/1260); and for Granada by Ibn al-KhatIb,. A novel principle, introduced b3- Ibn Tajar al-Asqalani, was to organise biographical dictionaries hj centuries; his dic tionary of notabilities of the Oth/l4th century (al-Durar al- -2 4-

1 Knmijin) xf\s followed for the 9th/l5'th and 10tli/l6th centuries ,

A second direction taken bjr ciicyclopadiGn wac to combine several branches of learning in a single work. Al-IÛv/ayri (d. 732/ 1352) dealt in ITihrfyat al-Arab with êo.'i^raphy, natiural science and, universal history; and 'the Egyptian secretary al—âlciashandi (d. 821/1418) combined and supplenented two \;orkG by his predecessor aliUnarl (d. 748/1348) in his Subh al-A'dia, to serve as a nanual of history, geocraph^'' and chancery procedure, and to supply models 2 of Insh.a for the Secretaries ,

In the secular sciences, the most impressive production wiis in the field of history. The Sunni novenent encouraged the revival of the "Universal history" begun hj al-::unta;;an of Ibn al-.Jawzi(d. 597/1200), expanded in the magisterial Ilamil of Ibn al-.At]air (d. 630/1234), and continued with varying emphases by Sibt b. al-Jaw2i (d. ^^54/1257), al-TIMwayrl, Abu al_Pida, al- Dhahabi and Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373). Regional and dynastic chronicles wore cultivated in every province from central Asia to Test Africa, and more specially b^"- the seouence of major his torians in Ilamluk Egypt. Rashid al-Din (d.718/1318), the histori an of the Ilongolc, produced an Arnbic version of his work. It is noteworthy that after the brilliant works of*^Imad al-Din al-

1 • Ibid,pp.594-5 2 Ibid, p.595 -25-

Isfahanl (Khnrldnt nl-Qasr, etc) the ornntG ctyle of rhyming- prose ciironicle .w^is largely discnrdecl in favour of plain annalistic, and is represented only by tv.'O later works of any impor tance in Arabic literature : a history of the llnmluk Sultans by Ibn IJabib al-DiraasIiql (d. 779/1377).On a smaller scale, but also conceived prim?irily as a work of a dab was the anecdotal history of the caliphs and their viziers compiled, under the title Pi- Fakh^i, by the'Iraqi Ibn al-Tiqtaqa (d. 709/1309) in 701/1301''.

The growing fixation of the traditional literary arts bore with special weight upon the secular poetry of this period«DI\rans abound, but few of the more classical poets gained more than a fleeting reputation except the''Iraqi Safi al-Dln al-lJilli (d. 749/1349), the Syrian Iba Ilijja al-IIamawi (d. 837/1434), and of the lyrical poets Baha al-Din Zuhayr "of Egypt" (d, 656/1258). A Panegyric on the prophet, Imown as al-Burda composed in elabor ate badi'by the Egyptian al-Busirl (d. 6941/I296), became and has remained one of the classics of religions poetry. An isolated attempt made by the oculist and wit Ibn Daniyal (d. 710/1310) to give a place in literature to the popular shadow play seems to 2 have met v;ith no success . Now I like to give an account of the literary contribution of four important historians contemporary to Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi in the following;

1. Ibid, p.595. 2. Ibid,p. 595. -26-

1. IBH AL-TIQTAQA (D.709/1309)

In order to appreciote the conditions under which Ibn al- Tiqtnqa lived and vrorked, it is necessary to loiow something of the •1 Mongol Kingdom in Persia and Iraq. The history of the Mongols beg- 2 ins practically with the great conqueror Chingiz Khan (r.603-624 A.H/1206-1227 A.D), the Asiatic Alexander. The territory which Chingiz Khan and his four sons had conquered stretched from the Yellow Sea to the Euxine, and included lands or tribes wrung from the rule of Chinese, Tanguts, Afghans, Persians, and Turks. After the death of Chingiz Khan in 624/1227 at the age of sixty four the Mongol empire was divided among the sons of Chingiz. The founder appointed a speci^il appanage of tribes in certain loosely defined camping grounds to each son, and also nominated a successor to him self in the supreme Kiianate. It was in the reign of Mangu(r.646-655/ 1248-1257)b. Tuluy b. Chingiz Khan that Persia v;as given a royal dynasty in the House of HulaguCr.654-745/1256-1344)(of the line of Tuluy), called Il-Khans, or provincial khans, to indicate the homage they owed and invariably acloiowledged ( very cheaply) to the supreme

1 The Mongols were a clan among clans, a member of a great nomad confederacy that ranged the country north of the desert of Gobi in search of water and pasture, who spent their lives in hunting and the breeding of cattle, lived on flesh and sour milk, and made their profit by bartering hides and beasts v/ith their kins men the khitans, or with the Turks and Chinese, to viiom they owed allegifince.The name of Mongols probably came to be applied in the 10th century to the whole group of dans only \4ien the cMef of a particular clan bearing that name acquired an ascendancy over the rest of the confederacy, and gave to the greater the name of the less. Yissugay was a notable maintainer of the name of Mongals, and it was probably he \4io first asserted the independence of the Mongols from Chinese rule. The people who owned the sovereignty of Yissugay numbered only forty thousand tents. 2 The narae of Chingiz Khan(the very Mighty King)b.Yissugay is "^emujin, a higher title which v/as conferred to him in 603/1206 by the priests and Diets of the chiefs of all the tribes at the assemblage of the nobles. -27-

Khaqans. llonguls brother Biilngu lincl little difficulty in establi shing his authority over the country allotted to him. The ambitious Sliah-of Khwarian whom Ghingis had routed had already cleared the way by conquering the better part of Persia, and there were no formida ble opponents to meet. Hulagu( r.654-663/1256-1265) speedily drove before him the small princes who were trying to build their little dynasties on the ruins of the great empire of Khwarizm Plulagu,there fore, came to Bnghdad in 656/1258 and crually murdered IJusta^sim, the feeble representative of the^Abbasid C-iliphs. Mulagu discovered no serious obstacle in his path till he was checked in Syria by the Val-

•1 iant Mamlulcs of EgjTpt (r. 650-922/1252-1517), who kept him success fully at arm's length. Hulagu was now master of all the provinces of Persia and Asia Ilinor from India to the Llediterranean. His domina tions marched with those of chagatay and Juji, the two sons of Chin- giz, on the north, and with the territory of the Egyptian Sultana on the South, and within these limits for nearly a century his dy nasty reigned in practical independence, whilst rendering a certain feudal homage to the rmote iLiiaqan in China. Save for an occasional contest over the succession, the country was quietly and peaceably governed, and the Il-khans showed a praisev/orth desire to emulate the examples of earlier rulers of Persia in the encouragement of 2 Science and letters .

In the reign of Abu Said b.Uljaitu b.Arihun b.Abaga b.Hulngu (r.716-36/1316-35),however, the dynasty was undermined by the sane 1 Cf.D. Ayalon, "Studies on the structure of the Il.nmlulc army" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.vol.15 tLondon,1953;, pp.?03-28f 448-76, vol.16U954;,pp.57-90. 2 Of. Stanly lane-Poole, The IJohammadan Dynasties (Delhi:Idarah-i- Adabiyyat, 1977), Oriental Series i^^o.47,pp.201-20. -28-

cnuses which hnd previously destoryed the power of the Cnliphs nnd the Seljuqs, and were destined at last to bring about the downfall of the Mamlulcs in Egypt: rival amirs, generals, canisters, fanatics, began to take a large share in the government of the country, and in their jealousies and animosities lay the prine danger of the II- khans. After Abu Said'c. s death, the throne of Persia became the toad- stool on which the Puppet sovereigns set up by rival amirs seated themselves only to find it crumbling beneath them.Two great houses tore Persia in Sunder: that of Amir Chupan, a favourite general of Gliaafin lialimud Kjian b. Arghun and of his successors; and that of Amir Husayn the Jalayr, also called the Il-Kanian. Each of these had a son named Hasan, distinguished b;;- the epithets Great and little;the son of Chupan v/as Imlr Ilasan Kuchul: or the Little; and the son of Jalayr was Amir SJ^aykh Hasan Buzurg or the Great. Their power ?jas immediately felt, /irpa Kiian (r.736/1555), a descendant not of Ilulagu but of Arikbulca his brother, was placed on the throne after Abu Sjud's death, but was deposed the same year of 75/1536 by I.Iusa(r.736 /1335), who drew his pedigree from Baydu (d#694/1295), the sixth Il-Kiian, Musa was quickly displaced by the nominees of the Greater Hasan, whose rival of the line of Chupan presently set up an oppo sition in the sovereign;|:y in the person of Sati-Beg (r.759-40/1559-40) a sister of Abu Said, who had been the wife of Chupan, then of Arpa,

1 Eluhammad, Tugha Timur, and Jahan Timur were set up as puppet jLhans by the Jalayr Amir, Sljaykh Hasiin Buzurg; Sati Beg and her husband Sulayman were nominees of the rival Amir Hasan Kuchulc Chupanij and Nusjiirwan of Aghmf Ghupani.Aii ^ere of the posterity of Hulagu, except Tugha TimOr who was descended from a brother of Ghingiz Khan, and Nugijirwan whose pedigree is doubtful, cf.S.Lane poole, The Huhammadan I);^nasties,P.?20. -29-

nnd wns finally married to Sulayman(r.740-4/1339-45), who nominally supplanted her in the supremacy. After the troubled reign of IIusiiirT i^i wan (r.745/1344), the Jalayrs were the chief power in Persia, and the dynasty of Hiilagu became extinct. The Jalayrs(r.736-814/1336- 1411) in Iraq etc., Iluzaffarids, Sarbadarids etc., made havoc of the country till the great Timur (d.807/1405) came and swept them away 1 .•

The Chiefs of the tribe of Jalayrs, also called Il-Kanians, became the leading family in Persia after the death of the Llongal Abu SnTd. Their head, Shaykh Hasan Buzurg (the great) set up three puppets on the Ilongol throne; after which he assumed sovereign fun ctions himself, and taking [possession of'Iraq made Baghdad his capi tal, Ilis son Oways, who succeeded him in 757/1356, took Adijarbayjan and Tabriz from the Golden Horde in 759/1358, and added Hawaii and Diyar Bakr to his dominiors in 766/1364. Ilusayn, his successor,was engaged in wars with his neighbours the Iluzaffarids of eastern Pers ia, and with the Turkomans of the JJlack sheep, who had made themsel ves dominant in Armania and the country south of Lnkevan; until the latter agreed to become his allies in 779/l377 . In this connection it would be more profitable to discuss about the Ilamlulc Sultans(r, 650-922/1252-1517) of Egypt and Syria, ligypt and Syria have generally formed one government in i.uliamraadan history. Syria was conquered by the Arabs in 14-17/635-656, and Egypt in 2I/64I. i'"rom the time of the conquest to 254/868 Egypt was ruled as a separate province by 98 governors appointed by the Umayynds and '\'.bbasid Cnliphs.jjut the

1 Gf. S.Lane-Poole, The nuharnmadnn Dyn-!sticG,Pj:-. 218-19. 2 Ibid,P.246 . -30-

new governor Ahmnci b.xulan (r.254-270/868-885) foimded in 254/968 a dynnsty which lasted 37 years. This was succeeded aitcr an inter val by the Ikhshldids (r. 323-558/955-969, vJio in turn gave place to the greatest of medieaval iî^ypxian dynasties, that of the Patimid •sâlipiis Ox ^gypt (r. 297-567/909-1171) .Under these last, however, Syria became the seat oi independent dynasties, I.Iirdasidc of Aleppo (r. 41-4-472/1023-1079), Burifls, (r.497-599/1105-54),Zangids (r.521- 648/1127-1250), but vâs again united to Egypt by Salah al-DTn( r. 564-589/1169-1193), the founder of the Ayyiibid dynasty(r.648/1169- 1250), and so continued until both became separate provinces of the Ottoman Empire . After the conquest by Salim I in 922/1517,Egypt remained for three centuries a Tarkish Pashalik, where, however, the authority of the Pasha sent from Constantinope was minimized by a council of Ilamlul: Beys. The arrival of Fepolion in 1215/1798 put an end to this divided nystcm; but after the victories of England at AbiUcir and x\le:candria and the consequent retreat of the French in 1216/1801, the old dissensions revived.In 1805, however, liuliammad 'All (r. 1220-64/1805-48), the commander of an Albanian regiment \t\ the Turkish Army of Egypt, after massacring a number of the Llamluk Chiefs, made himself master of Cairo.,A second massacre in 1226/1811 completed the work, and hence forward Egypt has been governed, in nominal subordination to the porte, by the dynasty of L'uliammad *A1I called Kiiedives (r, 1220-1511/1805-95), whose fourth successor,Ismru.1 Pasha (r. 1280-1500/1865-82), in 1285/1866,adopted the official title of Khedive. Syria was annexed in 1247/1851, but restored to Turkey under the pressure of England and European Powers in 1257/1841,and has ever since been a Turkish Yilayat.Thc Sud;in was conquered in 1 Ibid, P.67. -31-

successive expedition, down to the time of Ismnil,but abandoned after the death of Qeneral Gordon in 1303/1885.The Southern boun- dayry of Egypt is now drawn near the second cataract of the Ilile, and since the suppression of *^Arabi's military revolt by Enfilish troops in 1301/1883, the administration of I^gypt has been conducted 1 under the advice of English officials •

Hamluk means*'owned'and was generally applied to a white slave. The Llamlulc Sultans of Egypt were Turkish and Circassian' slaves,and had their origin in the purchased body-guard of the Ayyubid Sultan Saleh Ayyub (r. 637-47/1240-49)• ^he first of their line was a ?raman, Queen Shajar al-Durr (r. 648/1250), widow of Salih; but a represen tative of the Ayyubid family, Aghraf I.Iusa (r. 648-50/1250-52) was accorded the nominal dignity of joint sovereignty for a few years. Then followed a succession of slave kings, divided into two dynas ties, the Baliri (r.648-792/1250-1390) of the River) and the Burji (r.784-922/1382-1517) (of the Fort) who ruled Egypt and Syria down I^^L 1 to the beginning of the /16th century .

Under these social conditions and political atmospheres mention ed above, Ibn al-Tiqtaqa lived and worked. Jalal al-Din(Safi al-Din) Abu Ja'far I.Iuiaammad b. Taj al-DIn AbU al-Hasan'^All b. lluharamad b. 2 Ramadan b, Tabataba,called Ibn al-Tiqtaqa ( rapid speaker) was born 1 Ibid, P.aO 2 The ivord Tiqtaq apparently derives from the Persian "tiktak"means, the noise made by the feet in running; also by the teeth in mas ticating; a noise in general.But the word is generally applied to a speech which bears the quiclcness and abund'ince of worlds, Cf, al-Zabidi, Taj al-^Arus, vol.vi, P.424 which is quoted by II.Deren- bourg in his edition of al^Palsjiri (Paris, 1895),P.4; E.Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-En.qlish DictionarydTaw Delhi: Ilunshiram -32-

nt dl-Mnwsil'' of Îrnq^ in the locnlity of al-IIillnh in 660/1262, four years after the conquest of Baghdad by Ilulagu Khan(r.654-63/ 1256-66) of the Llongols in 656/1258, which he did not mentioned as having witnecsed personally. He waa an'Iraqi historian and critic. As a Sharif he v/as the descendant of al-Hasan b, *Âii, the fourth caliph of Islam, tiirough Ibrahim al-Tabataba, to ^vhom his genealo gical chain reached after 20 generations. According to Derenbourg Ibn al-Tiqtaqa was eighteen generations removed from *Âli, the son- in-lnw of the prophet. His grand father Ramadan earlier•settled at al-Hillah, the Shiite Shrine cities where and perhaps also at Bagh dad his family supplied the leading spokesman and superintendents (nuqaba) for the'-Alia cause. His father T"ij al-Din *Ali b.IIuliammad b. Manuharlal Publishers Pvt,Ltd,1981),P.817.Ibn al-Tiqtaqa's giv en as Jalal al-Din, and his nisbas included al-Hasani and al- 'Alawi, It may not be fruitless to remind the reader that KitSb al-Pakhrl was erroneously attributed to a certain Faldir al-BIn (identified with the celebrated Philosopher and scienxist al- Razi) by no less considerable a person than Silvcstri de Sacy, who was follop/ed in his error by Amable Jourdain and others, and that the confussion exists in countless Chrestomathies and references.Cf .J.Kritzeck and R,B,'Jind er, The Vforld of Islam (London: Ilacmi^llon 5: Co.Ltd., I960),P.159, n.1. 1, It is the name of a city of ilorth ^raq and a district which joins I.Iesopathmia to Babylonia, situated on the western banlc of the Tigriz opposite to the spot where ITineveh was supposed to have stood.Of.Steingass, P.1345.

