Swiss Graphic Design Histories—Tempting Terms Swiss Tempting Terms advertisement Graphic Design alternative actors Histories Arts and Crafts associations awards canonization clients culture and commerce design promotion design scenes discourse education policy ephemera exhibition design exhibitions France good design historiography identity Italy local and international magazines Modernism museum national identity national label networks origins politics posters practice printing industry private collectors profession publications schools self-promotion standardization training typography Swiss Visual Arguments Graphic Design Histories advertisement alternative actors Arts and Crafts associations awards canonization career Multiple Voices clients culture and commerce advertisement curriculum associations design scenes awards discourse career diversity clients education policy culture and commerce exhibition design curriculum Tempting Terms exhibitions design scenes gender diversity advertisement handwriting France alternative actors historiography good design Arts and Crafts identity Italy associations Italy local and international awards magazines national label canonization Modernism networks clients national identity politics culture and commerce networks practice design promotion photographs profession design scenes politics representation discourse posters schools education policy practice self-promotion ephemera profession skills exhibition design publications stereotypes exhibitions regionalism Swiss Style France representation Swissness good design schools teaching historiography self-promotion technology identity skills type design Italy standardization typography local and international stereotypes magazines Swissness Modernism Swiss Style museum teaching national identity technology national label templates networks training origins type design politics typography posters practice printing industry private collectors profession publications schools self-promotion standardization training typography

Swiss Tempting Terms Graphic Design Histories Edited by Ueli Kaufmann, Peter J. Schneemann, Sara Zeller

Scheidegger & Spiess Table of Contents

Reading between the Lines Iconophile—Debating the Neue Schweizer of Swiss Graphic Design Role of the Poster Collector Schulschrift—Tracing History Fred Schneckenburger Exchanges between Roland Früh, Ueli Kaufmann, in the Historiography of Modernist Typography Peter J. Schneemann, Swiss Graphic Design and Swiss Handwriting Sara Zeller Sara Zeller Ueli Kaufmann p. 7 p. 49 p. 111

Cave Paintings—Continu- In eigener Sache—Editorial Popular Culture—How the ities and Progress in Statements Addressing the Museum für Gestaltung Graphic Designers’ Histo- Readership Zürich Promoted the Every- ries Roland Früh day in Graphic Design Ueli Kaufmann p. 63 Robert Lzicar p. 14 p. 126 Kunsthalle Bern—Graphic Die besten Plakate / Design in the Context of Schweizer Graphik—Curat- Les meilleures affiches— an Institution for Contem­ ing Switzerland as a The Early Years of the porary Art Graphic Design Nation National Poster Award, Roland Früh, Ueli Kaufmann, in 1925 between Federal Support Peter J. Schneemann, Roland Früh, Ueli Kaufmann, and Stylistic Authority Sara Zeller Robert Lzicar, Sara Zeller Sara Zeller p. 79 p. 140 p. 26 Lehni Frame—Implications Sonderstellung—Debating Hotspot Milan—The Perks of Displaying Graphic the Status of Graphic ­ of Working on the Design­ Design Education at the Other Side of the Alps Sara Zeller Kunstgewerbeschule Chiara Barbieri, p. 92 Zürich Davide Fornari Rudolf Barmettler, p. 38 Netzwerke / Réseaux/ Jonas Niedermann Networks—A Relaunch to p. 152 Reposition Federal Design Promotion Jonas Berthod p. 101 Table of Contents

The Basel School—Decon- structing Labels of Swiss Graphic Design Education Sarah Klein, Sandra Bischler p. 161

Unfamiliar Writing Forms— Instances of Various Scripts in Swiss Graphic Designers’ Publications Ueli Kaufmann p. 169

Visualiste—Defining a New Job Title within Graphic Design in France Constance Delamadeleine p. 181

Weltformat—Setting (Swiss) Display Aesthetics for Posters Sara Zeller p. 187

DOI: 10.53788/SWBE0300

Introduction 7

Reading between the Lines of design label, a canon of designers, works, and Swiss Graphic Design History publications emerged that forms the basis of practice, theory, and history to this day. This Roland Früh, Ueli Kaufmann, canon was to a large extent created and Peter J. Schneemann, distributed by the practitioners themselves Sara Zeller through publications, lectures, and exhibi- tions. An early example of how Swiss graphic designer Josef Müller-Brockmann spread selected names abroad is to be found at the Sixth International Design Conference in This publication on the reassessment of Swiss Aspen in 1956. At the end of his lecture about graphic design history has the format of a contemporary “visual art” in Switzerland, reference book. It assembles a variety of key- he presented a list of all the designers “who words that are without any systematic order, contribute an essential share to the forma- or normative or comprehensive conception. tion of style in Switzerland.”3 Those he named We consider this approach to be an appropri- in his partial list were: Adolf Flückiger, Karl ate response to the expectations raised by Gerstner, Armin Hofmann, Siegfried Oder- the title of the research project “Swiss Graphic matt, Richard Paul Lohse, Hans Neuburg, Nelly Design and Typography Revisited.” How Rudin, Emil Ruder, Gottlieb Soland, Carlo might a critical rereading of a national label Vivarelli, Alfred Willimann, Max Schmid, Enzo be achieved—a label that is equally under- Rösli, Igildo Biesele, and Josef Müller- stood as a style, as an economic argument in Brockmann.4 His who’s who of Swiss graphic graphic design history, and as an ongoing design thus concludes with his own name. practice?1 This leads us to a fundamental specific- The term “Swiss Graphic Design” has ity in graphic design historiography: in been used for different, changing phenom- self-authored publications, graphic design- ena, and its signification oscillates between ers interwove their own design theories styles and professional practices. In the with examples of what they perceived as out- same context, other terms such as Swiss standing works, thus creating the afore­ Style, Swiss Typography, (Swiss) Interna- mentioned canon of Swiss graphic design.5 tional (Typographic) Style, Swiss Modernism, Clearly it is no coincidence, for example, or Konstruktive Gebrauchsgrafik have all that Karl Gerstner and Markus Kutter com- been used as specifications, either alongside mented explicitly on their goals in their each other, or as synonymous with “Swiss publication Die neue Graphik / The New Graphic Design” and with each other.2 Within Graphic Art / Le nouveau art graphique from this ambiguous construct of a national 1959:6 Introduction 8