2 name of a country^- Babylonia and Ghaldea ( extending in length from Abbadan to IJawsil, and in breadth from Qndisiyya to Ilulwan); Îraqi'ajam, Persian Îraq or Lledia, Îraoi'ârab, Arabicm Iraq or Babylonia and Ghalclca.Gf .Ibicl ,P.841. -33-

Rnmadnn was n tax collector in'iraq and the chief iTaqlbC caperin- tendent) of the Alids, where lie gained a great weallh and influence^ and finally had been assacsinated in 680/1281 at the inctigation of Abaga khan (r.665-80/1265-81), the Llongol's ministers'Âl a al- Din ''Ata Ilalik al-Jav/ayni and liis brother Shane al-DIn. Ibn a3^ Tiqtaqa also gained the office of ITaqlb of the _Shi*'ites at al-llillah, al-Najaf and Knrbala, probably with more regionally limited autho rity. He married a women from Khurasan, and visited Ilaragha in 697/ 1297* He was apparently bnck in Bagdad at the time of GJiagSn Kli?>n's visit to the city in 698/1298 where we find him in relations v/ith this Longol Sultan and effective ruler. He appears to have travell ed widely in'•Iraq and Adharbayjan. Three years later of Ghazan Khan's -, 1 _ visit to Baghdad, on a vdnter journey to Tabriz , Ibn al-Tiqtaqa was detained in al-IIawsil by t]ie unusually bitter weather during late winter and spring 01 701/1501-2 and wrote his history al-F.-(khri fi alÂdab al-Sultaniyya wa al-Dawal al-Islamiyya( al-Faldirl on the systems of Governjaent and the Lluslim dyntlsties) under the patronage of Ghaz9n Khan's governor of al-I.Iawsil, "I.Ialik" Pakip: al-Din*îsa b. Ibrahim, " who" governs the people and directs the affairs". And hence the book was named after him. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa supported the Mongols as being less cmti- Alids than the'Abbasids . He died either in_702^^302 or in 709/1309^. 1. The capital of the Persiîn Province Aciharbayjan(IIedia), 2 Gf. C.IIuart, "Ibn al-Tiqtaqa" Urdu Daira-i-lla^cirif Islamiyya (Lahore: Banishghai Panjab, 1584/1964),vol.i, PP.585-86; al- Zirikli, al-A*l;Tm (Cairo: Kustatumas £z co., 1575/1956),vol.P. 174; C.Brockelmannj GAL, vol.ii, P.I6I;GAL.S.,vol.ii.P.20l; Ilyas Sarkls, Iluâm al-LIatbifat. IJ0.I46; J.Kritzeck and R.B. Vînder, The V/orld of Islan.PP. 159-60; E.I.J.Rosenthal.Political Thoudit in Medieval I si .am (Cambridge: Cambridge Universitv.prooa 1968), P. 249,n.1. ^'^ê.s, •3'i-

l Since the edito princeps by V/ilhelm Ai:^vnrclt in 1860, Kitnb nl- Pn^^rl, the clinrming book, has steadily been mind of its ores by Islnroic historians, Ahlwardt made his edition from the uniquely authoritative LIS.895 (Old Style)/2441 of the Bibliotheque Nation- ale. In 1895 Hartv/ig Derenbourg produced a better edition based on the same manuscript, but incorporating readings found in another manuscript, 982 (old style)/2442, in the same library. Fifteen years later Emile *Amar published an excellent French translation of the work, copiously annotated. The Cairo editions of 1900 and 1923 are reproductions of Derenbourg's. There is another edition by^'Iwad Ibrahim and 'All Jnrim (Cniro, 1945). However, ^Amar had already noticed the listing by Edgar Blochet, in his catalogue of Persian manuscripts in the Jiibliotheque IJation- ale, of a Persian translation of part of kitab al~Fakhri, the Tajarib

•1 al-Salaf of llindushah b. Sanjar b. ""Abdullah al-Saliibl al-Kirani . This translation v/as made in 725/1323 as a gift to ITusrat al-Dln Ahmad (r..696-733/1296-1333), the Ilazaraspid Atabegs of Luristan(r-. 543-740/1148-1339).In 1924 E.G.Browne studied a manuscript of this

3 Shaylkho in his I.Ia.iani al-Ac1ab, vol. vii, P.I 2 said that Ibn c\J^ TiataqA died in 709/1309 and al-Zirikli in his al-A^lam vol.ii, p.174 said that he died in 702/1302.But both the v^iters did not mention their sources of information. 1 Of. al-Falsiirl ed.'Amar (Paris, 1910),PP.xxvi-xxviii; Blocket, Catalogue dcs manuscripts Persons de la Bibliotheque Hationale (Paris,1905-12),vol.i,p.251, no.373; C.A.storey.Per sian Litera ture; A Bio-biblio,'^raphical Survey (London,$927-53), vol.i, part-i, PP.80-1.

2 This original territory was augmonta^i. by a grant of the province of lyiuzistan by the Mongol Abaga K]ian.Cf .S.LaneyPoole, The ITuIiammadan D3'-n^sties,P.174. -35-

trnnslntion which he had acquired and clearly recognized the probiem T;hich it posed; for iiindusjivah stated that he nad made the translation from a book enxitleu Munyat al-jj'uclala^ fi Tawarikli al- Kjiulnfa'wa al~Wuzara', which Ibn al-Tiqtaqa " had composed for the library of his lord and patron" Jalal al-DIn Zangi siiali b. Badr 1 al-Din Hasan b. Ahmad of Damghan , jBrowne confessed, " I am at 2 present imable ... to explain this discrepancy ." The later editor of the Persian text, 'Abbas Iqbal, dealth with the problem satisfac- torily . Browne had been assuming that the text made by Ibn al- Tiqtaqa for Jalal al-DIn ZangI Shah was "the Arabic original"'^,v;he- reas it appears instead to have been a second copy of the latter part of his work, under a different, made by the author for presen- tation to the governor of Damghan-^. Although the text used by Uindu- shah seems not to have survived, and some of the differences are due to Hindusjiah'G own additions, it is still possible to improve a few readings in our standard Arabic text on the basis of the Persian

1 Gf. E.G.Browne, "The Tajarib al-Salaf, a Persian version of the Arabic kitab al-Pnkhri, composed by Hindugiiah b.Sanj-'ir al- Sahibi al-Kiranl in 72371323", Centenary supplement of the 3ôurnal of the Ro^âl Asiatic Society^,October, 1924;, PP. 245-54. 2 Ibid, P.249. 3 T ajarib al-Snlaf, ed. 'Abbas Iqbal (Tehran 1313/1934). Iqbal cchange d Hindagjjaja's second nisbah to al-IJnkh;juwani; Of. Browne, op.cit.246,note 1. 4 Cf. Browne,op.cit.P.249. 5 Cf .Hindu s[iah, Tajarib al-Salaf.P. 3. and Iqbal^s remarks on pages ba to dal. Drenbourg's second manuncript, copied at Baghdad in 711/1311,represents another change of the text of the latter part under the title al-Tarikh al-IJnlaki. -36- trnnslation . Ibn al-Tiqtnqa'G skilful choice of his Inr^êly nneodotnl mnierinl, his reflective rather than fnctual approach to history, and the obvious love for his subject of an urbane and literate personality combine to make the Fakhri enjoyable and instructive 2 reading to a degree uncommon in medieval scholarly historiography . It miglit be contended that kitab al-Fakhri has enjoyed a popularity rather greater than it deserves^. Yet, familiar and well scanned as the book has been, its tv.'O major claims to importance, in our opinion, have never been given sufficient independent attention - a considerable amount of first hand ajid even eye-witness informa tion it contains, and to its treatment of the fall of JBaghddd in 656/1258 , These two facts are elaborately discussed by J.-imes Krit- 5 zeck ,

Unfortunately, Iqbal did not add much to Brovme's work in this connection, op.cit, 250-4; Tn.jarib al-Salaf. Pages dal to ya' dal. A comparison of the texts of the passages to be cited in this study ( the most important of which are, in any case, from the first fagl of the Arabic text) has not yielded anything of great significance.

Cf. P.Rosenthal, " Ibn al-^iqtaqa", 5ncyclopadia of Islam. 3 Of. P.Rosenthat, A History of Iluslim Ilistoriograiohv (Leydcn: E.J.Iirill,l952), PP.50-1, and 50, no-te b, attributes this fact to Alilwnrdt's excessive praise of kitab al-Fakhri, but cuts the book rather too unlcindly himself, in our opinion, as "an amateur's product" with " a certain flavor of histori cal reality at least in some passages". Of. Philip K.IIitti, History of the Arabs, 6th edn.(London, 1959), note 2, with his characteristic eye for such matters, mentioned both of these features, James Kritzeck, " Ibn al-Tiqtaqa and the Pall of J3aghdaffl" , The Yforld of Islam; Studies in honour of P,K. Mitti," ed. J. Kritzeck and R.B. Winder, PP.159-84» -37-

Siynsn« government, is determined by the Shnri~.en nnd,accord ing to the lluslira jurists, foils to the caliph or imnm. But whilst the Islamic character of the state is assumed as a matter of course by all Iluslim \vriters, jurists, historians, philosophers and mora lists, the metining and content of Siyasa undergo significant changes in the course of Islamic history and under the impact of the decrea sing coherence of the'Abbasid Caliphate.The imoma, thougli presupp osed, gives v/ay to the mulk, literally " kingdom" in the thought and reflections of v/riters on. morals and politics. They are interested in the actual state and principally in its effective ruler , This can easily be seen in al-Fgldarl of Ibn al-Tiqtaqa. The first part of the book, " al-Fnsl.fl al-Umur al-Sultaniyyah wa al-Siyosat al- Malakiyya", is in the nature of a "mirror for princes". The second part, " al-Fasl fi al-Kalnn*ala Dnwlatin Dav/latin" is an excep tionally well ordered history book, covering precisely the period of the caliphate: from the election of Abu Bala? in 11/632 to the execution of al-I,:usta'sim in 656/1253,Both of these parts have yiel ded some information from sources nor; presumed lost to us, although the sources for much material,particularly the extensive use of al- kamil fi al-Tarikh of the'Iraqi historian Ibn al-Atiiir in the second part, have been identified without great difficulty.Our attention * has also been called to the astonishing lack of ordinary Shi*ite bias we might \v\v& expected to find everywhere in the book, and to the particular feature of the full accounts of the "ministry" (al-wizarah) under each of the'Abbasid Gnliphs . 1 Of. E.I.J.Rosenthal«Political thou/rht in Ilcdieval Islam, Ch?»pter-III, P. 62. ~~" " 2 Cf. James Kritzeck, "Ibn al-Tiataqa and the Fall of Baghdad", The !7orld of Islam,P.165. -38-

Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn MHS very explicit about tiie intended iimctions -1 of each of the two parts , as \7ell as about the histor-ical method he had adopted. He imposed tvjo rules upon himself.One of then is that he inclined only towards the truth, that he spoke only just ly, that he avoided bcin^i ruled by passion, and that he abstracted hiraself from the influence of cnvironracnt and education, and reg arded himself as a stranger to then and as an alien amongst them. The second of them is that he e^qoressed his idea by means of clear e^qDressions which comnmiicate to the intellects of his readers, avoiding those difficult expressions v.'hich oratorical display and rhetorical demonstration occasion, so that everyone might use 2 them . Prom this remark it is clear that the author hoped for a more general readership for his book however. His chief reason for such a hope derived from his sharp criticism of similar books which v/ere popular in his time.For if the reader were to think Ibn nl- Tiqtaqa was praising his own work too highly, nnd if doubt should assail him, let him consider the other books composed on this subject, and perhaps he will not see among than n single book cor.n- esponding better than this one to the idea which its author had in mind" . The anecdotal character of both of the sections is an important pointj it necessintes that we look carefully, in senrch of material pertaining to the fall of Bnghdad, nor merely at the end of the second section, whore we would naturally expect to find iJi_^B:^«ih£Oi^^^o"-'t "the entire book, ^hus Amir's verdit on the style •" Cf.Kitab al-Fnkhi-l, ed.H.Derenbourg, P.14; ed.'Amar, P.16,note- 2, on tadlikirah. ' 2 Cf. al-Fakhrl, ed. r)arenbourg,P.16 5. Ibid,P.19,- Cf.Franz Rosenthal, Ajlistory of iJusiim Eistorio- S^npiiy,pp. 28-58. — ^ -39-

•1 and achievement of nl-Fakhri is justified . Much could undoubtedly be learned from a detailed examination of what Ibn al-Tiqtaqa omits and includes, shortens and lengthens, and of the principles under lying each of his historical judgements. He v/as not unfond of G-o- ssip (. e.g. Abu ITuwos* theft of the caliph \7alid b. Yazid's poetic description of wine) , and he expresses many interesting opinions on persons and historical events ( e.g.those on al-IIallrij and on the Khazar origins of the Saljuqs)^.

Ibn al-Tiqtaqa in his al-Paldiri has spoken of the circumstan ces of dynasties and affairs of eminent rulers, and curiosities from the biographies of caliphs and wazlrs (ministers). Its main part is a straight forward history, from the first four caliphs to the last of the'Abbasid Caliphs. It is of little originality,but, though its practical purpose as a guide for his prince, of some importance. Its utilitarian tendency is reinforced by an intro duction dealing generally with " royal politics". Although he writes as a staunch adherent of ^-All, his Shii bias rarely gets the better of his balanced judgement. This nay be due to his pri mary interest in the personalities' and events he describes,judged by the standard of political success or failure.In his portrayal of caliphs and vijiers .-ind in his account of their rule he relics 1 Cf. al-Fakhrl ,'Amnr ' s ed n., P. xxvi. 2 Cf. al-Pakh±i, Dercnbourg's edn.P.181; see the references in Amar's edn. P.214,note 2. 3. Cf. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, al-Fakhtr, ed. fl.Derenbourg,PP.353-5. 4 Ibid,P.392; See, A. 2eki Velidi Togan, Umumi Turk Tarihine Giris (Istanbul, 1946),vol.i,PP.175-6. " -40-

injiinly on anecdotes and poems. Wliile v;e can not expect accurate historical reporting or disinterested factual evaluation, lie affords us, by liis vivid, colourful and entertaining style and diction, a lively impression of how the rulers and their viziers struck the contemporary story-tellers and poets. In this way, a clear picture emerges of what constitutes the malik muazzain^ the eminent king,or malik fadil the excellent king. That he calls his .momentary patron, the "king" of al-IIawsil, by the former term goes without saying, but, a part from obvious flattery, this designation comprises all the good qualities which Ibn al-Tiqtaqa demands of the good and successful ruler. His Sjiiism does not influence the character of his general remarks, v/hich alone concern us in thig context. It may, however, partlj'- account for the disregard he chows for the theory of the khalifa and of the Saltana. In his introduction he does not hesitate to emphasize his conviction that this history of the dynasties is useful for rulers and their chief ministers; for this reason he has covered in one treatise the history not ojily of the 'great' dynasties of the Umayyads and <^Abbasids,but also that of the Buwayhids, Seljuqs and Pntimids under the '/ibba- sids. The usefulness consists in his description of the qualities of kings and of the foundations of government and the tools of of authority". The author gives advice as a moralist on the quali ties required in a ruler, his conduct, his relations with his sub-

•1 jects and their duties towards him . In brief, he treats of "the 1 Cf. al-PakJirl. ed. li .Darenbourg (Paris, 1895), PP.15 ff. There is a good, recent complete Knglish translation by G.E.J, Whitting (london: Luzac & Co.ltd., 1947). -41- principles of governniGnt and rules of conduct from which v/e derive advan-tnge in events and affairs, in the government of the subjects, in the protection of the state (mulk,kingdom) and in the improvement of morals and behaviour". This part of the book is a kind of "Ivlirror for princes and magistrates" such as the Persians wrote in prc-Iclamic times v.dth consumiiiatc literary slcill, to be imitated under Islam, as well shall see later in this chapter. Islamic historiography as a whole is strongly influenced by that of Persia, which is characterized by its moralizing,edifying and

•1 entertaining tendencies.

Although the lillilafa remains the ideal state for Ibn al- Tiqtaqa, he is chiefly concerned with the nulk, such as that over which his patron holds sway, ue is not interested in the origin, character and purpose of the state, nor can we expect a systematic treatment of t!ie topics of practical poll tics.Jiut his general obs ervations and remarks in this part of the book, and also between anecdotes and in verses uerc anci there in its main part, betray a certain political realism, a realistic attitude which takes for granted the Islamic background of the absolute monarchy under consideration. His judgement is guided by moral principles, and a high moral standard of conduct is demanded of rulers and subjects alike. To make better men of his subjects is one of the foremost tasks of the ruler, together with dispensing justice. For moraliirv is not merely man's ciuty; it is good for the maintenance of law

1 Of. E.I.J. Rosenthal, Political Thou.r;ht in I.Iedieval Islam: an introductory outline ( Gnmbridge; nnmhrirlgP Unlvprm'ty Press, 1968), PP.62-67; al-Pnkhrl. ed.Derenbour.^^.P. 20. -42-

and order, ond for the political,social and economic well-heing 1 of the state; thus it helps to keep the rixLcr in power ,

» It is obvioas that the art of governraent nast be mastered by both caliph and amir, and that the political and moral obliga tions and aims arc practically identical in both the Khilafa and the mulk. Eut although the malik, like every Iluslim, has to per- foim religious duties, he is not charged with the de'Tence of the faith, punislimcnt of heretics and the v/aging of Jihad. These are the duties of the caliph alone, v.'hose sovereignty the Amir of al- Ivlav/sil recognizes by a contact and by naming him in the Friday prayer. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa likens the relation between ruler and sub- 2 jects to that between physician and patients , This nay imply a criticism of absolutist rule. But whether the ruler be a despot or more like a physician, good ( i.e.successful) government depends on liis mor.'il excellence and his practical ability as a military leader and administrator .In all his actions, he must be guided by the best interests of the state. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa is well av/are of the qualities needed to obtain and remain in power and, through his reading and his observation of Islamic liistory, he shows an under standing of the realities of power and the state built upon it.But, being more concerned about the ruler than about the state as a political institution, he did not develop a political theory'- like that of Ibn Khaldun in the context of Islamic civilisation or of Machiavelli in that of Renaissance, christian civilization,Thus , 1 Cf. E.I.J.Rosenthal, Political Thought in Iledieval Islam, pp.63-4. 2 Ibid,p.64. -43-

Y/hen Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn lists ten qualities required in the ruler, he thinks thnt he who possesses theni nil is fit for the highest offi ce, that of Imam, and that the theologians and jurists should pay due attention to them . jjut he thinks of the inam as a ruler in the first place, and although most of the ten qualities are identical with those enumerated by al-IIawardi (d. 450/1058) , they are not derived by Ibn al-Tiqtaqa from the gharia but are the result of political and moral considerations and are conditioned by the int erest of the state. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, it seems, merely observed the political scene, relating his observations to his reading of Iluslim historians like Tabarl, Ibn al-At]2.ir,IIa£fudi and" others, and produced his historjr of Dynasties . I'.Iachiavelli rationalized his experiences, relating them to the intellectual currents of his time, and evolved a political philosophy centered on the concept of the "reason of state" as the guiding principle of politics. The similarities bet ween him and Ibn Khnldun are much more real and significant. Yet, Ibn al-Tiqtaqa's interest in politics as such, notwithstanding his stress on the religious and ethical duties of a _I:uslin ruler, points in the direction of the power-state. The Icjiilafa represented the ideal, the best state.But his real interest lay in the effective ruler and his state, within and theoretically under the authority of the ÂbbHsid empire. Though his description of the reigns and administrations of caliphs, sultans, amirs, viziers and governors 1 Ibid, pp.64-5. This-advice to the"religious" leaders sounds like implied criticism of their theoretical stand upon the aharlî. It does not contradict his statement that" The state is guarded by the sword and administered by the pen", which accords v/ell with Ibn Taymyya's claim that the amirs and the <ûlama^ are the two classes in authority, a dictum subscribed to by all jurists. 2 For his life and vror^vo -44-

follows -the pat-fcern of the histories which served him as sources, he sho\vs such keen interest in their iDoliticnl nbi^ity and success •that a certain individuality and colour cannot be denied hira.Ibn al-Tiqtaqa stresses the other - wordly, saintly character of the first "dynasty", that of the first four caliphs, nicely balancing their piety, saintliness and austerity against their military success as empire-builders. An effective government is the stan dard by which Ibn al-Tiqtaqa measures dynasties and individual rulers; and effective government is successful government. By contrast the ''Abbasids are roundly condemned for their opportunism and stratagems, and their lack of forcefulness and power is stress ed. At the same time as he acloiowledges their interest in letters and the sciences, and their concern for religious obscrvahces, he deprecates their inability to maintain their authority in the later period of their reign , In short, v/e find in Ibn al-Tiqtaqa a political consciousness born of observation and a historical sense which leads straight on to Ibn Khaldujn, althougli no influ ence, direct or indirect,c3n be traced. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa's attitude is likewise different from the authors of "Hirror for Princes" with whffiQe viev/s on the practical art of government he has much in common. They are concerned exclusively with the sovereign,and 1 Cf. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, al-.ffakhri. ed.Der cnbourg,pp. 201 ff.This passage is characteristic' of our author, who distributes light and shade fairly in his verdict on the 'Abbasids, He appears to have resented their wealmess even more than their dishonourable practices, for he stresses the state of dissolution and decay tov;ards the end of the "^Abbasid caliphate at Baglidad and its loss of control and transfer of authority, in both of which, as tok ens of strong government, he was particularly Interested . This is also clear from another passage (Derenbourg edn.P.42),"Every year, the kings of Syria and Egypt and the master of al-I,Iawsil are bringing presents to the caliph and request to be invested -45-

tlie interest of the stnte ic understood in terns of ruler's I personal advantage iind. power. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa is the first to think of the state as an entity in its own right, yet not independent of the ruler, who at that period of Iclanic history was still an essential part of the state. The slate exists as an object of study, and a ruler is judged only by the pcrforriKmce of his duties in relation to its best interests. One is naturally able to learn nany facts about Ibn al- Tiqtaqa himself from al-Fnldirl; some of the most important of them have already been mentioned. He quoted several of his ovm verses, 2 and said that he had v/ritten many , ^'ê loiew Persian as well as Arabic''^. Derenbourg provides a list of nine of Ibn al-Tiqtaqa's more important friends and acquaintances mentioned in the work . Ibn al- Tiqtaqa' s list of popular books of his day is not without interest: the IJomasah, the nagamat of Badl'âl-Zaman al-IIamadhani and '^.asim al- Ilarirl, and the ITahj al-Bnlaglia attributed to "âli b.Abl Talib were

with the government of their countries in order to exercise authority over their subjects and to demand their obedience. The caliphs gave them corresponding or even more valuable presents in exchange, and all this merely to keep up appear ances and to retain the privileges of gikka and jChutba in those countries and border-regions, until ~i± bec'ame"proverbial

1 E.I.J.Rosenthai, Political Thought,p.67 2 Of. al-Pnlcliri,ed.I)erenbourg,pp.69,38. 3 Ibid, P.62; Cf.E.G.Browne, A^History of Persian Literature under Tartar Dominion (Cambridge, .1920),pp.62-5. ' 4 Of. Derenbourg,French tr,pp.10-5. -46-

predictable enough, bat the Persians' "Passionate" devotion to Abii ITasr I.Iulaanuiad al-Utbi'* s Kitab al-Yaialnl may be noteworthy • There can be no doubt of Ibn al-Tiqtaqa^s familiarity with Bagh dad and its environs. Several informative items in al-FaMiri attest to it: the location of al-Hallaj-»s tomb on the western bank ; the monostery " known today as the Bayzantine monastery (Dayr al-Rum)" ; al-IJuiasim*s placing of a large iron gate cap tured at Ammurivvah (Amarium) in Baghdad, where "it is today one of the gateways of the Caliphal Palaj;!fce, called the Public Gate (Bab al-Ammnh;"; al-Zahir's construction of a new bridge " to be found today in Baghdad" ; and the village of al-Bur "in the pro vince of Dujayl ... Imown today as al-Dur of the vizier" after a]^ Muqtafi's vizier, *Awn al-Din Abu.- al-IIuzaffar Yahya b, Hubayrah . As Ibn al-Tiqtaqa v;as a seasoned traveller, his remarks on the climate of al-ltiwsil may have some value , as well as his descrip tions of Talliah-*s tonb in al-Basjsah, an inviolable sanctuary for o "the frightened or the banished"^ nn^ the tomb under a beautiful 9 cupola" of al-IIustars]T.id in I-Iara^ah , Much incidental information 1 Ibid,pp.17-19; seo,'^Aman'G edn., pp. 20-2, with the notes. 2 Gf.DerGnbourg, Arabic text, P.355; G.Le Strange.Baghdad during the ^bbasid Cnllnhate (Oxford, I900),pp.159-60,note^^TZ 5 Gf. Berenbourg, pp.217-8; Le Strange, pp.207-10,214. 4 Ibid, P.317; Be strange,pp.275-6; 'Auar, p.400,note-1. 5 Ibid,p.444. 6 Ibid,P.419,Be Strange, p.174 7. Ibid,p.7 8. Ibid,p.122. 9 Ibid,p.408,but Gf.the dissenting remarks of ?Iindushah, Ta.iarib al-Salaf. pp.294-6, and the citation by Browne, "The Tajaribu»s Snlaf ... ", P. 252. -47-

cnn be glennecl from the geogrnpliicnl references, for exnmple the fact that Irbil " is todny one of the most insignificant,smallest, 1 and most despised territories" .

Ibn al-Tiqtaqn gives an opinion on the genealogy ofÛbayd Allah al-Mahdl (r.297-322/909-934), the Fatimid (which he identfies as "the most reliable one, and the one bearing the- signatures of 2 the master genealogists") . There was certainly no love lost bet ween Ibn al-Tiqtaqa and "Âla al-Din'Ata I.Ialik al-Juv/aynl, Abaqa Khan's minister. Although both'Alfi 1-Din and his brother Shams al-Din had been disgraced and were long dead by the time Kitabi al-Fgkhrl was 3 being written ^ ibn al-Tiqtaq;V s pen was not blunted. He had heard that'Ala al-Din used to claim descent from al-Fadl b.al-Rabi*, and he "marvelled at this claim"^. 5gain, Ibn al-Tiqtaqa remarkes that the late'Îzz al-Din *Abd al-'Aziz b.Ja*far al-lTaysaburi made a fool of 'Ala al-Din by claiming verses which were actually written by Ibn- al-Kabush of Basrah.Ibn al-Tiqtaqa likewise criticizes'Ala al-Din's book Tarikh-i-Jahangushay in two particulars, on the post and tUe 7 length of the post stages , and for saying that Chingiz KhHn's hunt ing drives were of tliree months' duration, "I cannot but consider o 1thi s Derenbourgto be far-fetched", P.42. , Ibn al-Tiqtaqa says , 2 Ibid, Arabic text,PP.356-7. 5 Cf.W.Barthold, "DJuwainl, 'Ala al-Din..." and " DjuwainI, •Shams al-Din...", Encyclopadia of Islam, vol.i,pp.1067-70. 4 Of.al-Fakhri,ed. Derenbourg,Arabic text,pp.259-41. 5 Ibid,pp.22-3. 6. Cf. C.E.Storey, Persian Literature; A Bio-bibliographical siirvev. vol.i,Part-I,pp. ^bi-4, iiad Ibn al-'i'iqtaqfT direct access to the Tarikh-i-Jahnn uushay of *Ala*al-D£n'Ata I.Ialik al -Juwayni? ior correct answer of this question, of. J. A.iioylee, " "Ibn al-Tiqtaqa and the Tarikh-ffi-.Tnhnn r:Lhnr.i-.-„, ^-P T .. -48-

Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn's remarks on -he I.Ioncols ore compnrntively few in number nnd, save for those in connection v;ith "the fall of i3a»hdad, are all to be found in the first part. They are in the raain laudato ry, but .not inordinately so. He,therefore, says, '• The Sciences of the rulers of Islam were the sciences of language, like grammer and lexicography, and poetry and History.... .^s for the I.Iongol dynastry, all those sciences were rejected, and others were popu lar with them - the science of finance and accounting for the balancing budget and estimation of revenue •ind expenditure, medicine for safeguarding bodies and con stitutions, and astrology for choosing suitable occa sions. Sciences and "Culture"(adab) other than those were unpopular with them, and I have not seen them popu lar except in al-LIawsil in tlie days of its Prince Fakhr al-Din'isa, of whom I spoke above" , He writes further on, in connection with the virtue of obedi ences " Histories do not record, nor biographies make mention of any dynasty blessed with as much obedience on the part of its citi zenry and soldiery as this victorious Llongol dynasty. In fact,the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and .\frican Studies (Lend on, 1952,vol.14,pp.175-7. ' 7 Of. Derenbourg , Arabic text,p.148. 8 Ibid,p.75.

1 Ibid,p.23. -49-

obedience, civil nnd military nlike, v.dth which it hns been blessed is such as no other dj^nnsty in the world has ever enjoyed ", There are a few anecdotes about the l.Iongol Khans»In connection with his treatment of "hate... one of the most harmful qualities in a ruler", Ibn al-Tiqtaqa mentions the Turkish Atabeg Ilnkkhan's hatred of chingiz attacked him at once, defeated and killed him and'became the master of his kingdom' . Qan al-Adil Ulctay (ogodai) b.Chingiz Khan is mentioned twice. The first mention is in connection with our au- 3 thar's treatment of generosity . The other anecdote was told to Ibn al-Tiqtaqa by the prince'Imad al-Din Yahya b. al-Iftikhan^.The stories about Hulagu Khan will figure in connection with the fall of Baghdad at the end of the last *Abbasid Caliph al-Iuusta^sim's reign. It is notable that there are six flattering anecdotes about Badr al^Din Lulu, the Atabeg (r.641-57/1235-59), the former prince of al-I,Iawsil who had joined the I-ongols as an ally in their campaign in aliJraq . Abaqa Khan is mentioned twice, in comparatively unim portant stories . Once the I.Iuslim l.Iongol Sultan,Ghazan IJahmud Khan (r.694-703/1295-1504) visited the LIustansiriyyah in Baghdad , which had been decorated for his coming, during his visit to Baghdad in 698/1298. The Shafiite Professors along with their leader Shaykh J;ii5(al al-Din "^Abd Allah b.aliAquli, were sitting on chairs,with the jurists in front of them, reading from copies of the holy Quor^n 1 Ibid,p.56. 2 Of.Berenbourg,Arabic text,p.28. 5 Ibid,pp.29-50. 4 Ibid, French tr.pp.11-12. 5 Cf.DerenboLu:g, Arabic text, about his piety during Ramadan, see p.7; his docility,p.22; his righteous indignation,p.65jhis trust,p.86; his patronage of poets,p.100; his generosity,p.456. 6 Ibid,pp.74-5,86,Cf.J.Kj:itzeck.ThR '.vnriri n-f r^i^m , A r\ r^ ^ -50-

in their hnnds.Ghnznn Khnn's entourage pnsoecl the Shnfiite section first, and the group rose to greet him. Giiazan Khan nslced the Siiaykii, "Hov; it that you are allowed to rise in my honour and leave the word of God?" The answer of the Sliaykh did not meet r/ith the approv al of the Hongol Sultan.But lb al-Tiqtaqa suggested to the S^nykh that he should rather have replied as follows :

" It is not forbidden to us in our Sliarl^ah to leave the copy of the sncred book when it is in our hands and to occupy ourselves with some thing else, nor is there anything v^ong in our doing so, for this secred book which we left to rise in the presence of the Sultan has commanded as to honour our rulers"1

Ibn al-Tiqtnqa docs not hasitate to praise or blame the ''Abbasids as he sees fit throughout the historical part devoted to them. For example, he n'l tor ally has no good words to say for al-BIansur's treatment of the '^Abids who had helped the "blessed revolution" to success. Ilis remark that "no dynasty took such pains

«• _ to keep its secrets and went &o far in guarding them as the "Abbasid 3 - dynasty" seems in context to be complimentary. If Ibn al-Tiqtaqa regarded as very lengthy the "later period" of the "^Abbasids which heralded and even called down destruction upon them, his detailed remarks on these last reigns do not demonstrate it. Fie has good v/ords for Caliph al-Nasir (r. 575-622/1179-1225)'s techniques in choosing the best men to serve him, whose energy brought about the final collapse of Saljuq overlordship . 1 Ibid,Arabic text,PP.43-4; Of. The 7orld of Islam.-p. 169. 2 Cf.al-Faldb.ri, ed. Derenbourg,Arabic text,pp.220-7. 3 Ibid,P.34.' 4 Ibid,p.434; French tr.p.12. -51-

In his discussion of the Inst of the •^Abbasid Cnliphs, nl- Musta'sim (r. 640-56/1242-58), however, Ibn al-Tiqtaqn is forced to admit the many-sided v/ealcness in the dynasty.As is his custom, he gives a balanced judgement of this Caliph's character.On the credit side are the facts that " al-Liustdisim was a good man,pious, easy of approach, gentle-natured, restrsSined in tongue and conduct. He Icnew the holy Quoi^an by heart, and wrote- a beautiful hand. He was of •1 good temper and not given to violence..." , He is found praiseworthy, too, for not imprisoning his children, as was customary for the lat- 2 er caliphs. He was also capable of wonderful gentleness and consi deration. But Ibn al-Tiqtaqn cannot avoid the heavily weighted debit side of al-IJusta*^sim's character. The caliph w'ls lacking in judgement and forcefulness. He had little knowledge of affairs of state ... Host of his time was spent in listening to sons and amusing himself with clowns. Sometimes he just used to sit in his lihnwy in a use less way. H2s friends, all of whom v/ere ignorant men from the dregs of the common people, except his minister,.,, used to influence 3 him". Ibn al-Tiqtaqri goes further still in certain passages in the first part. Al-LIustasim "greatly loved entertainment, |)lay,and listening to songs. His audience hnll was scarcely ever free of it for a single hour. His boon companions and his court were all of addicted to luxury and pleasures right along with him, so they did not care to correct him". Such were his pursuits, our author says, "while his realm was tottering to ruin" . One exception to al- 1 Ibid,Arabic text,p.448, 2 Ibid,p.449. 3 Ibid,p.448-9. 4 Ibid,p.63-5,74. -52-

Mustasim's poor choice of men was the vizier IvIiXciyyad nl-DIn Mahn- mniad b.nl-'Alqami, who succeeded Hasir al-Dln Ahmad b.al-llaq.id. He was an excellent man, perfect, assiduous, generous, vvorthy, ... n leader who adhered to the rules of leadership... He loved scholars and favoured the learned. He collected many valuab3ae. books" . He vjas also " scrupulous regarding official moneys and those of the subjects, free from any dishonourable action, above all that short of thing"^.