Our object was […] to take what is more area or catch a rising tide of interest or less familiar and arrange it in such a before they disappear onto dusty shelves. way that the stylistic relations between A few others last, are referred to and rec- the parts become apparent and the for- ommended by one generation to another.9 midable abundance of works of graphic art can be examined in a perspective To this day, the contemporary graphic design which allows their chief lines of develop- scene continues to profit from the label, the ment to be discerned and a better under- canon, and prestige; it reactivates, updates, standing of the whole to be obtained.7 and redefines the master narrative in line with certain aesthetics, terms, and concepts. In Their text was specifically written with the classrooms, studios, exhibitions, and publica- goal of defining a new field of competence. tions, Swiss Style or Swiss Graphic Design Claims to a tradition were used to project into remains a recurring topic, and prac­titioners the future. However, this reference to a cor- and established institutions alike make use pus of design should not lead to any misun- of the notion of this national label, thus further derstanding that historiography was simply strengthening it.10 For example, in the publica- orchestrated by Swiss graphic designers. tion that accompanied the exhibition 100 Years Both texts and visual showcases have to be of Swiss Graphic Design at the Museum understood as being part of the process für Gestaltung Zürich in 2012, Swiss graphic of international exchange and international design was claimed to be “one of the coun- reception.8 Nevertheless, as these publi­ try’s leading products.”11 Awards continue the cations were the only references to Swiss tradition of singling out contemporary, best- graphic design for a long time, they were practice examples. Thus instead of critically not usually understood within their original questioning the label, they further dissemi- context of teaching or of design theory, nate the idea of specific national design com- but read rather uncritically as history books. petences.12 As with the practitioner-organized In an essay included in a 2007 revised edition exhibition Swiss Style Now, even when com- of Karl Gerstner’s Programme entwerfen, mentators emphasize contemporary design Richard Hollis, a major voice in the historiog- production and inno­vation, they still make ref- raphy of graphic design, reflected in an erence to a national tradition: almost poetic way on the changing status of these “sources” as they shift between the Swiss Style Now shows how the Swiss ephemeral and the canonical. graphic heritage still serves as a source of inspiration, but how design is Some important books have only a brief much more versatile, emotional and fun life. They may light up an unexplored today.13 Introduction 9

Rereading and reevaluating these rich and their underlying ideological conceptions sources thus becomes necessary. The prac- and biases.16 In this context, it seems worth titioner-authored publications remain a noting that these innovative approaches to major source for understanding the history Swiss Graphic Design not only questioned and the development of the Swiss Style. the heroic monograph, but also often provided However, at the same time they have to be a much-needed view from abroad. understood as being representative of Evidently, when addressing the topic of certain motivations, functions, and contexts Swiss Graphic Design it is inevitable that we of use.14 In an interview, Manuel Krebs of should engage with the meaning of a national studio NORM explained their need to author approach to historiography. As argued by their own books in opposition to academic Kjetil Fallan and Grace Lees-­Maffei in their practice. paper “Real Imagined Communities: National Narratives and the Global­ization of Design The next book is important. […] The point History,” the national frame­work is by no is that graphic designers themselves means fundamentally outdated or even taboo. reflect on the things they do. We want to Instead, national phenom­ena and identities use our means to talk about design, in design need to be situated simultaneously to formulate our ideas graphically. Unlike within the context of the local, regional, and cultural theorists, who have no clue about global, if they are to reflect accurately the pro- fonts. (Wichtig ist das nächste Buch. […] cesses by which design is produced, medi- Es geht darum, dass Grafiker selberu ber ated, and consumed.17 Calling for a Critical die Dinge, die sie machen, nachdenken. Regionalism, Kenneth Frampton already Wir wollen mit unseren Mitteln uber argued along these lines in the 1970s when Grafik sprechen, unsere Überlegungen he stated that the impact of universal civi-­ grafisch formulieren. Nicht wie Kultur- li­zation needed to be mediated with elements theoretiker, die von Fonts keine Ahnung indirectly derived from the peculiarities of haben.)15 a particular place. He aimed to take the global into account as well as the local, and to With the establishment of an academic field include different social, cultural, political, and of graphic design history since the 1980s, economic aspects. Most importantly, this a more critical reading of these discourse doc- approach included discussing the effects of uments has emerged. Increasingly, the prac- specific local characteristics without cel­ titioners’ narratives and their ideological ebrating nostalgia, national identities, or ver- underpinnings have been questioned with nacular traditions.18 regards to their political and economic Against this background, we believe settings, their social and discursive function, that a reassessment of Swiss Graphic Introduction 10