At the end of al-I.Iustrfsim's reign Ibn al-Tiqtaqa writes, "the rumours of the arrival of the Mongol army accompanying Sultan Elulagu 3 grev/ stronger"-'^. It is curiously late in his chronicle for Ibn al-

1 Ibid,pp.455-6,22.His son Sharaf al-Din Abu al-Qasim ^All told Ibn al-Tiqtaqll that his father's library contained ten thousand volumes (P.'456).Ibn al-Tiqtaqa also mentions two books composed in his honour, al-Sa^hanl's al-Ubad and Izz al-Din *Abd al-IIamid b.Abi al-Hadld's SharH Nahj al-Balngha (Ibid); see the referen ces in 'Amar,P.580,note-3,581,note-1. 2 Cf. Derenbourg,P,456, note the story of Bndr al-Din Lulu-'s gift following in the Arabic text. 3 Ibid,P.451 Bertold Spuler, in his Die Mongolen in Iran.2nd ed. (Berlin,1955),pp.465-502, gives a bibliography of the sources for this Mongol invasion and an evaluation of them(pp,4-21). cf.Henryr H.Howorth, History of the Mongols (london,l876-1924), vol.iii, pp.90 ft; Rasjhid al-Din Fadl Allah Tablb al-Hamadhani, Jffmi'' al-Tnwarll£Ji, ed. M.Quatreraere (Paris, 1856), vol.i; E.Bloche- t's Introduction a 1 histoire des Mongols de Fadl Allah Rasiild al-Din (Leiden and London,I910); C.A.Storey,volli, part-1, pp.68-70; 'Utliman b.Siraj al-DIn al-JuzjanI, T.abaqat-i-Nasiri. ed. W. Nassau Less et al-(Calcutta,I864),corrected passim and tr.H.G. Roverty, 2 vols.(London,1881); Wassaf-i-Hadrat'Abdallah b.Padl Allah al-Shirazl, Ta:;i7d.vat al-Amanr wn Tn^iijiyat nT-'ASilfj ed. and tr.Josef von Hammer Purgstall (Vienna,1856). -53-

Tiqtnqa to introduce this subject; there had been n serious Mongol threat to the cnliphnte and the city of Bnghdnd, with but slight pauses, since the reign of al-llnsir , However, it was the quriltay (assembly) of l.Iongol Khans held at Baraqurum at the accession of Mangu Khan in 649/1251 that sealed the fate of the Cnliphnte and the city . There Hulagu Khan was charged with the great western campaign, while Qubilay Khan was to conduct a similar campaign ag- 2 ainst Cliina . HGlagu* s campaign was slowly and carefully planned. Its first objective was to crush the remaining military force of c 3 the Ismail! Assassins , An advowee guard of his army under General Kitubuqa crossed the Oxus in 651/1253 and raided and seiged in Khu rasan and north-eastern Iran until 654/1256,when Hulagu arrived with the main forces.The combined armies then forced the surrender, not without some difficulty, of the chief Assassin strongholds,sp- 4 - _ - ecially Alamut ; Hulagu was ready for other prey,

1 He does mention Jalal nl-Bin b. I!uhammad Khwariangliah's flight from the Montis once in the first part (Derenbourg, p.62; See also p.42), but raises the matter only to abhor Jalal al-Din-* s inordinate addiction to sport and, especially • to drink; see Muhammad b.Alimnd al-Hasawl. Sirat nl-Suli;fin Jalal al-Dln Ilankubirti. ed.nnd tr. O.[ioudas,2 vols. (Paris, 1891-5). 2 Rashid al-Din, pp.128 ff; al-Juzjani, p.422(Raverty,p.l226). 3 The history of the alliances, intrigues, and treacheries bet ween and among the Llongols and the various Islamic political forces of the time is extremely tangled and deserves more study. On the Assassin's par^,see the excellent treatment by Harshall G.S.Hodgson, The Order of the Assassins (The Hague,1955), pp.250-68. 4 Ibn al-Tiqtaqa mentions the fall of Alanut in passing and without'emotion; Derenbourg, Arabic text,p.404.See Hodgson, pp.259-61; 269; Rashid al-Din,pp.180ff. -54-

In the liglit of whnt Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn hns nlrendy told us , it not surprising to rend thnt the Mongol tlirent " did not elicit det ermination from nl-Must.'fsici, nor evoke zenl in him, nor create con cern. Whenever news of nny precnutions or prcpnrntions on the part of Hulngu was heard, there were manifested on the part of the Gnliph his shortcomings in the way of negligence and carelessness. He did not correctly picture the state of affairs and did not properly un derstand this ilongol dynasty - may God facilitate its beneficence and exalt its rule"! The vizier al-^Alqami "realized full well the state of affairs" and advised the caliph to prepare for the emergen cy; " but the caliph only became ever more heedless, and his intima tes suggested to him that there was no great danger in this and notli- ing to be feared, but that the vizier was magnifying it in order to exalt his own position, and to extract on account of it moneys with 2 which to equip forces which he would appropriate for himself . Such was the situation when Hulagu's armies reached Hamadiian in 655/1257, "where they stayed for a little while", llulngu sent emissaries" in n continuous succession" to nl-LIustasim demanding the destruction of his fortifications and his submission ; the caliph sent as his own emissary Sharaf al-Din 'Abdullah b.al-Jay/zi, son of his ustadjj al-Dar (major dome). " ^.7hen he arrived and Hulngu heard his reply, he Imew that it was deceptive and evasive, so then the beginning of the attack on Baghdad was made"*^. It was about this time, one 1 Of. Derenboucg,pp.451-2. 2 Ibid,p.452. 3 Rasjaid al-DIn quotes the message in full,pp. 230-32. 4 Derenbourg,p.452.Rashrd al-Din says that Ibn al-JawzI was accompanied by Badr al-Din Llahmud and Zangi al-lIakhoawani,p. 252, and quotes al-Llustas.im« s haughty reply,p. 234. The emissaries were attacked by the Jingry populace almost as soon as they left the city, and the vi25ier had to send VI nn +^ A i — -55-

nssumes, that i3aclr nl-Din Liilu, the prince of nl-IInwcil,received tv/o requests: one from nl-LIastnsim asking for a band of masicians, the other from Htaagu. asking for catapults and sieze equi|)ment. Badr al-DInsaid, " Look at the two requests, and weep for Islam 1 and its people"! The plan for the attack on Baghdad was the simple divided force tactic \vhich had so often brought victory to the Mongols, " A great liongol army under their General Baju set forth 2 for Talcrit , in order to cross over the Tigris from there to the western banlc, and to attack Baghdad from its western side, while Hulagu's own army would attack its eastern side" . As Baju's army approached Baghdad,people from the districts of Dujayl, al-Ishaqi, Nahr Malii, and Nahr 'Isn and other suburban areas fled in fear to Baghdad; "men and women flung themselves into the water, and to ferry someone acros? bank to bank in a boat, a ferryman would take for his hire a bracelet of gold, or an embroidered brocade, or a number of dinars". V/hen the I-Iongol army of "more than thirty thousand horseman" reached Dujayl, the Caliph's army, which was " extremely small", under LIujahid al-DIn Aybak the dawidar( Chancellor) met it "on the bank west of Baghdad, near the town". The cciiph-'s army managed to win the first encounter . The *Abbasid army was utterly routed on the second ay of the attack. The Mongols had opened a canal (llaiir Sjiir) during the night , and "the mud lay thick on the 1 Of.I)erenbourg,p,65,cf.al-Ju2janl,p,423(Raverty,p.1228). 2 It is the name of a city and fortress in Kesopotamia.The birth place of Salnh al-DIn al-Ayyiibl, cf.P.Steingass,p.318. 3 Derenbourg,pp.452-3.0n the crossing at Takrit see al-Jurz^ani, pp,424,426 tRaverty,pp.1232-3, 1237). 4 Amar, p.576, notes 2-49 ^ "the Iraqi context the word nalir means "canal". 5 Derenbourg,p.453; al-JuzDnni,p. 426(Raverty.TDD. ?'57«/ln^ -56-

road token by those fleeing ".Only those who swam or who flecl into the desert to Syria escaped, save for the chancellor and a small number of soldiers who got back to the city , He halted his soldiers opposite the taj (palace), and his soldiers " pillaged among the houses". He stayed opposite the taj for several days, waiting for 2 Hulagu's army to ariive .

Hulagu arrived on the 4th of Muliarram 656/1258, according to Ibn al-Tiqtoqa . That,day the people saw "a great dust cloud to the east of Bao;hdad on the Baquba road so that the whole city was cover ed, and the people were alarmed by that. They v/ent up to the tops of the houses and minarets to see from up there what it was". As the dust settled, it was apparent enough; they saw Hulagu's army, " and it covered the face of the earth 4 ". Hulagu immediately^ put the city under a siege which was broken only by various exchanges of emissaries; Ibn al-Tiqtaqa mentions that of the prince Abu al- Fnda'il ^bd al-RalunJin, an energetic man whose words " met with a 5 favourable receiption" , On the 19th day of Muharram," the people

6. So also Rashid al-Din, p.280, and Y/agsf^f, p.66 (all references to Wa5?af are the Persian text). Al-Jdzjani, however, p.427 (Raverty, pp.1241-2), says it was the treacherous work of the vizier Ibn al-'Alqami.Al Juzjani's hatred of "the occurs §3 vizier" is matched only by his translator Major Ravertjr's, who felt obliged to write many a scathing footnote excoriating him, e.g. p. 1248,note 8 "... the simple-iainded I.Iusulman Pontiff again terned for counsel to the traitor within his own house, and snake within his own bosom, who v/as bringing destruction upon himself, his race, and the Huhammadan people". 1 Derenbourg,pp.453-4; cf.P.66, for al-Mustasim's reaction. 2 Derenbourg,p.454. 3 Ibid; this date would be January 11, 1258, a Friday,not a Thurs day as Ibn al-Tiqtaqa says, unless the third of Liuliarram is meant. Rashid al-Din puts th^ whole chronology of events one week later,pp.280ff. 4 Derenbourg,p.454. ^ ^bid,p^,j49.Rasiiid al-Dln,p.282; al-Juzjanf,pp.427-8fRnv.r+.. -57-

unexpectedly saw the Ilongol stnndnrcls appear on the wall of Baghdad by the tower c'llled the Persian Tower, near one of the gates of Baghdad called the Kalwadha Gate ". Soon the Llongol army had taken the city by storm, and "there ensured swift slaughter and great plundering. Even a brief mention of it would be terrible to hear. When Sultan Hulagu conquered Baghdad in 656/1258 and wanted to kill the cnliph al-I.Iustasim, the astronomers told him that, if the caliph were killed, the order of the world would be disrupted, the sun eclipsed, and the rain and crops v/ithheld. Ilulagu was struck with terror at that. But ITrisir al-Bin al-Tusl, the learned man told the Sultan the truth about it, and he said, " 'All b.Abi 'Palib was better than this caliph. He was killed and these dreadful things did not happen. So, too, al-tiusayn, and DO, too, the ^rand-tather of this caliph were killed and underwent all manner of illusage; yet the sun was not eclipsed, nor was rain witlolield". Then the apprehension of 2 _ _ _ the Sultan disappeared . But llulaagu evidently decided to proceed with some caution in the matter, and to justify to the Islanic community and even implicate it in the execution. Hulngu,therefore, ordered that the^Ulama* be asked to Give a legal ruling as to whether as just infidel sultan or nn ttnjust I.Ioslem Sultan was more 1 Of.Derenbourg,Arabic text,p.454; Rashid al-Din,pp,284,286. 2 Cf.Derenbourg,p.90.It was tlie astronomer IJusam al-Bin who had aroused these fears in Ilulagu, though no doubt all the caliph's emissaries and supporters had played on them; while al-Tusi's opinion may have been decisive.We are told (Rasjild al-I)rn,p. 262) that the bakhshi priests and Llongol Commanders were likewise' in favour of paying no attention to these fontasis and conti nuing the campaign.Al-STuzjani, p.430, claims that Badr al-Din lulu: urged the caliph's murder by arguing that the Muslims would otherwise try to set him back on his throne. -58-

excellent. Radl al-Din "V^li b.Tlms was the lender of the^'Ulnmn' assembled for tlmt purpose in the liustnnsiriyynh. He took the rul ing preferring the just infidel to the unjust Lluslim and signed it, 1 - The others signed it after him . Then Hulngu withdrew from Bajslldnd, 2 now rife with pastilence, to nearby waqf and Jalabiyyah . There, in stages, " al«-Mastasim and his grown up sons were referred to the Mongol code, while his daughters were made prisoners. Al^Husta*sim suffered martyrdom on the f^th of Safar in the year 656/1258"-^. People of the time, and of succeeding generations, accused the vizier Ibn al-Alqami of conspiracy with the Mongols , Ibn al- Tiqtaqa says, " That is not correct. One of the strongest proofs that he was no conspirator in his secure position in this I.Iongol dynasty, for when the Sultan Hulagu conquered Baghdad and put the caliph to death, he entrusted the town to the vizier Ibn al-AlqamI 5 and to "^^li Bahadur nl-Shihnah , treated him well, and gave him authority. Had he conspired against the caliph, he would not have been trusted" , But Ibn al-*^Alqami died of an illness a few months 7 later (jamada al-Ula) , Ibn al-Tiqtaqa has given us more information 1 Derenbourg, Arabic text,p. 21; cf. the discourse on the just ruler,p.92. 2 Cf.Rashid al-Din,p,302. 5 I>erenbourg,p,455.Rn2ijid al-Din, pp.304,306,says that the caliph and his oldest son were killed on the 14th Safar, and relatives and courtiers were killed the foliovjing day.The second son v/as killed on the 16th, and the youngest son was spared and later married a Uongol women,cf.Al-Juzjani,pp.430-3.If it is true that the caliph was sewn into a hide and kicked to death,Iliaagu may still have been intimidated by the warnings agiinst spill ing Abbasid blood, 4 This prejudice underlies al-Juzjani's whole treatment of the fall of Baghdad;Rn£hid al-l)rn,pp, 224-8, puts it in terms of the rivalry between the vizier and Aybak; Wassaf,pp,57-8,says that the vizier sent his submission to Hulaga" find invited him to invade the country, 5 Cf,Derenbourg,p,458,Amar,p.583,note 2, fi r?-f" T>«Ti~.^i ... -59-

thnn commentary on the fnll of Bnghdnd, nncl no extrnordinnrily plantiful nmount of either. This fnct does not minimize the imp ortance of his treatment of the event. He ends his book with the execution of nl-LIuslasim and the end of *'Abbasid rule.But he did mention an important mission in which his own father took part from al-Hillah to Ilulagu Khan immediately after the fall of Baghdad ,

Blame for the fall of Baghdad v/'-^s widely parcelled out by con temporary and later historians and assigned to the l.Iongals themsel ves, the caliphs ( specially al-IJ'Tsir and al-LIustasim), the khwar- azmshah, the vizier at-Tusi, the vizier Ibn al-AlqamI, the shiites in general, General Aybak, and even Badr al-Bin Lulu. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa seems to cast very little blame on any one. tlis praise of I.Iongol rule goes somewhat beyond the requisite bounds of good natured fla ttery in the interests of patronage; his discussion of al-Mustasim is not lacking in sjrmpathy for that caliph; he exonerates both vi ziers and the general; he thinks highly of Badr al-Bin lulu. The real nature of Ibn al-Tiqtaqa's feelings may be gauged from the fact that nearly all of the anecadotos about the fall of Bagjidad which leapt to his mind concerned the liongol attempts at "effacing the traces" of the old order. There in more than a touch of wistfulness and regret in his recounting of al-Tusi'*G "excuse" for disabusing Ilulagu of his fears about the warnings against ending the caliphate, of Ibn Ta^s fateful decision in the assembly at the Hustansiriyyah, and specially - of al-llulayyici's compliance r.dth Ilulagu* s wishes after having been told that the caliphate was " a thing over and gone".

7 Ibid; al-JTuzD'inl insists, p.435, that hulagu "diepatched the vizier - God's curse on him ! - to hell". 1 RasJl^d al-Din,p.310. -60-

1 Over nnd gone it wns, of course ; but Ion nl-Tiqtnqn vjns eviden tly not ueside liimself with joy in the contemplntion of the fact. e 2 - Shiite lender though he wns , Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn sensed thnt more fell to be Mongols in 656/1258 then the city nnd the cnliphnte. It so hnppened thnt the spnn of his lifetime wns such thnt the worst peril in thnt situntion hnd disnppcnred before his very eyes, but he v/ns still concerned thnt the nevjly Lluslim conquerors might continue to let the "trnces" of rjhnt hnd gone before the "effnced". Ilnd it been Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn rnther thnn Ibn nl-'Aquli v/ho hnd nnswered Ghnznn Khnn in the llustnnsiriyynh in 698/I298, the L-ongol -vvould hnve been tnnght something he did not loiov.' nbout the religion he hnd embrnc^d. 'Tlien the opportunity nrose, Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn expressed these things to Pnkhr nl-Din^Isn - nnd posterity - instend. The fnll of Bn|hdnd ns depicted in nl-Fnkhri wns, for Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn, cometliing like the fnll of Rome hnd been for St.Augus- tineS not the end of the world, bat the end of n v.'orld, cnlling for n new visiion nnd n new philosophy. But Ibn nl-Tiqtnqn did not follow through with either the vision or the philosophy,Pnrtly at least, he recognised'the opportunity thnt wqs his;but he wns in ndequnte to the task. He wns n historian, and even n lively chnrncter in history, but he wns no intellectunl giant. He made immortal use of n bad winter in al-I.Iowsil, and then v;ent on nbout 1 He probnbly did not Qven IcnoYi of the e^cistcnce .of the 'loitadov/" ^AbbJTsid Caliphate under the MOEIUICS, -qn.-xilricb, see, To.ynbee, Jf Stady of History, '-vol.\r±i.T)Ty.^9-271 T.V/,Mrnold', Th_o Calipjiatg .- C0xford,"-1924)VP]b. 9.9-106. Ibn al-Tiqtnqn'*s treatment of the fall of Baghdad also casts further 'doubt upon the theory according to which the Siji^tes were instrumental in bringing nbout the fnll of the Cnliphnte nnd overjoyed when the deed was done. -61- his business. It was his pnrticulnr genius, if \7e mny sny so, simply to hnve perceived more shnrply thnn his nrticulntc con temporaries ( or ntlenst those to v^'hose works time hns been kinci)- more shnrply, certainly, thnn Rnsjaic! nl-Din (v/ho, it must be rem- nrked, provides us with fnr more nctunl informntion nbout the event) - the true significnnce of the fnll of Bnghdnd ns n symbol of the fall of an idea which had already replaced a fallen reality, and to have emerged from that stark and uncheering sight, as Toyn- bee rightly observes, with " a touch of the serenity that comes over a human countenance when the hand of Death smooths away the lines drawn thereby the struggles of life".