Design’s historiography can neither proceed considered as being situated at the fringes of chronologically nor claim completeness. the history of Swiss Graphic Design. A single and homogeneous master narrative We have focused on terms found in exhi- cannot be maintained. Approaching the bition catalogs, books, journals, and criticism, renegotiation of this highly complex phenom- but also in administrative documents. Our enon with a contemporary understanding of fragmentary reference book is based on exer- historiography, we shall go beyond the linear cises of close reading, with the agenda of narrative structures that have dominated revising the “critical terms” for the historiog- the field so far. Instead, we have chosen frag- raphy of graphic design.20 This close reading mentation as a method of investigating rela- offers an approach to discourse analysis tionships, exploring the fringes, and uncover- that is informed by metahistorical interests ing untouched territories. Taking our cue as introduced by Hayden White.21 from Carlo Ginzburg’s approach to microhis- Certainly, we do not want to revert to fixed tories, we suggest that it is through in-depth categories. However, we wish to provide analyses and meticulous research of small transparency about certain overall struc­- and well-defined subjects in all their complexi- tures and questions that are the basis of ties that insights into larger phenomena our research. Our first group of terms refers can be gained, insights that are more aware to the historiographical structures and of plurality and less prone to generalization.19 narrative patterns discussed, following the The present volume gathers together inherent logic of linearity and progress in essays that single out terms indicating signif- relation to modernity (“Cave paintings,” “Unfa- icant moments within the discourse of miliar writing forms”). The second group Swiss Graphic Design, and question funda- of entries targets the issue of how descriptive mental issues in relation to the established terms become normative labels and value understanding of it. In order to reassess judgments (“Die besten Plakate /Les meil- these canons, we aim to reveal mechanisms leures affiches,” “The Basel School,” “Neue behind their formation, fill in gaps with new Schweizer Schulschrift,” “Visualiste”). In knowledge and names, and trace stereotypes. the third group, specific strategies of dissem- Above all, however, these terms indicate ination are highlighted such as can be found symptomatic nodes in the discourse that have in exhibitions and journals (“In eigener served diverse functions in cultural politics. Sache,” “Lehni Frame,” “Schweizer Graphik,” Some of these essays also establish connec- “Weltformat”). And, lastly, there are certain tions to other disciplines and relate specific terms that open up a rather loose set of manifestations, undertakings, or documents­ further important paradigms, such as spe- to historical, political, social, and eco­nom­- cific sites (“Hotspot Milan,” “Kunsthalle ic events, including what has so far been Bern”), and networks of social scenes and Introduction 11 their protagonists (“Iconophile,” “Netzwerke / competencies should complement and chal- Réseaux / Networks,” “Popular Culture,” “Son- lenge each other in a productive way. More- derstellung”). over, this book was produced parallel to Reading our terms and being confronted the writing of extended case studies as PhD with expressions in German or French, there theses with highly individual foci. might be a moment of puzzlement. However, in reference to the idea of the untranslat­able, 1 In 2014 “Swiss Graphic Design we are convinced that the original language and Typography” figured in the list proposed by the Fed- invites the reader to a close reading of seem- eral Office of Culture (FOC) ingly random phenomena in the discourse.22 for the UNESCO list of Intangi- The terms in their original lan­guage answer ble Cultural Heritage. See www.bak.admin.ch/bak/ a call by Sarah De Bondt and Catherine de de/home/kulturerbe/ Smet that design history in the Anglo-Saxon immaterielles-kulturerbe/ discourse has to deal with sources in other umsetzung/vorschlagsliste- des-immateriellen- languages in order to add other cultural speci- kulturerbes-in-der-schweiz/ 23 ficities to the international discourse. Lan- schweizer-grafikdesign-und- guage is also a prominent topic in designer- typografie.html (accessed authored publications, although it is usually Mar. 23, 2020). 2 Beegan 2016: 294–297. not explicitly addressed. Having interna- 3 Müller-Brockmann 1956: 3. tional ambitions for both the validity of their 4 Ibid. theories and their growing practices, Swiss 5 Margolin 2012 (1994): 99. “All the authors were trained as designers often released their writings graphic designers and share in several languages. While some authors similar values about the canon decided to release tailored publications of their profession. This canon has neither developed ran- for each market, many iconic publications domly nor been institutional- were trilingual.24 ized in the manner of an aca- These essays are written by researchers demic literary canon. Rather, who share an enthusiasm for graphic design it resulted from a selection process that has celebrated but come from a variety of backgrounds, noteworthy designs in profes- from graphic design practice and teaching to sional magazines such as art history. The specific structure of this vol- Novum / Gebrauchsgraphik, Graphis and Print, as well as ume intends to bring to the foreground various in numerous picture books perspectives on the subject by individuals and occasional museum exhi- with their own specific self-understanding as bitions.” Prominent exam­- ples of such historiographical practitioners, teachers, art historians, and works are Gerstner & Kutter designers. It is our intention that the authors’ 1959; Muller-Brockmann 1961; Introduction 12

Gerstner 1963; Hofmann 1965; shift towards a focus on differ- Müller-Brockmann 1971; Müller- ences in the sense-making Brockmann & Yoshikawa 1971; of specific communities with Frutiger 1980; Müller-Brock- and through texts, rather than mann 1981; Lutz 1987; Hochuli through their content alone. & Kinross 1996; Weingart Gumbrecht 1992: 4. 1999; Bruggisser & Fries 2000; 15 Widmer 2000: 13. Klanten, Hellige & Mischler 16 Dilnot 1984a; 1984b. 2000. Canonical and arguably 17 Fallan & Lees-Maffei 2016a: 18. canonizing, but not historio- 18 Frampton 1983: 147–162. graphical, books, are, for exam- 19 Ghobrial 2019. For a discussion ple, Ruder 1967; Gerstner 1972; of the relationship between NORM 1999; NORM 2002. approaches of micro-history 6 Gerstner & Kutter 1959. and national history, see 7 Gerstner & Kutter 1959: 4. Berger & Lorenz 2010: 1–25. 8 Scotford 2012 (1991): 40–43. 20 Nelson & Shiff 2003 (1996). 9 Hollis 2007: 7. 21 White 1980. 10 For example, the exhibition 22 Cassin 2004. Swiss Style Now by the 23 Cassin 2004; De Bondt & de Lucerne-based graphic design- Smet 2012a. ers Erich Brechbühl and 24 A particularly interesting case Noël Leu that has been touring is Jan Tschichold. Even though internationally since 2016 he did not lack any international or the exhibition 100 Years of ambitions, he never released Swiss Graphic Design at the any multilingual books. Museum für Gestaltung Zürich Instead, he worked with vari- in 2012. ous local publishers to pro- 11 Brändle et al. 2014: 9. duce translations, sometimes 12 For example, the SFOC still even including new visual annually awards prizes to The material by local designers in Most Beautiful Swiss Books. order to reach his respective Since 2001, practitioners from audience; see, for example, Austria, Germany, and Swit- the Swedish and Dutch edi-­ zerland have together orga- tions of his Typographische nized an annual poster award Gestaltung from 1935. See under the name https://100- Tschichold 1935; 1937; 1938. beste-plakate.de/ (accessed Mar. 23, 2020). 13 https://weltformat-festival.ch/ en/2018/exhibitions/swiss- style-now (accessed Mar. 23, 2020). 14 Hollis’s statement is reminis- cent of Gumbrecht’s accounts of a growing understanding of the varied, shifting reception of texts and a consequential

DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 1

historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 14 Cave Paintings constructivist typographic poster for a festi- val of classical music in Zurich—a contem- porary work by the author. [Fig. 2] First published in 1971 and adapted and Continuities and re-issued in 1986, A History of Visual Com­ Progress in Graphic munication can be considered the earliest attempt at an all-encompassing history Designers’ Histories of graphic design.2 This assessment is sub- stantiated by the fact that various later historiographies seem to follow its blueprint. Paul Rand’s From Lascaux to Brooklyn of Ueli Kaufmann 1996,3 for example, appears to be an adapta- tion of the same narrative for an American It all started with a cave painting. A shining readership. But more critical, academic negative of a hand on a darkened cave works also show a similar approach. Philip wall, painted around 15,000 BC in southern B. Meggs’s highly successful A History of France. This simple, yet iconic prehistoric Graphic Design from 1983,4 Roxane Jubert’s artifact is shown as the first image of Josef Typography and Graphic Design: From Antiq­uity Müller-Brockmann’s A History of Visual to the Present from 2006,5 and even Johanna Communication /Geschichte der visuellen Kom­ Drucker and Emily McVarish’s Graphic Design munikation / Histoire de la communication History: A Critical Guide from 2009 start visuelle.1 Right next to it, on the same page, their accounts with cave paintings.6 The is a skillful, naturalistic depiction of a last of these even goes so far as to begin with bull from 12,000 BC. The opposite, right- a full-page image of a sten­ciled hand from hand page shows a hunting scene from the same Lascaux cave. Nevertheless, many 4,000 BC, equally complex and stylized. historians deem Müller-Brockmann’s work This spread [Fig. 1] already reveals the a mere footnote to this more recent seri­ous essence of the book. At its core, it is an anno- field of research. Instead, they situate tated stream of 567 numbered images, A History of Visual Communication within the arranged from left to right and from cover phenomenon of Swiss Graphic Design. to cover in what appears to be chrono­ It is seen as part of a wave of manuals that logical order. This linear sequence can be were crucial in the worldwide dissemina- read as an implied continuous, progres-­ tion of the Swiss Modernists’ ideas, their sive development. And at the pinnacle principles of form, and their own practice.7 of it all, Müller-Brockmann positions him- Authored by Karl Gerstner and his self. His chain of artifacts ends with a business partner Markus Kutter, and pub- historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 15 lished in 1959, Die neue Graphik /The New Industrial Revolution, and incipient global- Graphic Art / Le nouveau art graphique is ization led to a new conception of time, widely considered as the movement’s earliest history, and change. significant publication.8 Its name and its design resemble the quarterly Neue Grafik / In comparison with any view of impr­ ove- New Graphic Design / Graphisme actuel that ment held before, the new concept had been launched a year earlier by the four of progress marked a radical break. It Zurich designers Richard Paul Lohse, Josef connected normative advances in the Müller-Brockmann, Hans Neuburg, and human condition with a long and linear Carlo Vivarelli. It is, however, the first book perspective. And it disconnected these that epitomizes the characteristics asso­ advances from human agency; progress ciated with the so-called Swiss Style. This itself came to be endowed with causal trilingual volume (German, English, and agency.11 French) was produced in a square format, based on a three-column grid, and set in Nevertheless, progress is seen today as an only two weights of a Grotesque typeface of empty concept. In order for it to be his­ a single size. [Fig. 3] The preface corrects torically significant, it needs to be connected any incorrect assumptions that the short, to academic fields. These references to programmatic title might have prompted, knowledge represent a historical continuity and clarifies that the book does not intend to that can be related to the basic structure show new or unseen works. Instead, as of modernity. However, the political function is also evident in its descriptive subtitle of experts has been subject to change, and “its origins, its evolution, its peculiarities, its tasks, different scientific disciplines have had a its problems, its manifestations and its future leading function in determining cultural and prospect,”9 it is of a historiographic nature. socio-political self-understanding.12 Leafing through its pages reveals an aston- Since the 1980s, these linear, progressive ishingly familiar format: it too consists of a design histories have been fundamentally continuous sequence of annotated images, criticized for their all-encompassing, sim- and it too ends with one of the authors’, plifying narratives, and their canonizing namely Gerstner’s, recent works. [Fig. 4] implications.13 While this criticism holds This view of history as ongoing progress true in many respects,14 at times it seems to is, of course, not without precedent. It disregard the temporality of these publica- is a main pillar of modern Western thought. tions. As the historiographer Keith Jenkins Referring to Reinhart Koselleck’s exten­- has noted, works of history are simpli­ sive study,10 Peter Wagner points out that the fications by nature. They are always by experiences of the Enlightenment, the someone and for someone; they are based historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 16 on fundamental assumptions and the use of intrinsically different. Even though his post- particular methods, and they always have ers and paintings used the same means a certain agenda.15 Revisiting the dissemina- and showed the same hand, a poster with- tion of Swiss graphic design and typogra- out lettering would not necessarily be a phy, it is exactly the fact that these two pop- good painting, and vice versa. [Fig. 5] Hence, ular books cannot be detached from their design had its own set of problems and its intended purpose and their contemporary own history. However, artistic work was not role that is of interest. Rather than expand- restricted to art itself. In a constantly ing a canon, this essay aims to decon­struct changing, modern world, it was character- their narratives, and analyze their histo­ ized by an endless quest for new solutions. riographical methods, and their use and portrayal of the key concept of progress. Artistic activity is possibly [sic] only It intends to uncover the needs, goals, and on the frontier of unexplored territory, aspirations of these influential authors, where the artist knows what achieve- and to provide insights into sensemaking ments lie behind him and sees before processes in a diverse, changing field. him problems which, since time passes and social conditions are in constant flux, call for solutions different from A thoroughly progressive narrative those applied hitherto.16