The history, al-FakJirl is derived from lost works of al- Masudi from clironicles of Lluliammnd b.Yahya al-Suli (d.535/946) and Hilnl b. al-I.Iuhassin al-SabI (d. 448/1056 J,above all from the al-Kamil fi al-Tarlkh of Ibn al-Athir. The Fa^ri is a very dis tinguished book; it is v;ell and simply written, sufficiently cri tical and anecdotic, moderate practical-minded, agreeable to read. It is also remarkably impartial inspite of the author's gjiia con victions. To be sure, those convictions made it easy for him to criticise the'Abbasi rulers, yet lie was not afraid to speak of atrocities of the sack of Bagdad by the Hongols in 656/1258.This is the more creditable when we remember that the book v/as dedicat ed to a Mongol governor representing the il-Khan Ghazan I.Iahmud(r. 695-704/1295-1504)^. 1 Cf.Arnol J.Toynbee, A study of History, vol.x, p.69.For all these references mentioned above,see, James Kritzeck and R. Bayly '.Tinder, The V/orld of Islam; Studies in honour of Philip K.Hitti,pp.159-84. 2 Of. George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science (Baltimore: The \ailiams and \7ilkins Company, 1947) vol.iii 2. ABU AL-FIM (P.?32/1 331)

In order to npprecinte the conditions under v/Iiich Abu. al-Fidn lived nnd worked, it is necessary to Imow n brief nccouiit of the Ayyubid rules in Egypt nnd Syria. These two countries have gen erally formed one government in Ilahainmadan history. Syria wns for the. last time united again to Egypt by Salnh al-Din Yiisuf(r.564 - 589/1169-1193), the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty (r.564-648 / 1169-1250), ;\nd so continued until both became separate provinces of the Ottoman Empire of Turkey''( r. 699-1311/1299-1893). Salah al-Din (or Saladin) b. Ayyub (Job), was of Kurdish extraction, and served under Hur al-Din (Nouredin) Llahmud b.Zangi(r.541-69/1146 - 2 73), who had lately made himself king of Syria as Zongid atabeg of Syria and l.Iesopotamin (r. 521-648/1127-1250) known as Snljuq officers. By him Salah al-Din and his uncle Shlrkuli were sent to

1 The ^Uthmanly or attoman Turks wore a small clan of the 0ghu;3 tribe, who were driven westward from Khurasan by the Ilongol migration, and took refuge in Asia Llinor late in the 6th century A.H. and early in the 15th century A.D. In recognition of their aid in v;ar, the SaljSq Sultan allowed them to pasture their flocks in the province anciently known as Plirygia Epictetus (henceforward called Sultan Oni) on the borders of the Byzan tine Bithynia, with the town of Sugut(Thebasion) for their headquarters. Hero * 'Uthman, the eponymous founder of a dynas ty which numbers 35 Sultans in the direct male line, was born in 656/1258).Of. Stanley lane-pool, Iluhammadan Dynasties, pp.186-97. 2 The Sal^uq Empire was a military power, and the army on which it depended was commanded by Turkish Slaves.Free men could not be trusted with the highest commands or the rule of distant provinces; it was necessary to rely on the fidelitj/- of purch- sed slaves brought up at the court in close relations with the Saljuq princes. Every Saljuq had a following of Llaralulcs,gen erally brought from ICLpchak, who filled the Chief offices of the court and camp, and eventually won their naniuaission i3± by hard service. The inevitable result of this system was the supplanting of the senile master by the virile slave. As the Saljuqs grew v/eak and their empire broke up into sub-divisions, their mamlulcs, who had fought their battles for them; became the guardians or regents (Atabegs) of their youthful heirs, nnd speedily exchanged the delegated fujiction for the DrivilpffPR -63-

Egypt, where n civil wnr invited interference. Friendly nssistnnce developed into nnnexntion, and after the death of Shirkah Snlah al-Din became virtual master of Egypt in 564/II69, though the last PJItimid Cnliph did not die till three years later.In the first month of 567/1171 Snlh al-Din caused the Khutba or Public Prayer to be said at Cniro in the nane of the contemporary'Abbasid Caliph Llustadi (r. 566-75/1170-80), instead of the Patimid'Adid(r.555-67/ 1160-71), who lay on his death bed. The change was effected with out disturbance, and E'gypt became once more Sunnite instead of Shiite. The Holy cities of the 7^3'^2 generally formed part of the dominion of the ruler of Egypt; and in 569/1175 Salh al-Pin sent his brother Turan Sliah (r. 569-77/1173-81) to govern the Yaman''. Tripoli was taken from the Normans in 568/1172. The death of his former master Nur al-Din in the same year laid Syria open to inva sion, and in 570/1174 Salah al-Din entered D,-¥aascus and swept over Syria (r. 570-72/1174-76) up to the Euplxcates in spite of the oppo- sion of the Zangids. He did not annex Aleppo until 579/1183,after the death of Nur al-Din* s son, Salih. He reduced al-LIawsil and made the various princes of I.Iesopotamia his vassals in 581/1185-6. He was now master of the country from the Euplirates to the Nile, except where the Crusaders retained their strongholds. The battle of Hittin in 583/4 July,1187, destroyed the Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem; the Holy City was occupied by Salah al-Din within three months; and hardly as Castle, save Tyre, held out against him. The fall of Jerusalem roused Europe to undertake the Third Crusade. Richard I of England and Philip Augustus of Pranc-e set

1 Ayyubids of yaman (r.569-625/1173-1228),Ibid, p.98. -6 4-

out for the Holy land in 586/1190, nnd joined in the siege of Acre in 587/1191. After n yenr nnd n half's fighting, pence was concluded in 588/1192- for three years v/ithout any advantage hav ing been gained by the Grusaders. In 589/I'arch 1193 Snlah al-Din died. On his death, his brothers, sons, and nephews, divided the various provinces of his wide Kingdom, but one amongst them, his brother Sayf al-Din'Aail (r. 596-615/1199-1218), the Snphadin of the Crusader Chroniclers, gradually acquired the supreme authority. At first Snlnh al-Din's sons naturally succeeded to fheir father's crowns in the various divisions of, -the Kingdom : Afdnl nt Dnmas- cus, (r. 582-92/1186-96),

Having acquired the sovereignty of Egypt and most of Syria in 595-96/1196-99, and appointed one of his sons to the government of Ilesopetamia about 597/1200, ^Adil enjoyed the supreme authority in the Ayyubid Kingdom till his death in 615/1218. Ilis descendents carried on his rule in the several countries; cmd we find separate branches reigning in Egypt, Damascus, and llesopotania, all Sprimg from'Adil. Those who reigned at Flanah (r. 574-74 2/1178-1541), llims ( Emesa, r.574-661/1178-1262), and in the Yaman (r.569-625/ 1173-1228), were descended from other members of the Ayyubid family.

1. Cf. Stanley L-me Pool, ruhamnadan Dvnastv.p-n.74-77. -6 5-

In 648/1250 the *^Adilx Ayyubids of r^STPt, the Chief breach of the fnmily, who nloo frequently held Syria, made way for the Baliri Llnralulcs'' or Slave Kings (r. 648-792/1250-1390). The Damascus branch, after contesting the sovereignty of Syria v.dth the Egyp tian and Aleppo branches, was incorporated with Aleppo, and both w were swept away in the Tatar advance of Chingiz Kban in 658/1260, The same fate had overtaken the IIc3opotamif"w-successors of *Adil in 643/1245. The Ilamluks absorbed Emcca in 661/1262. The Ayyubids had given place to the Hasulids (r. 626-353/1229-1454) in Arabia as early as 625/1228. But at Uamah (r. 574-698/1178-1293) a branch of the tfaciily of Sal ah al-DIn continued to rule v.'ith slight inter mission until 742/1342, nnd numbeied in their line the v/ell-laiov;n 2 historian Abu al-Fida ,

Under these social and political atmospheres mentioned above, Abu al-Pida lived and worked. :.bu al-Pida, Isnail D, al-Afdal'All (Iluzaffar ^AH) b. al-!Iuzaffar Ilalinud b. al-IIansux Ildiamnad b.al^ IJuzaffar Taqi al-Din'^Unar b.iiur al-Din Shahansjiah b. Hajm al-Din 'a Ayyixhf al-IIalik al-IIuj'yad Sahib Ilar.iah'"Imad al-Dln was a Sjrcian prince, well-lcnown historian renowned geographer, of the family of the Ayyubids. He w'ls born not in Hamah, but in Damascus in June i, 672/nov.1273. He belongs to the family of the princes of Hamah 1 Inspite of their short reigns and frequent civil wars and assassinations, the Bahri Ilamlulcs maintained as a rule a well- organized government, .'ind Cairo is still full of proofs of their appreciation of art and their love of building. Their warlike qualities were no less conspicuous in their successful resistance to the Crusaders, and to the 'I'ntj^r hordee that overran Asia and menaced E^ypt in the 7th/13th century.Cf.Lano-pool J.80. 2 Of .Innc-Pool Ilo'rimmadan Dvnastv.p-p .74-77. -66-

on the river Oron-teo (llnhr nl-Acin), n br^anch of the Ayyabi royal fnraily crentccl by StxLnli nl-Din. Uls fnnily hnd been obliged to tnke refuge in DnmascuG fron the Ilonsols, lie rcceivccl an elaborate edu cation inspite of his being involved in all kinds of nilitary cam^ paigns throughout his youth. At the age of 12, in the company of his father al-Afdal 'All and his cousin al-I.Iuzaffar Ilahmud II(r» 683-98/1284-98), Prince of Hamah, he was present at the siege and capture of the fortress al-IIarqab (Kargat) fron the Knights of St. John in 684/1285, v.-hen Bahri Ilamluk Sultan al-IJalilc al-IIanrur Sayf al-Lin Qalnim (r, 678-89/1279-90) appeared before this fortress and conquered it, Abiz al-Fida was then on his first canpaign with his father, he took part also in the later campaigns against the crusadeis. On the suppression of the Ayyubid principality of Kamah (r. 574-698/1178-1298) in 698/1299, he remained in the service of its llamluli governors. He was one of the Amirs of Damascus and re mained ingratiating himself with the !:a,mlul: Sultan al-LIalik al-

i~ ITasir ITasir al-DIn Iluhammad b. Qalauii who promised the former to be appointed as the governor of Iluniah during latter's ctay at Karak 2 1 I.Iarqab (the Llargot, LIcrghntum of the Crusaders) is a fortress near Baniyas on the coast of Syria.It was built by the Iluslims in 454/1062. Pranks and Armenians were settled there in the latter. The first record lord of the fortress was Rainald Llansuer, the constable of the prince of Antioch. After the earthquake of 566/1170, Bertrand of al-IIargab. perhaps out of fear of Salah al-Din's threat, handed it over in 582/1186 to the Knights o'f St.Joiin, Snlah al-Bin al-Ayyubi could not conquire it,but the Bahri LlamiOlc Sult.-in al-I,Ialik al-I.Iansur Sayf al-DIn Qala'an( r. 678-89/1279-90) captured it in 684/1 285. Of .E.Fonigmann, "Ilarkab" "Encyclopadia of Islam (Leyden: E.J.Brill, London: Luzac S: Co., 1930), vol.lii,pp.294-6; Ibn Tagliri Bardi, al-IJu.jiihi al-Zahira. vol.vii, pp.315-9. 2 Kara(jk is the name of a Strong fortress and city in Syria near Jerusalem where al IT.-ilik al-lTanir stayed at the end of his 2nd time rule in Egypt and Syria. Cf. Ibn Tn^iri Bardi, al-TTunum aO,- Zahir£i( Cairo: Kustat Sunas Cz Go., 1383/T963), vol.viii,pp.1l5-6. -67-

Eiirlier Abu al-Fidn tried severnl vain attempts to obtain the government of IlnmSli. Ho entered the service of the Mamluk Sultnn al-NvHsir in 698/1299 who finally appointed him as the governor of Hnmnh in 710/1310 at the instance of the "Kinc of the Arabs", i Hasam al-Din IJuhanna, Siiayldi of Al Fadl , Prom that time onward he continued to rule his hereditary principality,but as a fief of the HaraliHc empire. In 712/1312 his government was converted to n life principality in loyalty to his liege lord with the rnnlc of a prince and the title of al-I,Ialik al-Snlih.But ±\io years later he,with the other governors, was made directly subordinate to the governor of Damascus, al-Amir Sayf^ al-Din Tnnkez /irghiin al-lTa'ib with whom his relations were for a time straiiied. In the follovdng years he strengthened his position by levish patronage and genero sity, specially on the occasion of his visits to Egypt.In 719/ 1319 he accompanied the Sultan al-'^Iasir Iluharamad on pilgrimage to Ilakka, and on their r.eturn to Cairo he was publicly invested with the insignia of Sultanate and the title of al-IJal jk al-IIuayyad in 720/1320, and given precedence overall governors in Syria. He con tinued to en^oy the great reputation which he had acquired as patron and nan of letters, as v/ell as the friendship of the Saltan until his death. Ho died at Ilninah on 23 Hull., 732/27 Oct., 1331 ;and was buried in the mausoleum he had built there for himself. That Llausaleum had gradually fallen into ruins,but In or after 1925 it was restored. V/ith the support of Innklz, Abu. nl-3?ida»s son al- 1 Gf. al-I-Iaiuia al-Zahir£\.vol.ix. p. 16. -68-

Afclnl lluhnnunncl (r,733-42/1532-41) vnn nominntccl ns his succesoor, 1 nnd v/ns nlso grnnted the insignin of the Sultnnnte ,

Abu nl-Pidn's life wns n long scries of nilitnry cnmpnigns and travels. He nccomplished the great pilgrimage atleast thrice, and was often obliged to report to Cairo.Inspitc of these many activities and responsibilities, he uas able to write considerably, and he devoted much of hi-s time to ,the embellisliment of his capital nnd the patronage of learned men w'ho gathered at his court. He was learned in many fields. Ve memorized the Holy ^uora'n and a number of religious books. He enrned reputation in Islamic jurisprudence (Piqh), principles of Jurisprudence (usul al-Fiqh). Arabic Langu age nnd Liter attire. History, Iledicinc, commentary of the Holy Qur'an (Tafsir). Lliqat al-IIajj ( the place wltere the pilgrims assemble, whence they proceed to perform the solemnities at Ilakka),Logic and philosophy having firm belief in Allah. He was more oqperienced in Astronomy in comparison to other branches of natujcal sciences.The

^ Cf.Ibn Sjiakir al-Kutubi, Fawat al-^âfayat. ed.Tûhammad Iluhyi al-Din 'Abd al-TJamid (Cairo: al-â'ada Press, 1951), vol-i,pp. 28-32; Ibn Hajar, al-Durar al-Kamina (Hyderabad: Da'irat al- I.I.'farif al-iUthm.^niyya, 1348/192$),vol.i,pp.571 -73;Taqi al-Din al-Subki, Tabaqat nl-Shafr.-^nrn al-Kubra (Cario: al-Husayniyya Press,1324/1906), vol.'^,pp.C4-!?; ^hn 'i'a.-îri Bardl.al-ITu.ium al-Zahira, vol.ix, pp.16,25,24, 58-62, 74-100, 292-4; nl- Ilaqrlzl. al-Suluk li Ila'Jrlfat Duwal al-I.Iul^ci ( Cairo, 1941), vol.i,pp.87,89,90,157,l42,l66,195,202,238rGeorge Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science(Baltimorc: The Y/illiams and \7ilking Co.,1947),Vol.3, Part-i, pp.200,308,793-99; H.A.R. •Gibb. "Abu al-Pida, "lilncyclopadia of Islandevden: S.J.Brill, I960),vol.i,pp.118-9.Por detail life and activities of Tankia, see Ibn Shakir al-Kutubl. Pr-iv;at al-\7a f ayat. vo 1. i. DP . 174-80. -69-

sommnries of his astronomy me coni:ninecl in his Tnavam nl-Buldnn where tho indicntions of latitudes and longitudes are given in Arabic letters and not in nunerals. As he v/ns learned in many fields, he had a good knowledge of Botriny and materia raedica.lt is said that he v/rote a work in volumes on medicine, entitled Kun- nasJi, but it is a confusion due to tho fact that the word Kunnasji (of Aramaic origin), meaning collection, pandectae, was used chief ly for medical collections, the best-known example being the Syriac Kunnnaj] of Yahya b. Sarafyun or Serapion. He also wrote a gramma tical Kunnash. He also wrote Kitab al-IIawazin in his early age,He was adorned with all the beauties of characters.The i.Iamlulc Sultan al-IJalik al-lTasir'' was much pleased with him and, therefore, he requested all the Amirs of Syria to ^write to Abu al-Fidii, "Ytiqabbil al-Ard" while the Sultan himself writes to him " His brother llulia- mrand b. Qalaun". He was wise, humble and generous. The poets father- ed around him. Jamal al-Din 1-Iuhammad b.lTabata (d.768/1366) praised 2 him much and elegized him after his death. He praised him :

•7. He elegized him''^. -\-^l'ÛÛ<:>i6>)cX ^^^-> ^^^ cpÛ o-„AJi\^

1 This Bahri I.Iaralulc Sultan al-IIasir ruled Egypt and Syria for three times, first time from 6.95/1293 to 694/1294, 2nd time from 698/1298 to 708/1308 and 3rd time from 709/1309 to 741/ 1340.Cf. Ibn Taghri Bardi, al-Fg^jum al-Znhira, vol.yiii,pT3. 11- 114,115-231; vol.ix,pp.2-334; G.Sarton, introduction to'the History of Science,vol.iii.Part-I, p.133. 2 Cf. Ibn Tard-iri Bardi, al-IIui un al-Zahira. vol .ix.P. 293. 3 Ibid,pp.293-94. -70-

Abu nl-Pidn fixed the snlnry of Ibn Nnbntn living in Damascus 600 Dirham per year and paid it regularly in addition to other gifts and presentations to him. The Arabic biograpliical notices furnish several specimens of his poetical productions, wliich inclu ded a versification of the juristic "uork entitled al-Ha\vi written by al-Ma\vardi on the Shafii jurisprudence. He composed many poems and specially al-l.Iuwashshahat.For example, he composed in praise of n horse as i ^ , . ^

2 He composed al-lluwashsjaah and 'excelled in it :

of various other writings on religions and literary subjects al most all have perished.His reputation rests on -'•xio v.'orl:s survive to us, both largely compilations, but rearranged and supjilemented by himself.One is I-ujchtasar tarikh al-Basliar and the other is Taq- yarn al-B uld an .

Abu al-Fida v.-rote the Ilul^tasar in 715/1315 v/'iich vns conti nued by the author himself to 730/1329 during the 3rd time Sultan ate of al-I',Ialilc al-Hasir. It is a Universal history dealing with the pre-Islamic period and Islamic Iiistory dov/n to 730/1329. It is 1 Ibn Uajar, al-Surgr al-Kamina, vol.i,P.372; al-Subki Taboqat vol.vi,P.84. '' 2 Ibn ahakir al-Kutubi, Fawat al-7afaygt,vol.i.P.30. 3 Cf.EI.A.R.Gibb, "Abu al-Fid^f", EncvcloTPadia of Islam.vol.I. pp.118-9. ' -71-

Inrgely based, of course the cnrlier part nnd except of coiirse for the last centur3^, on the F-^^nil fi al-Tarikji of lb nl-Athir. But the author used many other sources,having a rich library in his palace of FJamah. The nost valuable part of his work is the contemporary one, derived from hie ov/n political and military ex perience, v.'hich was considerable and from the information collect ed during his travels in the ITear-Sast and Arabia. Looking at it from another angle, that part includes many data of nntobiograph- cal interest. There is Baybars al-Dav/a^n nl-lIanouri(d.725/l325)'', a contemporary to \bu al-Pida, v.'ho vffotc a general history of Islam to 725/1324 entitled Zubdat al-gikrah fl Tarikji al-Hi.jrah 2 with the collaboration of his christian secretary Abu al-Barakat (d. 724/1324). The book is well-lcnown as Tarikh Baybous al-Dnwada. 3 This is very large work in eleven volumes , of which there is no complete IIS anywhere; as far as can be judged from the parts extnnt, it is largely derived from the al-Kamil fi al-Tnrlkh of Ibn al- 1 . Al-Amir Rulm al-Bin Baybars b.*".bclullah al-I,lansuri al-Kliatini al_Dawadar (the Secretary of State) v/as an Egyptian Ilinister, historian and ITanafi theologian, died at the age of 80. Re v/as originally a Ilamlulc slave of al_i:alik al-llansur Qala'un(r.678- 89/1279-90) who freed him and appointed him governor of al- Karak (east of the dead Sea), ''^e held various other offices under othrr Sultans of the Bahri Ilamliilc dynasty,with the usual vicissitudes of'fortune ^has"Sultan Ilhalil(r.689-95/1 290-95) dismissed him, but his successor I'asir ar>T^oia + -^ci bin chief of his Secretariat (Biwan al-lnsli~0 with the title Dawadar Kabir (grand Secretarjr of State), and he continued in that office until 704/1304-5. In 703/1303-4 he was put in charge of the repairs made necessary by the earthquake of Alexandria,In 711/ 1311-2 he was made viceroj'- (ITa'ib a,l_Sultanait), but was thrown into prison in the following year in Alexandria and remained there until 717/1317-8. He made the Pilgrimage in 718/1318-9. He endowed a liana fi College in Cairo and died in 725/1325. Gf. Ibn 'rcxp}}!! jia,rJj, :.1-J upur.i al-Zahira. vol. ix,pp. 263-4, notes 1-3. G-.Snrton, Introduction to the History of Science^ vol.iii,part-I,PP.961-2; Ibn- Ilajar al-Durar a 1-Kamina. vol.i, pp.509-10. ' ' • -7 2-

Athir(cl,631/1233). Bnybnrs also vffote n history of the Ilnmlulc Dynnsty from the beginning in 648/1250 to 721/1321 entitled nl- Tuhfnt nlÎIiaulciyy-i fi nl-Dny.qnt nl-Tiirkiyyn« Then comes Abu nl- Pidn, Perhnps, nil considered, the greatest historiographer of the LInmlulc period irrespective of nntionnlity or religion . The importance of his chronicle (I.Iukhtacar ^'arikh n 1-Bnshar) was soon appreciated, witness a number of summaries, abstracts and continua tions. The first continuation, to 749/1348, was prepared by Ibn al- Wardl (d. 750/1349), not long after Abu al-Pida's death. Then by Ibn Habib al-Dimashqi^(d. 779/1377) nnd Ibn al-Shilina al-IIalabi^ (d.815/1412), who continued it to 806/1403.It was also very much appreciated by the early 17estern Orientalists, partly because of the accident of-its being known long before the works of al-Tnbarl (d.311/923) nnd Ibn al-Athir.In fact Abu al-Fida's history was the 2 Abu al-Barakat al-Shykh Shams al-Riasa b. al-Shaykh al-Asad called Ibn Kabar was a member of the Coptic community of Cairo. He v;as cop tic (llonophysistic) theologian and grammarian writing in Arabic, He was also the secretary to the Amir Baybars al- . Mansuri al-Da'wadar, the historian, cf.G.Sarton, Introduction, volîii,Part-I,pp.1105-6, notes 3-5. 3 Ibn Ilajar says that the book consists of 25 volumes, cf. al- Hurar nl-Kamina vol.i,pp.509-10. 1 Of .G.SartonÎntroduction, vol.iii,Part-I,T). ,308. 2 Abu Hafs Zayn al-Din'Umar b.al-IJuzaffor al-Qurasiii al-Bakri al-Mafirfi known Ibn al-Wardi al-.SJiaf£r was a Muslim Syrian Philologist,writer and historian.He \ifrote a good amount of poetry and composed writings on grammer, history,law,mysticism, and oneiromancy. His historical book Tatimraat al.-I,Iukhtaâr fl Akhbar al-Baahar is the summary of the chronicle of Aba al-Fida, cf.G.Sarton, IntroduntionT vol.iii,part-I,pp.962-3. 3 Badr al-Din Abu IJuhammad al-Has;\n b.'Umar b.Habib al-Dimashqi al-Shafil was a Syrian historian and man of "letters, Some eleven works, historical and literary,are ascribed to him.Cf. G.Sarton, Introduction. vol.iii,Part-II,P.1783. 4 Abu al-WalldLIuliammad I.Iuliammad b.Shihna al-Halabi was n Syrian Historian and text book "writer. His'abridgement of the Abu al- Pida's history continued to 806/1403 which is entitled Rawdat -7 3-

first large Arabic clironicle to be known in the v/ect with the exception of that of Aba al-Faraj or Bnrhebrneus (d.685/1286)1t was a major source of I2th/18th century orientalism, tiirough the editions of J-Gargnier, De Vita... Ilohammedes (Oxford,1723) and JJ Reike J.G-. Chr.4dler, Annalss I.Toslemici (Leipziq,l754 nnd Copenhagen 1789-94). The complete text v/ns first published in Istanbul,2 vols, in 1286/1869-70. In this connection it should be mentioned here that the first half of the 8th/l4th century was a golden age of historiography in the Baliri Llaralulc empire (r.648-792/1250-1390).None could have else where found such a 2 galaxy of historians as al-Safadi (d.765/1363), Abuil-Fida, al- DJiahabl^(d. 749/1348),. al- lluwayri^C d.733/1372) and Ibn P.ndlallah ^^ nl-Umarl^ (d.750/1349).

al-I.Ianazir fi ^Ilm al-Ay/ail wa nl-Awak,hir.Gf. G. Sarton, Introduction, vol.iii, Part-II, p.1785* 1 Of. n.A.R.Gibb, "Abu al-^adl", Encyclopadia of Islam.vol.i. pp.118-9; G.Snrton, Introduction,vol.iii,Part-1,pp.308.793-99. 2 Por his life and works see, G.Snrton, Introduction to the His tory of Science.vol.iii,Part I, pp.959-61. 3 For his life and works sec, G.S-ir ton, Introduction, vol.iii, Part-I, pp.963-7.

4 He wrote I'Tihavat nl-Arnb fi Funun al-Adab to collect all the Icnowledge and the humanities ?.'hich a civil servant must have in order to serve the king and the people well. Cf. G.Snrton, Introduction, vol.iii,Part-I,pp.308-9. 5 Shihab al-Din Abu nl-Abbas Ahmad b.yahya b.P-xllallnh al^Unnrl al-QurasJii al-Shafi*r was a Syrian historian, geographer, en cyclopaedist, and man of letters, flis literary activities seem to have been limited for the most part to the last ten years of his life,or may be it blossomed then after 3roars of prepara tion. His two main works arc the Ilasalik al-Absar fi Ilnm-llik nl-Amsar (Voyages of the eyes in the kingdoms of the main cities), composed in 743-50/1342-49, nnd al-Tnrlf bi al-lJustalah al-Sharlf. composed in 741-42/1340-41.Gf.G.Sgrton.IntroductionT' vol.iii,Pnrt-I, pp.802-4. -7 4-

The Taqwin al-Baldan (Tables of tlie countries) is a descrip tive geograpiiy supplemented by physical and Ilathematical data in tabular form. It is derived mainly from the kitab Rnsm al-Rub^al~ Mamur ( the Book of Description of the civilized quarter),from the Arabic translation of Ptolemy from the G-reek for al-Mamun the 4th/lOth or 5th 11th century kitab al-Atwal wa aliUrud (the book of Longitudes and Latitudes) written by an unlcnown author before 421/1030 ; al-Qanun al-llasudi of al-Biruni (d.440/1048) written in 421/1050 and finally the book of Ibn Sn*id al-Maghribi ( d,674/1275) . AbQ. al-Fida w^is keenly aware of the imperfection of his co-ordinates, for he had consulted for that special pur pose the earlier books like those mentioned above and their diver gences are noted.The book was composed in 716-21/1316-21 and largely replaced all earlier geographical works.Now the data obtained from these books were generally different, and sometimes the differences were considerable. Abu al-Pida was so honest that he gave them all, but no wonder his confidence was shaken. His Taqwim is an elaborate geographical treatise describing almost the whole of the known world, and specially valuable with regard to Uorth Africa and Asia.In the generalities placed at the beg inning the author remarked ( being the first to do so) that travelli- ing around the world entails the loss (or gain) of a day. His

1 Abu al-Hasan^Aii b.Musa b.IIuhammad al-I.Inghribi was born in 605/1208 in near Granada, studied in Seville,travelled exten sively and lived in many Muslim cities Enst and W@st. He was a Hispano-Muslim Historian and geographer.His main work is a geographical treatise, kitab Bast al-Ard fl Talha wn al-^rd (Extend of the earth in length and breadth;,also called y^Jab al-JogJirafiYa. Cf.G.Sarton, Introduction.vol.ii.-nart-ii.-n. 1065. ' • -7 5-

descrip-tions of ench country are followed by tables listing the main cities, and giving their coordinates and other data patient of brief statement. The longitudes and latitudes have been established experimentally or deduced approximately from the distances to other places the position of which was exactly determined. The book is extensively quoted hj al-Qalaqasjinndl (d.821/1418), and several later abridgements were made, including one in Turkish by Muhammad b.^Ali Sipahizade (d. 997/1589) .Individual sections were edited and translated by Europe Jin scholars from the I1th/17 th century (Joh Greaves,London 1650; J.B.Koehler, Leipzig 1766; etc). The entire work was edited by J.T.Reinaud and I.'agG-uskin de slana ( Paris 1840) and translated by Reinaud (Paris 1848) and Stanislas Guyard (Paris 1885), the first voluue of +he trans lation consisting of a classic survey entitled Introduction generale a la geographic des orientaux. This judgements of scho lars on Abu al -Fida's geograpliy have differed widely, from"a 1 rather poor copilation of earlier sources" for whom Abu al-Pida is the greatest geographer of his age, not only in Islam but any 2 where in the vcrld •

As an elaborate treatise on geography the Taqy/Im begins with generalities on the shape of the earth, the seven climates, seas,

1 Of. J.H.Kramers, Lagacv of Islam (Oxford,1951),P.91; G.E. Dubler, AbuJInmid^l Granadino ( LIadrid,1955), P. 182; G. Sarton, Introduction to the Ujstory of Science.vol.iii. part-I, pp. 200,508, 795-99; S.LIaqbul Alimad ^"ITjugiirafiyo " Encyclopadia of Islam (Lfiiyden : E.J.Brill,London: Luzac & Go. 1965), vol.ii, PP.'575-90; nl-MqrizI, m-finiulc li Mn'rifat Duwal al-nuluk_(Cairo,1941 \vol.i,PP.87,89,90,157,142,116, 196,202, 258; Abu al-Pida, Ilukjitasor Tnrikb al-Bashar (Istanbul,1286/1869-70), autobiography extracted from it.

2 Ibid. -7 6-

lakes, rivers, and mountains.This is followed by chapters each dealing with a definite part of the world in the order indicated: (1) Arabia, (2) Egypt (3) Maghrib (4) equatarial Africa, (5) Spain, (6) Islaneis of the Ilecliterranean and the Atlantic, (7) northern regions of Europe and Asia, (8) Syria, (9) Jazirah, (10)^Iraq 'Arabi, (II) Khuzistan, or Ahwaz (12) Faris, (13) Kirman (l4)Sijis- tan, (15) Sind, (16) Hind (India), (17) China,(18) eastern islands, ( 19),Rum (Asia llinor), (20) Armenia, Arran, and Adjjarbayjan, (21) Jibal or "-Iraq'Ajami, (22) Daylam and Jilan, (23) Tabariston, Hazandaran, and Qonis, (24) Khurasan (25) Zabulistan and Ghur (26) Tukharistan and Badakhsjan (27) Ivhwarizm, (28) Ilfi V/ara al- Nahr (Transoxiana), This enumeration is interesting. It presents the 28 parts of the ancient world in the eyes of an Arabic geo grapher. It is very different from those which a modern geographer would mention. The chapter on Transoxiana includes an account, unfortunately too meager, of the small but famous district of Sughd (ancient Sogdiana), traversed by the river Sughd (or Zara- fshon), on which stood the cities of Bu]cjiara ,-ind Samarqand. The 28 chapters of the Tagwlm are very unequal in length,but are arr anged in the same order, that is, each is in two parts, the first of which is devoted to a general account of the country (its boun daries, pliysical peculiarities, political and ethnical divisions, manners and customs, monuments, main roads,etc).and the second gives in tabular form a series of data concerning the main cities.