A closer look at Die neue Graphik reveals that Hinting at Kant, the authors deem progress the role of progress goes far beyond the lin- a categorical imperative of modern graphic early constructed visual narrative described design, and critical thought the only pro- above. The book is founded on a deeply ductive means of fulfilling it. They argue that progressive world view with implicit and only based on an awareness for design’s explicit connections to Kantian ethics and own history could ever-changing contem- positivist philosophy. porary problems be addressed appropri- Gerstner and Kutter start their accounts ately. Their book is therefore conceived to by posing, and answering, the question play a double role: it should convince the as to whether graphic design should be con- reader of the possibility of progress in sidered as art. While this seems rather design, and endow him with the histori­cal odd, their statement contextualizes their foundations to contribute to it. Without approach and why they have decided to explicitly referring to Auguste Comte, write their own history. Referring to the authors seem to adapt the sociologist’s Toulouse-Lautrec, the authors argue that law of the three stages.17 the two fields of art and graphic design are historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 17

The work of laymen always lies outside aware of certain problematic aspects of their historical development or in a place historiography. Explaining the practitioner’s fortuitously related to it. Craftsmen cre- lack of guidance in a wide and undocu- ate the essential conditions for such mented field, they claim there was a need for a development to take place: they stand a simple story line that allowed for better at its beginning. But real evolution navigation. They state that their book was begins only with the artist, an evolution written from a personal, cultural, and geo- that is based at every instant on mental­ graphical perspective, as represented decision but seen in retrospect to have by its structure and the choice of works pre- been necessary and logical.18 sented. Explicitly distancing themselves from any claims of neutrality, they further While the layout of the book implies a con- recount that external circumstances—such tinuous progress, its goal is a break: as the size of the book, the accessibility of with the coming of the critical professional, sources, the rights to images, and the accu- graphic design should leave traditions mulated material itself—influenced how behind, and finally become fully temporal- theories were formed that in turn had an ized, truly modern. impact on the selection of works.20 This These implicit and explicit hints at phil- statement hardly serves to rebut all criticism, osophical theories around the concept of though it does reveal a degree of reflec-­ progress demonstrate that Gerstner and tion on the part of the authors that is rarely Kutter deliberately adapted Enlighten­ment acknowledged.21 thinking to formulate their Modernist Backed by the theory they put forward, approach to graphic design. And as Gerst- Gerstner and Kutter not only described ner’s widely read classic Programme ent­ their view of the past, but also prospected werfen from 1964 was also a direct adaptation into the future. The works on display were, of the so-called “Morphological Box” of course, of the past. But, as the authors established by the Swiss astrophysicist Fritz pointed out, they showed characteristics Zwicky,19 it becomes evident that the trans- which were to become particularly import- lation and appropriation of models from ant in the years to come. This, they argued, more prestigious intellectual fields formed was possible because in a world increas- the deliberate backbone of their work. ingly permeated by technologies and com- Given the reflective nature of Die neue plex systems, certain material and orga­ Graphik, it might not be too surprising nizational requirements could be identified that its authors even anticipated some of the that went beyond fashion and taste. The more recent criticism. In the very first selected projects were therefore intended to paragraph, they explain that they were well demonstrate an exemplary exploration of Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 1 The prehistoric begin-­ ning of A History of Visual Communication …

Fig. 2 … and its end in Müller- Brockmann’s own work.

Fig. 3 The programmatic begin- ning of Neue Graphik …

Fig. 4 … and its end in program- matic visions of the authors’ own systematic designs for the future.

Fig. 5 Gerstner and Kutter back up their approach by connecting it to art history. Fig. 3

Fig. 4

Fig. 5 historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 20 these very aspects.­ Gerstner and Kutter were accelerating dematerialization of design concerned not only with individual works, processes and products, the growth of but also with the connections between them. industry­ and consumerism, and the increas- They dealt with design issues in a larger ing complexity of a globalized and con- context, and showed a systematic approach nected world.25 to advertising and corporate design.22 Placing these statements in context, it […] for the designer the problems are is crucial to recognize that the book was many times more exacting and wider in written at a time when Gerstner and Kutter scope. His training, based as it is on were establishing their practices, and that traditional programmes and methods, it was exactly this progressive and systematic hardly enables him to cope with the attitude that suited the needs of expand-­ practical demands of today. The present ing corporations and institutions.23 The calls for designers of intelligence who practitioner-historians’ accounts are thus are alive to social problems and can clearly linked to their professional goals think themselves into their client’s mind and aspirations, and to the roles they were and help to make decisions.26 fulfilling or were being requested to fulfill. Gerstner and Kutter’s work appears to have He was certain that adapting to the compli- responded exceptionally well to the socio- cated, changing demands of the time political and economic demands of their would require more than technical training. time.24 Seen from a distance, detached from its technological environment, the profession should be understood as being concerned A troubled adaptation to changing not merely with technical or formal tasks, circumstances but also with meeting intellectual and above all social challenges. Restricted only As described in the first paragraph of this by its visual nature, the graphic designer’s essay, A History of Visual Communication profession was characterized by its two also suggests an evolution within graphic means of communication, namely word and design. Unlike Gerstner and Kutter’s image, and by its intrinsically social func- abstract philosophical arguments, however, tion as a mediator of ideas. The profession Müller-Br­ ockmann’s account was rooted should therefore better be understood as in specific observations. Recent technologi- visual communication. cal and societal changes had a profound Calling for a change, however, Müller- affect on the field of graphic design—from Brockmann explained that the fundamental the rise of the new mass media to the tasks of this emerging field were nothing historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 21 new. Through the ages, human beings had A comparison of Müller-Brockmann’s text always tried to make an impact, to capti- with Read’s original, however, reveals that vate and to convince. And it was from this the designer omitted so much of the art his- point of view that he constructed his nar­ torian’s argument that he completely rative of a continuity stretching from pre- reversed its meaning. In reality, Read wrote historic paintings to his own work.27 Explic- that cave paintings showed a concern for itly paraphrasing the British art historian beauty and visual characteristics far beyond Herbert Read, Müller-Brockmann declared their practical function, and that it was for that functionalism was a cultural universal: this very reason that they should be consid- ered art.29 Müller-Brockmann’s main argu- The primitive mind made no distinction ment—which is also in the only paragraph between art and the utilitarian. These supported with a direct reference—is thus people worked with a specific purpose at best based on a negligent misunderstand- in view and paid no attention to what ing. This book by a practitioner-historian we call aesthetic characteristics. Even thus seems to have a rather slapdash quality when the purpose of an object was to it, and a further examination of both not recognizable, it was not created for its structure and its content merely reinforces its own sake, or for its beauty of form, this impression. or its colour. Every work of these prim- In his preface, Müller-Brockmann states itives originated in an exclusively that even though his book is supposed to utilitarian, social, magic or religious offer a broad view of visual communication, intention.28 it should not be seen as complete, but as reflecting his own interests: “factual adver- The fact that even the very oldest artworks tising, experiments which influence our could be seen as fulfilling a practical pur- thinking and artistic works which set the pose not only provided the new field of stylistic trend.”30 Indeed, with the intro- visual communication with the longest pos- duction of the poster in the second part of sible origin story, but also supported the book, his account clearly resembles functionalist ambitions that the Modernist the then well-established graphic design his- attributed to his own style and practice. tories focusing on the development of At the same time, he appropriated a past styles and the avant-garde. The first half of that had usually been seen as part of art his book, however, shows a surprising history—ironically by quoting an art histo- attention to meaning in everyday life, and rian—and thereby laid a claim to exper-­ to the consumption and societal role of tise far beyond the traditional borders of designed artifacts, and barely touches on his profession. production processes or form.31 A closer historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 22 look reveals that this, however, is not the other, they too emphasized the importance only sudden shift in the book. Despite its of popular culture and the mass media.35 rhetoric of continuity, there are not only It seems that Müller-Brockmann struggled deliberate divisions into chapters and sub- to situate himself within this diffuse spec- chapters, but also various ruptures based trum of positions. He tried to reconcile his on methodological and theoretical inconsis- seemingly genuine interest in the social tencies that—as the extensive bibliogra-­ and more recent theories that turned their phy suggests—are simply a reflection of the attention to human beings with his codi­- available sources.32 fied aesthetics and their established art his- In line with this, it seems worth noting torical explanation. But Müller-Brockmann that Müller-Brockmann’s socio-historical did not include any fundamentally more approach appears to match a larger trend. varied representations of contemporary Neither the vast scope of his narrative, root- everyday visual communication, such as its ing his profession at the dawn of mankind, informal or ephemeral aspects, or street nor his extension of the field into popular culture. Instead, he tried to reinforce the mass media, nor even the term “visual com- demarcations of what he thought to be munication” itself were completely new. good professional practice, while simultane- Years before this, graphic designers in the ously extending his field of expertise.36 USA and in Germany, especially at Hoch- Müller-Brockmann created this univer­sal schule für Gestaltung Ulm, demanded that ancestry, leading from cave paintings their peers should take control of the through various cultures to European avant- new media. They formulated an analytical garde art, in order to culminate in his own approach to visual culture based on lin­ practice. This narrative was eerily remi­ guistics that was characterized by a search niscent of Hegel’s influential model of a for patterns and systems or universal lan- “world spirit” moving from East to West that guages.33 At the same time, a wealth of pop- arguably had been significant in European ular and scientific literature was dedicated claims to supremacy and, at least in philos- to more anthropological approaches in ophy, had long since been discarded.37 all kinds of fields—many of them touching on the history of graphic design.34 Inter­ estingly, at about the same time, Marxist Conclusion cultural theorists developed art education programs that called for more human-­ The above close reading of Die neue Graphik centered, social teaching. Referring to tech- and A History of Visual Communication has nological changes on the one hand, and to confirmed the importance of the notion of the same universals and continuities on the progress that was commonly attributed to historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 23 both books, to Modernist design, and to take their narrative with a grain of salt. In Modernism in general. These books are stark contrast, Müller-Brockmann’s histo- clearly structured so as to depict an evolu- riography reveals difficulties in establishing tion of graphic design that seems empiri- a concise narrative. He, too, relativizes his cally verifiable. Both should be seen as account by explaining that it has simply been attempts to demonstrate their authors’ devised in line with his own interests. The expertise by claiming a truly modern, for- continuity he constructs, however, displays ward-looking position linked to presti- fundamental breaks, and refers to shifting gious fields of knowledge.Both approaches fields of knowledge that are neither reflected also seem to have attempted to appropri­-­ nor addressed in his book. It is evident that ate the prestige of art and art history. From Müller-Brockmann struggled to reconcile this point of view, the fact that these publi- his clear ideas on graphic design and his suc- cations are commonly discussed in the cessful practice with the newer theoreti­- same vein appears more than warranted. But cal framework of the times. His relativizing as stated in the introduction to this essay, comments thus come across as preemptive a more in-depth analysis nevertheless reveals excuses. remarkable differences between them. Their From a distance, one might wonder to authors’ strategies, outlooks, and back- what extent the distinctions between these grounds, and their references to academic two books should be attributed to personal fields and theories all differ strongly—just tendencies or to a general paradigm shift. as do the rigor, conclusiveness, and reflex- However, it seems that both aspects were ivity of their historiography. intertwined. The fact that these underlying Gerstner and Kutter successfully used differences seem to have been overlooked concepts from Enlightenment philoso­- might indicate that the historiography of ­phy as the backbone of their truly Modern- Swiss graphic design and typography, even ist book. It is evident that this deliberate in its critical instances, has often showed appropriation of models from prestigious no less of a focus on visual concerns than intellectual fields was a well-thought-out has the field itself. strategy. By proclaiming their powers of reflection and self-awareness, Gerstner and Kutter showed much foresight, and already addressed much of the criticism that would later be leveled against them. By listing var­ ious historiographical shortcomings, from over-simplification to a biased focus and editorial selection, they ask their reader to historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 24