1 Apropos of Sugjid (or Su^d), see le Strange, pp.460-73( 1905); vv.Barthold(l927), EI4, 473; Richard Il.Prye: Sughd and the 'Sogdions. A comparison of archaeological discoveries with Arabic sources, npPjJnnrnal nf the American Oriental Society (1943), 63, 14-16; Isis 34, 444. -77-

nnme, sources of infoma-tion, longitude, latitude, mathemntical climate (as indicated by coordinates), physical climate or prov ince, orthograpliy, short description. The prolegomena contain two interesting remarks: first, vdth regard to the loss or gain of one day when travelling around the world (Arabic text,p.3); second, about three-quarters of the earth's surface are covered by the sens (P. 19), renevjing the ancient argument that this must be so because the four elements must balance each other and the earth crust is on the average tlirice heavier than water. The treatise contains an abundance of miscellaneous information from v/hich it is hardly possible to choose. The tabular form as well as the title of the book had been suggested to the author by the Tagmm al-Abdan of Ibn Ja2aa (d. 494/1100)\ he says, so himself(P.3). Abu al-Pida's purpose was encyclopaedic and scientific, and he realized that the tabular form, versus the purely literary one, not only is more concise and clearer, but tends to greater pre cision. He had studies previous publications carefully and quotes his sources at the beginning, then more specifically in each table. Pie took great pains to establish the orthograpliy a nd orthophony of place names. His frequent quotation of divergent data (e.g. for coordinates) is typical of his honesty, this was due to his using different sources which he had no means of check- . 2 1 Abu *A1I Yahya b.*^Isa b.Jazla flourished in Baghdad was a christian physician. He embraced Islam in 467/1074. Cf.&. Snrton, Introduction to, the History of Science, vol.i-p.772. 2 Ibid, vol.iii,part i, pp.794-5. -7 8-

About an estimation of Abii a 1-Fid a as a historian, Franz Rosenthal justly remarks that 4bii al-Fida is an omateur historian, the figure of which is not found frequently in Islam. Since histo rical knowledge was an indication of one's education, it must have been a tempting thought for an educated amateur to venture into historical writing. However, in an environment v^'here stylistic reqLiiiJ^ements in any branch of liberature were very high, there con not have been too many who felt themselves qualified to vjrite on historical subjects. There wns no sharp dividing line between his torical amateurs and historical scholars. Abu al-Fida, Prince and scholar, cultivated historical studies during a life full of poli- ticnl and military activity. His work is not different from that of other scholarly historians. As Abu al-Fida, al-LIuayyad, the ruler of Hamoli, was an author of a history, al-DJiahabi made a considerable selections from it .

rMT'iTS^^enthal, Qtgtorjr nf Kusll^ Historiography (leydeni i..T.Tirill. 1968), pp.b5r492. -7 9-

3. IBII SHAKIR AL-KUTUBI (D.764/1365)

In order to apprecinte the conditions under which Ibn Shnkir al-Kutubi lived and worked, it is necessary to know a brief account of the IrlQmluk rules (r. 648-922/1250-1517) in Egypt and S3a?ia.The Mamluks succeeded to the rich heritage of the Ayyubids in Egypt and Syria. Like most major Islamic dynasties of their age, the Ayyubids had found it necessary to support themselves vdth profess ional slave gufirds, and the Llamluks (literally, " those possessed slaves) arose from the Turkish soldiery of al-Malik al-Salih Najm al-Dln Ayyob, Within the two and a half centuries of independent Mamluk rule, two lines of Sultans are somewhat artificially dis tinguished - the Bahri ones (r. 648-79?/1250-1590),socalled becau se these guards originally had their barracks on the island of al- Rav^dah in the Nile ( al-Bahr), and- the Burjl ones (r.784-922/1382- 1517), "thus named because sultan Qala'iin had quartered iiis gut-urds in the citadel (al-Burj) of Cairo . IL-anlulc rule was that of a military oristrocacy foimed of slaves. At the head of the hierarchy stood the sultan, beneath him came officers of various ranks,who were given the title of Anlr, and then came the rank and file of the army, the Ilamlulcs in the service of the Sultan and the Amirs. The army was divided into three main groups: first, the royal maro- lulcs in the service of the reigning sultan, who consisted of the Sultan's own mamluks, usually t-rmed Julban or ajlab, the mamluks

1 Of. C.E. Bosworth, The Islamic DvnastiesTIslamic surveys, series-5, (Edinburgh: University Press,I967),pp.65-6. -80-

of previous sultnns and tlie mamlulcs of amirs who had passed into the service of the sultan at the death or dismissal of their mast ers; second, the mamluks of the Amirs; and third, theajnad al- halquali force of non-IIamluks drawn from the local iniiabitants and from the Awlad al-If-is. children of Ilamluk parentage born and bred in Egypt. In ndSition, there were auxiliary troops from Beduin, Turkoman, and kurdish nomad tribes, ani from Syrio- Palestinian nnd Lebanese tribes of cultivators, whose leaders might recdive the title of amir, but were considered inferior to mamluk amirs of 1 equal rank ,

Mamlulcs were imported into Eg3rpt in large numbers as young slaves, mainly by non-Egyptian slave-traders. Christian merchants, particularly the G-enoese, took part in this very profitable trade, in spite of the prohibitions of popes and European rulers. During the early period of Llnmluk rule from the second half of the 15th to the late 14th century A.D. the BaJiri slnves were mainly Qipchaq 2 Turkes, brought from the kingdom of the G-olden Horde , with vdiom the Ilamlok Kingdom maintained political and cultural contacts.After the-depopulation of the qipchaq steppe and the disinte^ation of the Golden Borde in the second half of the 14th century, as a result of internal warefare and inroads of Timur Long, the Burji

1 Of, E.M.Snrtain, Jalnl al-Din al-Suyati (Cambridge: University Press, 1975),vol.i,pp.1-8; Stanley Jjane Pool, Ilohammadan Dynas ties (Delhi: Idarah-i Adobiyyat-i Delhi, 1977;,pp.80-5. 2 The united Blue and white Hordes of the family of Batu, the younger son of Jugi, the eldest son of Chingiz, arc called generiilly Golden Horde who ruled South Russia V/estern Siberia and Qipchaq(r.625-907/1226-1502).Cf.Stanley lane Pool.IIohammad- nn Dynnfl+iPF!jpp.9?p-^1 J C.E.Bosy/orth, The Islamic Dynasties, Islamic Surveys, 5,pp.52-4. -81-

Slaves were imported mainly from the Caucasus and Circassian mamluks "became the dominant members of the ruling aristocracy from the time of sultan Barqiiq (d,801/1599) ontrords and dov/n to the end of the Mamluks in the early 19'th century, Cirossia provided^most of their manpower. At all times there were mamluks of other races too, Llongols, Kurds, and Greeks, for example, although under Cirassian rule they were unlikaLy to rise to any influential position because of the Circassian policy of racial preference . The I.Iamluks con tinued the strongly Sunni policy of the Ajryubids, and their maintenance in Cairo of a line of fainiant *Abbasid Caliphs is almost certainly to be connected with this. Syria and Egypt became pasii- alikes of the Ottoman empire nfter Selim the Grim occupied them, although the military caste of the rnmlukc continued virtually to control egjrpt until Iiahammad *'Ali completely destroyed their power in 1226/1811. Under the Mamlulc rule, Egypt and Syria enjoyed

1 Cf. E.M'.Sartain, Jal?il al-Din al-Suyutl. vol.i,pp. 1-8. 2. The Baghdad caliphate was extinguished by the I.Iongols,but soon afterwards the Ilamluk Sultan of Egypt, al-zahir Rukn al- Dln Baybars I al-Bunduqdn^ri (r. 658-76/1260-80)j decided him self to install a caliph, and invited an uncle of the last *^Abbasid of Ba/^idad, named al-Uustansir (r.659-60/1261-61),one of the few members of the family to escape massacre, Cairo ( r.659/1261).The line of this

economic prosperity and a great cultural, intellectual and artistic efflorescence, with special achievements in such fields as arcliitic- ture, ceramics and metal v/ork. The origins of the science of heraldry 1 seem to go back to Llamluk tines •

Sal ah (Fakjir) al-Din Huhanunad b.Shakir al-Kutubi al-Halnbi al-Darronl al-Dimasiiql is a Syrian lluslim Arab historian and bio grapher. The only known sketch of his life is in the kitab al~ Durar al-Kamina fl AVan al-LIia al-Tbamina of Ibn Ha jar .al-Asqalani , It is used by Brockelmann in his GAL, vol,ii,P.48.According to this source al-Katubl was born in 686/1287 in a village of Damascus called Dnri3ra and died in Ramadan 764/June-July 1363 in Damascus. He studied in Halab (Alleppo) and Damascus under Abu al-Shilma al- Halabl, al-lluzzi and others, and made a considerable fortune and became rich as a book seller (al-Kutubi). He was originally a poormnn. The best known and the only one printed of his works, a continuation of Ibn Khplikan's \7afayat with the litle Fawat al-\7afavat-^T conta ins a biography which gives the year of his death as 775 A.H,which caused the editor of the Bulaq edition to write a note on this dou btful point. The contradiction had already been satisfactory expla ined in Wustenfeld, Die Geschichts Chreiber der Araber and ihre Werke ( New Edition, represented from A,G.7/.Gott,1882,P.2a!:viii, 1. Of. Bnnvjorth J Islamic Surveys 5, pp. 65-6. 2 Cf.Ibn Ilajar, Durar al-Kamina. vol.iii^pp. 451-2. 3 Edited by Iluhammad I.Iuliyi al-DIn'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1951) 2 vols.; (Buiaq, 1285, 1299 A.H). -83-

sq,, p.178) tlint in the biography the dnte of^ death should read 764 A.H. instead of 773.In the Fawat there are 572 "biographies, of wliich 7 are already mentioned in Ibngi Khallikcin' s '7nfa?/at. Further works of al-Kutubl are:

(i) Rawdat al-Adhkar/al-Azhar v/a Hadiqat al-Ash*ar a collection of ghazal's ,

(ii) Ûyun al-TaY/arikh (Sources of the Histories), the whole com prises 6 volumes accordiiig to Hajji Khalifa llo.3463»In this book, according to Ibn kathir, the history till the end of the 760 A,II. or more is mentioned. An incomplete manuscript of the book is avai lable in the libraries of al-Zahiriyya, GJiuta, Paris, British Museum and and Vatican of Rome . It is a history of the caliphs and learn- ednan centered upon Damascis.But al-Kutubi is best loiown because of his Fawat al-Wafayat. 3 About the I.Iamluk Iiistoriography in the Eastern Islam Sarton says that the great works of the first half of the 8th/14th century, histories of the MoDiplik, histories of great cities, collections of biographies, historical compendia for civil servants, were con tinued or rebuilt in an new way. Thus "bn Shakir al-Kutubl continued the \7afayat al-AVan of Ibn Khallikan, and wrote a history of the Muslim world as seen from Dnmascus.In another place Sarton says 1 About the origin and development of ghazal (love poems),cf. A.Bausani, "GJiazal", Encyclopadia of Islan_(Levden;E.J.BrillT 1965), vol.ii,pp. 1028-38. 2 Cf. Ll.Plessner, "al-Kutiibi", Ennyclopadia of Iplam(LpydRn;E.J. Brill, 1965),voll.ii,p. 1172; tlablb al-ZnÂrfTt.khuzain al-kutub fi DimasJiiq wa Bawahiha (Cairo: Iâ'.-irif,Press,1902},vol. 1 ,p.77. 3. Cf.George SartonÎntroduction-to the hiGtory of Science (Baltimore :The V^lliams and V/ilkins Company,1947), vol.iii, part-ii,P.l264. -3 4- thnt as usual, the Hanluk group is the most inportant; it inclu des more men than the tliree other Eastern (Islam)groups (i.e. Arabia,Iraq,Persia) put together.This is natural enoug, for many of the cultural centres of Islam, Cairo,Alexandria, Jerusalem, Damnscus, Aleppo, were under Ilamlulc control. The great biographi cal collection, Wafayat al-Ayan, compiled by Ibn Khallikan in 675/ 1274 was twice continued, by al-IJuwaffaq Fadlallah b.Abi Muhammad, writing biographies of Ilamluk subjects who died between 661/1261 and 727/1325, and by LIuhammad b.Shakir al-Kutubl (Book seller), who added a series of omitted biographies entitled Fdwat al-Wgfa- Zat^.

About the form and style of Ibn Shakir al-Kutubl's history writing Franz Rosenthal justly remarks that from the 7th/15th cen tury onwards, there \vas a steady flow of Arabic and Persian univer sal histories.Host of them were distinguished merely by the different emphasis they placed upon the one or other of the various com ponents of Muslim world historiography. Yrtiether the theological interest dominated historical v^iting, a quite notable develop ment took place. Prc-Islamic history became pre-dominantly a coll ection of Muslim traditions concerning the creation of the world and Biblical historj'-. The biograpiijr of Muhammad, the treatment of wiiicl: eon serve,as has been shown, as an indication of the histo rian's intellectual outlook, was expanded beyond c\nj reasonable

1 Ibid, vol. iii, part i,p.508; al_Kutubi, Fawat al-',7a fa vat ed.Muhammad Iluhyi al-Hin'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1951),vol.i Preface of the Publisher,pp.5-4." -85-

limits. A -typical representative of this tendency is Ibn Kathlr's al-Bidnya wa al-Nihnyg. Or other way v/as found. Pre-IslanLc history was unimportant for theology and the biography of Lluiiammad was a sacred subject to be treated by itself the result was works such as the history of Ibn *Abd al-Dam (d. 642/1244), al-Kutubi's (d. 764/1563^ ^Uyun al-Towarlkh, or al-yafi'i's (d. 768/I36T) I lira t nl- Jnman, all of which began with year one of the liijrah . In another place Rosenthal says that other (authors of historical works of Histories of events and dates of death) are ; The historian Salah al-Din Mahammad b. Shakir al-Kutubi al-Dimashgl* s *^Uyun al~Taw?irildi. Sadr al-Din Abu al-Hasan'Aii b.'Ala al-Din'All b.I.Iuhammnd b.lluhammad b.Abi al-fAzz, al-Hanafi, the judge of Damascus and Egypt (d.792/ 1389-90) said with regard to this work:

The noble*Uvdn al-Tawarikh devotes. Itself to the choicest ideas and notes I've never Been anything black on white That excels the ''Uyiin in Charm and delight .

1. Of. Franz Rosenthal, A History of Iluslim HistoriograDhy (Leyden: E.J.Brill,I968),P.148. " 2 Ibid,P.496. -86-

4. AL^SAFADI (D.764/1362-3)

Before giving a detailed accoiin-t of al-Safndi's life and wor ks we propose ±o furnish a topography of Safad in the follov/ing: Safad is one of the Roman divisions of Palestine. It is a town in upper Galilee ( al-Jalil al-^a), 30 miles East of Akka ( a sea port in Palestine) and North East of the Lake of Tiberius,about 1600 feet above sea level on a hill which al-Dimaghqi calls Kanan ( so also cuinet) and which is cfilled Jibal 'Amila, It w'as only through the crusades that it first attained importance, for before the 13th century A,D. it is not mentioned by any Arab geo grapher.But it must have already existed in the 2nd century as sephath is found in the Jerusalem Talmud , The older Arabic ortho- grapiiy Safat or Sifat agrees with this. Al-Qalqashandl gives etymol- 2 ogical notes on both forms of Arabic name.

Safa

1 Cf. Tract.Rosh nashana,ii.P.2; al-Sak^awi's trns.,vi.P.75; Josephus, Bellum Zudacorum, vol.ii,Ch.xx, SS 6. 2 Gf, T.n.Kramers, "Safad", Encvclopadia of IslamCLQvden'.E.J. Brill,1934),vol.iv;pp.52-4. "^^ -87-

returned from the town of Banyas. After Salnli al-Dln's great victory over the Crusaders at Hattin in 118Y he laid siege to Safad and took personal direction of the operations next, year, when he succeeded in capturing the town after five weeks'resis tance on the 14th of Shawwal, 584/December,1188. Salah al-Din's biographer,Ibn Siiaddad, describes in grent detail how salah al- Din unceasingly took part in the siege operations. The garrison went off to Tyre. This capture was considered very important by 1 the Muslims as the town lay "in the midst of their lands" . In 1219 or 1220 the fortress was rnzed to the ground by the LIuslims 2 as they feared that the Franlcs might capture it again and indeed, in 1240 Safad was actually ceded by al-Salih Ismail, Sultan of Damascus, by treaty to the Templars, because Ismffil thereby hoped to gain the Franks as allies against his cousin, the Egyptian Sultan. After the Khwaraatni storm had swept over Galilee in 1244, the Mamlulc Sultan Baybars ( r. 658-76/1260-77) advanced against the fortress and took it after eleven days' siege in 664/266.' The whole garrison was put to death inspite of the pledge given. Baybars also strengthened the defences and built a mosque there. Akka next fell in 1291.

Under the Mnmlulcs Safad remained an important centre. It was the capital of one of the large mamlaka's or niyaba's into which Syria was divided. The niyaba of Safad comprised the whole of

1 Of. Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil. 2 Those who belong to the Germanic nation that conquered Gaul or IJodern Prance in the 5th Century. 3 This is according to Ibn al-AtliIr,but the European sources put it some years later. -88-

Galilee with AkkvT. The town itself was the seat of a nnib and was a a centre of literary life, as the nisbah of al-Safadi of several Arab authors shows, notably Ilhalil b. Aybak, the geographer al- Dimasjiqui is said to have died there in 1527. In this period there also flourished al-Utlpdni, Chief Q3di of the mamlaka of Snfad(d. 780/1378), who wrote a Tarlkh Safad now lost. Safad was at the same time an important centre of Rabbinical learning ( a Jewish doctor of the law).

The city of Safad gradually began to lose its importance. After surrendering to the Ottoman Sultan Selim I in 1516 without striking a blov/ along with other towns in Palestine, the old niya- , ^'s at first remained intact, but later, in the 17th century, the whole of Palestine belonged to the great Pashalik ( the jurisdic tion of a Pai^ia) of Damascus, After the earthquake of 1759 it was c\n almost deserted village ( valney). In 1799 Napolion Bonaparte conquered Safad and entrusted its authority to a son of the Amir Zahir. In 1819 nnd 1837 the earthquakes damaged the city of Snfad entirely. After the Turkish administrative reforms of 1880 Snfad become the capital of a .•^ada in the Sanjaq of Akka in the ?/ilayat of Bayrut* It is now within the mandated area of Palestine (Isrnil). The population has varied greatly in cause of time.In 1900 its population may be put at I5OOO, of whom about a third are Jews. Before the settlement of Israil at Safad the number of Jews was one third.TTow a great influx of Iloroccan,Algerian and Persian Jews took place, v^hich has been increased since 1880 by Zionist immigration. Snfad is also a place of pilgrimage for Jews.