1 Müller-Brockmann 1971. Dilnot argues similarly that early calling it a “concise history of art 2 See Scotford 2012 (1991): 38. design history has to be seen as a used for publicity purposes”—or 3 Rand 1996. In Switzerland, a response to a particular problem, simply of graphic design. His German translation of the book and that an analysis of these con- apprehensions were not concerned was published by Niggli under tinuities should cast new light on with historiographical methods, the title Von Lascaux bis Brooklyn. their view of their present, past, but with the scope and title of the 4 Meggs 1983. and future. See Dilnot 1984a: 218. book (Hodin 1960: 66). 5 Jubert 2006. Dilnot’s thesis resembles the 22 Gerstner & Kutter 1959: 214–215. 6 Drucker & McVarish 2013 ideas presented in The Invention of 23 See Gerstner & Kröplien 2001: (2009). Tradition by the historians Eric 14–15. 7 See Dilnot 1984a: 219; Drucker Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger. 24 For example, the historian Anselm 2009: 56; Hollis 2006: 244–250. See Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983. Doering-Manteuffel explains that 8 Gerstner & Kutter 1959. 16 Gerstner & Kutter 1959: 12. the 1950s and 1960s in the West 9 Gerstner & Kutter 1959: 1. 17 Enlightenment philosophers were characterized by an under- 10 See Koselleck 1975. appear to have agreed that art and standing of scientific and rational 11 Wagner 2016: 7. culture always underwent a devel- planning as a prerequisite for 12 Speich Chassé 2012: 9–10. opment similar to human beings overall growth and progress. This 13 For criticism regarding: an undis- and thus contained the phases vision made the community as a cerning adoption of art-historical of childhood, adolescence, and whole the object of governmental approaches, see Scotford 2012 maturity (Pfisterer 2007: 24). influence, and the state used a (1991): 42; oversimplification, see Comte’s law of the three stages new elite of professional experts Meer 2015: 9–23; selection based states that humans in the first (Doering-Manteuffel 2007: 566). on mostly visual grounds, see stage explain phenomena through For historiographical positions Lzicar & Unger 2016; exclusion of supernatural agents and in the on the concept and role of experts, anonymous work, see Scotford second through abstract entities. see Traverse 2001, and particu- 2012 (1991): 44; Mermoz 2012 In the third stage, however, they larly Busset & Schumacher 2001: (1994): 107; exclusion of the pub- replace absolute notions by rela- 9–10. lic reception, Aynsley 2012 tive ones, and look for governing 25 Müller-Brockmann 1971: 6. For (1987): 23; their focus on masters laws (Hamilton 1992: 53). an in-depth analysis of the dema- or masterpieces and its canon­ 18 Gerstner & Kutter 1959: 12. terialization of typesetting tech- izing implications, see Scotford 19 See Gerstner 2007 (1963): 8–13; nology, see Marshall 2003; for a 2012 (1991): 42; Baker 2012 Zwicky 1953. Zwicky suggested study closer to the time focusing (1994): 87; and for hijacking his- addressing problems and tasks on technological, economic, and tory for the benefit of entre­ by dividing them into individual social aspects and their effects preneurial design activities, see parameters and recombining on people active in the fields of Dilnot 1984a: 218. Outside the them programmatically. Doing so typography and printing, see field of design history, of course, would lead to an overview of all Marshall 1983. For a recent dis- criticism of such linear narra­tives possible solutions, from which a cussion from the perspective had been voiced much earlier. selection could be made, accord- of history of science and with a 14 For a discussion of the negative ing to the needs of each case. particular focus on gender, see aftermath of these linear stories 20 Gerstner & Kutter 1959: 4. Dommann 2016. on the perception of other 21 Their contemporaries appear not 26 Müller-Brockmann 1971: 281. writing systems and cultures, see to have picked up on these 27 Müller-Brockmann 1971: 6. “Unfamiliar Writing Forms,” in relativizing comments either. A 28 Müller-Brockmann 1971: 7. the present volume. review by Czech art historian 29 Read 1956 (1937): 8–12. 15 See Jenkins 2004 (1991); Munslow Josef Paul Hodin published in 30 Müller-Brockmann 1971: 6. 2004: xiii. Design historian Clive Art Journal in 1960 went as far as 31 Fittingly, his examples are far historiography origins Modernism canonization publications 25

from canonized pieces of typo- to be its “owner.” See Lübbe 1973: graphic history. 232. For a discussion of some 32 His bibliography lists several Eurocentric biases in designers’ works on art from various cul- publications with regards to the tures, a few books on the origins portrayal of other writing sys- of art and painting, several pub­ tems and cultures, see “Unfamil- lications on visual communica- iar Writing Forms,” in the pres- tion, graphic design handbooks, ent volume. printing histories, and histories of everyday culture, trades, and the economy. A relatively large portion, however, is devoted to the history of Western art, partic- ularly to the avant-garde. 33 Çelik Alexander 2017: 198. 34 See Müller-Brockmann 1971: 330–332. 35 Grütter 2019: 44–45. The author, Georges Bataille, for example, wrote the texts for a book on the Lascaux cave paintings entitled Die vorgeschichtliche Malerei: Lascaux oder die Geburt der Kunst. See Bataille 1955. 36 Victor Margolin noted that the conflation of graphic design and visual communication, of a spe- cific professional practice and a fundamental human activity, was a common problem in design history. He explained that histo- riographers needed to be aware of the fact that while the former was exclusive by definition, the latter was inherently inclusive (regarding practices, place, and time), and therefore needed to be sociological in nature. See Margolin 2012 (1994): 98. 37 Mignolo 2011: 21. For example, the philosopher and political theorist Hermann Lübbe of the University of Zürich pointed out that the concept of Weltgeist had been historically significant, but would now reveal the ridi­ culousness of anyone claiming DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 2