1 Of. J.Christopher Herold, The ARC of HaT)Oleon(New York: Amer ican Heritage Publishincr Co.Inr. 10^^^ ^ r,^ -89-

Tliere are three al-Snfadis. The first is the welllcnown Khalil b. Aybnk nl-Snfndi, the second is al-Hnsnn b.'Abdallah al-HasJimi al- Safadi who floors hid in Eg3rpt(c.l294-1512) and wrote an account and description of that country, and the third is Shihab al-Din Ahmad b.Yusuf al-Safadi who flourished in Egjrpt or Syria and vffote in 1311, the Kitab al-v/Q.iiz al-IJantaga al-Aziz aim Ilultaqa, conver sation in riaymed prose of a sultan with his philosopher on Medi cine, and hence the composed it as a medical dialogue ia rhymed 1 prose between a sultan and a philosopher .

Salah al-Din Abu al-Snfa Khalil b. Aybak al-SafadI al-Siiafii, a Palestinian man of letters and historian was born in 696 or 697/ 1296-7 at his native town of Safad. According to Ibn Hajar al- ABq.alani (d. 852/1448), Safadi was born about the 694/1294^. Safadl was of Turkish descent and according to his o\m statement, his father did not vide him a good education and it was only when he was 20 years of age that he began the pursuit of studies. He wrote a very nice hand and became an excellent calligrapher as is proved by several autographs which have come down to us. He attended the lectures of the very best teachers of his time, among whom are named the grammarian Abu Ilaiyan and the poets Shihab al-Din Llalmud, Ibn Saiyid al-Nas and Ibn Bubata, Later he became cin

1 Of, J.E.EJPamers, "Safad", EncYcloTpadin of Islam.vol.iv.pr).51-2; Idem, "Safad",tr.Dnlrah Lla'arif al-Islamiyyah(Lahore:Panjab University Press,1593/1973),vol.12, pp.120-1; Yaqat,llu3am al- Buldan,vol.3,p.399> whose statements are otherwise wrong,on this see, Gaudefroy - Demombynes, P.23, George Sarton, Intro duction to the History of Science.vol,iii.part-I.. pp,201,275; Encyclopadia of Isj-am^ vol.ivTP''^^' 2 Of. Ibn Ha jar al-A .q q a Ian 1. iD ur ar al-Kamina (Hyderabad: Dairat al-Ma'a"rif Press, 1348/19297',vol.ii,p.87. -90-

importnnt friend of the renowned , authors sjinms al-DIn al-BiiahabI and Taj al-Din al-Siibki. His first post was that of Secretary in liis native town of Safad, then at Cairo later he was Secretary at Aleppo, al-Rr-Jiba (on the Euplirates modern al-Miyadin) and finally •I he was in charge of the treasury at Damascus . He was a pleasant manners but towards the end of his life became deaf, lie died at Damascus on the 10th of siiawwal 764/1362-3. He was a most proli fic author and stated himself in his autobiography that his com positions would fill 500 volumes and that the amount he hadi written as secretary would come to at least double that quantity. His bio graphers content themselves with mentioning only the most impor tant of his works, many of them being nearly wortliless compilations of verse and prose from modern authors. Besides a prodiguous quan tity verse in his own anthologies and works of contemporar,'- and later authors, the following works have come down to us either complete or in part. All are practically compilations, poetical and rhetorical exercises etc. from earlier authors, which he very 2 frequently states faithfully :

1. Al-Wnfi bi al-Wnfaynt ( the complete book of necrologies): It is an enormous biographical dictionary in about 30 volumes of which some are found in many libraries, thought we doubt whether the complete work has been preserved. Some volumes are numbered,

1 Of. P.Krenkow, "Safadi", Encvclor>adia of Islnm. vol.iv,pp.52- 4; al-Subki, Tgbaqat al-Sliafi^iyya Ced.Cairo),vol.vi,pp.94-103. 2 Ibid,vol.iv,pp.52-4; G.Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science. vol.iii,part-i, pp.959-61. ~ ' "" -91-

but volumes with the same contents have nt times different num bers, from which it appears that the material of the work was diviaed into volumes of varying size by different scribes . Y/e find in the wafi many biographies for which we should look in vain in other works of a similar nature and a full index of the names of the persons of whom biograplaies are found in the known volumes, would form material for a volume of considerable size. The introduction to this work was published by'Amar, Jorrnal Asia- tique.1911-2. in vols. 17-18 and 19. The most exhaustive account of the wofi, based upon all-^ Icnown I.I3S, is by G.Gabrieli in ?^RAL.^ series 5, vols.xx to xxv Sqq. From this it appears that the work is preserved practically complete, except for two gaps and the 2 preserved parts cont;xin over 14,000 biographies .

The book al-V/gfl is the largest biographical collection in the Arabic language and in Islam. It included many thousands of biographies of people of all kinds and classes. It is so vast that no complete LIS. is extent,but it has been possible to reconstruct it almost completely from I.ISS scattered in many libraries; this was done first by Uellmut Ritter. The latter discovered in Islanbul an autograph MS of a good part of the work,as well as of the A'yan al-'Agr. Al-Safadi's purpose was not to continue the wafayat al- Aynn of ibn Khallikan, as was done by others, but rather to put 1 Por the contents of some volumes, see. Horovitjs, IISOS. As, x/ii, P.45; while the newer I.ISS in the British I'useum con tain: Or. 6587 Ali, er.6645.nahammadan, 5520 other I.Iuhamraadun. 2 Cf. P.Krenkow, "Snfadi", l^ncYcloT?adln of IRI nn, vnl . W,pp. R?-4^ Snlah al-Din Khalil b.lybak al-Safndi,"Kitab ol-Wafl bi al- Wafayat, Part I, ed. Ilellmut P.itter", Journal of Am eric an Oriental Society. vol.54( 1Q34). ITo.2.P.456. -92-

together IM^ compleie nil the biographies available in Arabic literature, most of wiiicli were restricted to special "classes" (Tabaqat) and to constitute what would be called today a "nation al biogrni)iiy of Islam". Like our national biographies it was comr- prehensive enougli to include a number of strangers, in this case non-Muslims who lived in Islamic countries and shared their acti vities. The arrangement was alphabetical vdth the following curi ous exceptions: The first biography is a very elaborate one of the prophet Ifehammnd, then follow all the men who themselves and whose fathers viere called after the prophet, i.e. all the men named Muhammad b. Muhammad ( no less than 201), next comes the other Muliammad in the alphabetic order of their fathers' first names,.

The seriousness of the author's purpose in this work of al- wafi, and his thoroughness, appear from his long introduction(Lluq- addama), divided into eleven sections: (i) Calenders used by Mus lims, Persians, Je^^, etc; (ii) grammntioal discussion of the writing of dates; (iii) ho\v to date events in v/riting; (iv)ethnical and topographical names (nisbah); (v) Proper names, patronymics* Kunya, honorary surnames or nick names ( lagab). and the relations of these names,(vi) orthography, writing, abbreviations, and other conventions; (vii) plan of historical work;(viii) discussion of the word \7afi (decease ); (ix) usefulness of historiograplay;(x) qualities of a good historian; (xi) historical biography , divided accoriing to subjects (history of the East, of the Maghrib, of Egypt, of the Caliphs,..,, of the governors, judges, learned men, poets, etc). To his article on the prophet he also attached a spe-

1 Of. G.Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science^ VOLJIIT part-i,p.960. -93-

special biography of 35 works. A lisi: of his 282 authorities ns 1 quoted by himself is given in the Journal Asintique or Ritter's 2 edition . In short, ive are given here much of what is contained in a manUiiLof histiography, together with the indispensable bib- 3 liography. That is very remarkable indeed ,

All the efforts of Ibn Khallikan, al-ruwaffaq Fadlallah b. Muhammad vand Ibn Shakir al-Kutubi were dwarfed by ai- Safadi,whose al-wafi put together the biograpliies of some 14 thousand men of all kinds and classes. ( The D^B to 1900 contains 30, 378 biogra phies). It might be called a "national biography of Islam" as mentioned before. The undertaking was so ambitious that it jeo- parized its own existence. Indeed, there is no complete MS of it anywhere, and it is not yet certain that it will ever be poss ible to reconstruct the wh-^le collection. Al-Safadi was not simply a compiler but a methodical historian who took considerable pains to insure the accuracy of h^s notices. The introduction to the wafl is devoted to the explanation of a number of historical diff iculties ,

2. Ayan al-'Asr wa- "Awan al-IIasr: It is an extract from the preced ing work in six volumes, containing biographies of his contempora ries, like a "Who's who". This work has been largely extracted by

1 Of. JjLurnal Asiatigue. vol. 19(1912) .pp. 243-97. 2 Cf.Ritter's edition of the wafl,part I,pp.47-55. 3 G.Sarton.Introduction to the. I-istory of Scitoce, vol.iii,Part-I, pp.960-1. 4 Ibid,vol.iii,Part I,P.308, -.94-

Ibn Hnjnr for hiSit.I'uxnr nl-Knminn. HSS. are probably in the Escorial library (Ho.1717) ^nd Berlin, while the volume's in the Aya Sofia (No.2962-70) appear to be parts of the v/qfX. It is quot ed in the printed edition (Cairo 1305) of the Tab a got al-iUiirga al-Sufiya of'Abd al-Raiiia al-'ivasiti under the title of Tarajim ityan al-^Agr.

5. Mgsalik al-Absar fi IJamolilc al-Arasar, a book on geography, a MS.of which is in the Sadiqiya library in Tunis.

4. Tdrikh al-^^afl, probably another extract from the \vafi, also in LIS.in the same library as the the preceding.

5. Tuhfat Sbawl al-Albab, an Urjuza on the rulers of Egypt to iiis own time, abbreviated from a work of Ibn 'Asakir.

6. Nukat al-Himan fi al-ITukat al-Umvon^ biographies of celebrated blind persons. This work has recently appeared in print in E^jrpt in a very careful edition, based upon 4 I.ISS. It v/as edited by Ahmad Zaki Pash^a and dated I9II. After explaining that Safadt was induced to write this book through finding a short account of blind persons of note in the kitab al-LLngrif of Ibn >^utayba and a work of al-Jawzi, he enlarges on the etymology of blindness and its limits. The principal portion of the work is occupied by a large number of biographies orranged in alphabetical order,among which figuu?e a number of valuabl.e notices of men of all ages of Islam.

7« Kitab al-Shuur fl al-^Ur. biographies of persons who had lost one ,eye. -95-

8. Alhan nl-Sawajl nin nl-ITnrlT yj.n nl~Rnj,T^ containing letters addressed by iiim and to iiim, giving in many cases the dates. The first letter in l.I.S( Brit Mus.or. 1203) is dated 745 A.II.

9. ITiinab-nat, a collection of his ov,'n epistles.

10. Al-Tndhlcirat al~Salnhiya, a collection of extracts from other works with commentaries interspersed \7ith his own compositions. This includes extracts from a medical work, Iqtidab fl al-mas\aia wa 2ii gl-Jawab, by one Jamais al-Din Ibrahim b.Hahmiid al-Attor. It is difficult to asce2?tnin of how many volumes the work consisted; the good old LIS. (India, office,Arab,5799) contains voluiaes 48 and

49« ^roni these it appears that each VOIUIIG commencedcl with the exposition of some verses of the ^\xdc\R, then was followed by ext racts of the most varying character.For example B.I.I., Or 1353, the contents of which were given by Flugel, Z.D.II.G. xvi, 558-544, contain the Kitab al-ItbnT wn al-rugawaja of Ibn Paris, not used by V V Bnunnow for his edition of that work, on fol. 53 -77 , cxcTmples of the poetry of al-Bakhar£i on fol.77 and following; IIS.Br it, Mus., Or.7301 ( named on title page kitab al-I.:ahasin wa al-Addad), contains extracts from the medical i-jorlz of Jamal al-Bin Ibrahim b. Ilahmud al-'Attar entitled al-Iqtidab fi al- I.Ias'c-ila wa al-Jawab (fol. r V 55 ) IIS. India office, Arab 3799, contnins in vol.48 extracts from the antograph Dlwan of Amin al-Din Juban al-Qamvas entitled ITaq al-\7aqa¥wa Hag al-WgsaV (fol. 20^^-26^), extract from the book ol- Tajami'*ala Ibn Jinni Abu^Ali b. Furajja (fol.71^) extract from the Riiznamao of al-Sahib b.'Abbad (fol.90^) .I&tracts of this ivork are found printed in the TJiam^Trat al-Ayggq (Cairo 1304 A, II) of Ibn -96-

HiJDH, vol.ii,PP.182,183,1S4 nnd 192.

11. Dlwan al-Fugnhn wn Tarj'iunfl nl-BulngloIiy. an anthology com posed for Ilalik al-Ashraf.

12. Lawat al-SJialcI wa Damat al-BalcI, life of a paederast v/ith poems to the boy he loved. This worthless composition has been printed repeatedly, first 1274, then 1280 in Tunis, later in Cons tantinople and Cairo, showing that the work is appreciated in many countries of Islam. It is a tale of male homosexuality in prose and verse.

13. al-IIusn al-Sauh fl luiat llallh, another worthless anthology containing a hundred poetical quotations by contemporary poets and the author himself upon pretty youths,

14* Kashf al-Hnl fi Wnsf al-Khal, another small collection of poems containing words treating in a literary manner which have different meanings if vocalised differently. It deals with an abun dance of Puns and allusions. It is a part of physiognomy. IJoles were given different symptomatic or prophetic significance accord ing to their situation on this or that organ, on the right or the isf left. The study of moles might be combined with astrological ideas as was done, incidentally, by Ibn *A1I Rijal in his K. al Bari' fl Ahkan al-Nujum.

15. Ladhdhat al-Sam fl Sifat al-Dam, a Similar collection of verses of the author and contemporaries on tears in 37 chapters.

16. Al-Rawd al-NasIm wa al-ThagJir al-Basim, a similar collec- -97-

•tion of eroticnl extracts.

17. Knshf nl-Tnnbih'^aln nl wnsf v/n nl-Toshbih, anthology of metnphoricnl verses.

18; Rnshf nl-Zulnl fi Wnsf nl-Hjlnl, anthology of verses on the New Moon (vide Ho.33).

19. Rn§j^f nl-Ralilq fl Wasf al-Hnrlq, a llagrmia on wine.

20. Al-Siinitji al-IJusajjam fl Sjiarh Lamiyyat al-A.jam, commen tary on the poem of Taghrai. He explains first every word, then the rhetorical figure quoting mnnj verses, principally by modern poets. The work has also the title Shaitll al-Adab alla^xi insajam fl Siaarh Lamiyyat a 1-A jail (Printed Cairo 1305 in two vols. 4 to ).

21. Kitab al-Arab min Ghaitli al-Adab, extract of the preceding work (printed in Cairo without date, but recently).

22. Kitab Tawslilq (or Tashnlf) al-Sam bl Inlcisab al—Dam,printed in Cairo, n.d, perhaps similar or identical with No.15.

23. Nusrat al-Tha''ir \ala al-llatlial nl-Sair, against the well- known work of Ibn al-At]lir entitled at- Ma thai al-Sair; Cf.Hoogv- liet. Spec. Viv. Script (leyden 1539),P.153.

24. Jinan al-Jinas fi ^Ilm al-Badi!^, Paranomasia consisting prin cipally of the author's own verses (printed Constantinople 1299).

25. Ik_htira*^ a 1-K]ilra, explanation of obscure verses lexicogra- piiically and as to their rhetorical figure. -98-

26. Pnrirl nl-T£h i-hnm'nn nl-Towriyya wn nl-Istikjidnn on metalepsis and the use of words which can be altered so as to give different meaning.

27. Commentary on the \vork±H of Ibn al-Arabi entitled al-aba .jar at al-Nmnaniyya fl al-Daw3iat al-UtlTmani3rya, prophecies about the Tur kish dynasty.

28. Tgwq al-Hamama, abbreviation of the commentary of Ibn 'Abduh on the peem of Ibn Badrun.

29• Tnmam al-»I.Iutan fl Sjigrh Risolat Ibn Zaydun, commentary on the celebrated epistle of Ibn Zaydun, no doubt inspired by the work of his master, Ibn Ilubata.

30. Kitab Ghawomid al-Sihah a small work on the obscurities of the Sahnh 3f al-Jawhari ( autograph in the -scorial, ITo.192,dated 757 A.H).

31. Hand al-Falnh fl Uulchtasar al-Sahah, abbreviation of the Sahah, amitting the evidentiary verses and correcting errors.This work be completed in Ramadan 757 ^.H.

52. Haly nl-Nowahid ^ala ma fi al-Sahah min al-Shaw5iud, expla nation of the evidentary verses quoted in the Sahaii.

33. Al-Suyuti composed a work containing verses of Safadi and his contemporaries on the new moon, which he extracted from the Tadji- kira of Snfadi and gave it the same title as No.18; when he dis covered this he renamed his book Rasf al-La^Ill fl wnsf a1-Hilal. This book was printed in Constantinople in the Tuhfat al-Bahiyya, pp.66-78. -99-

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