awards design promotion politics good design national identity 26 Die besten Plakate / Unsurprisingly, the exhibition provoked an uproar within the graphic design and Les meilleures affiches advertising community that also reached a wider public. Not only specialist journals but also daily newspapers and the tabloid The Early Years of the press reported about the polemic assessment and gave voice to the prominent “Heller- National Poster Award, Opfer” (Heller victims).4 Most of them were between Federal offended, and harshly criticized Heller. For Support and Stylistic example, Rosmarie Tissi asked: Authority Why does a curator of a publicly funded museum think that he has the right to arbitrarily judge Swiss poster design? (Aber wie kommt ein Konservator eines städtischen Museums dazu, Sara Zeller im Alleingang willkürlich Tadel auszu- teilen?)5 In November 1994, the Museum für Gestal- tung Zürich opened Die 99 schlechtesten Heller’s provocative exhibition must be Plakate – prämiert weil jenseits (The 99 worst understood as a reaction to the annual posters—awarded because beyond [good national poster award Die besten Schweizer and evil]), probably Switzerland’s most con- Plakate des Jahres that had been jointly troversial graphic design exhibition at the organized by the Allgemeine Plakatge- time.1 The museum’s then director Martin sellschaft (APG) (General Poster Company) Heller had selected the 99 worst posters and the Swiss Federal Office of Culture from recent years.2 As Heller puts it bluntly (SFOC) since 1942.6 By turning the award in the exhibition catalog, the selection was on its head and selecting ninety-nine made based on his personal tastes. Accord- “bad” posters, Heller intended to criticize ing to him a bad poster is: the format, which, as he writes, “[…] aus einer Zeit [stammt] in der das gute Schwei- Everything that tries to fool me: aes- zer Plakat in unbestrittener Allianz gestal- thetically, intellectually, politically, terisch und gesellschaftlich fortschrittlicher ethically. (Alles was mich […] für Kräfte zum nationalen Identitätsfaktor dumm verkauft: ästhetisch, intellek- stilisiert wurde” ([...] dates from a time when tuell, politisch, ethisch.)3 the good Swiss poster was stylized to awards design promotion politics good design national identity 27 become a national identity factor by an designer Pierre Gauchat had invited Edwin unquestioned alliance of creative and Lüthy, the director of the APG, and von socially progressive forces).7 He compares Grünigen, in his function as secretary of the award with the taste dictates of Die the Verband Schweizerischer Grafiker (VSG) gute Form (Good Form), and suggests abol- (Swiss Graphic Design Association), to ishing it.8 Despite Heller’s open attack, discuss the “subject of the menacing decline the poster award continued under the aegis in the quality of the Swiss poster.”13 There, of the SFOC (which is situated within Pierre Gauchat presented the idea of an the Federal Department of Home Affairs annual award for the best posters, with the [FDHA]) until 2004.9 winners having their work published after- Unlike the case of the national book wards. The triumvirate then addressed a award The Most Beautiful Swiss Books,10 letter to Philipp Etter, Federal Counselor which is still held today by the SFOC, there and head of the FDHA, to request the sup- has not been any scholarly debate about port of the Swiss government in this mat- the national poster award up to the present ter.14 That same year, the idea was discussed day. 11 The present essay, however, takes in the Federal Commission for Applied the criticism voiced by Heller as an oppor- Arts (Eidgenössische Kommission für ange- tunity to look back at the establishment wandte Kunst, hereinafter EKaK),15 where and first decade of the annual national it met with approval, though it was decided poster award. Furthermore, the discourse that instead of the prize money originally that accompanied the poster award and envisaged, the winners would get a certificate its possible impact on Swiss poster produc- signed by the Federal Counselor.16 tion is examined. By identifying important At the same time, Gauchat, Lüthy, and stakeholders and analyzing the establish- von Grünigen organized the first edition ment of the poster award within the context of the award on their own accord.17 They of the Swiss graphic design community, chose twenty-four winners from all the this essay aims to lay the foundations for posters that had been billboarded in Switzer- further in-depth studies on the subject. land during the whole year, except for advertisements for political parties or refer- endums.18 The winning posters were sub­ Establishing a national poster award sequently displayed on two pages of the daily newspaper Neue Zürcher Zeitung (here- According to Berchtold von Grünigen, the inafter NZZ) on December 28, 1941. At the idea of a national poster award was born same time, the federal annual national at a meeting at the famous Café Odeon in poster award was launched, to take place as Zurich in the fall of 1940.12 The graphic of the next year.19 awards design promotion politics good design national identity 28

As the NZZ made evident, the guidelines for twenty-four Best Posters of the Year 1942. the award had already been determined Again, the winners were publicly announced before the federal takeover. The posters were in the NZZ 24 and displayed at well-frequented judged according to their “künstlerische public places in cities all over Switzer­- Haltung, Werbekraft und Druckqualität” land, such as Basel, Zurich, Bern, Lucerne, (artistic approach, advertising appeal, and St. Gallen, Lugano, Neuchâtel, Lausanne, printing quality). The designer, the client, and Geneva.25 In addition, a brochure was and the printer of the winning posters all published every year, list­ing the winners received an award. The posters available for with images of their work, and also featur- selection had to be in the standard Swiss for- ing a written commentary or essay on the mat for posters, Weltformat (90.5 × 128 cm).20 year’s poster production.26 [Figs. 6, 7] Only a few things changed when the EKaK The Schweizer Filmwochenschau (weekly took over the organization in May 1942. Swiss film news, shown at every cinema They first published a call for applications throughout the country) took this first offi- inviting designers, printers, and clients to cial year as an opportunity for a lengthy submit their posters themselves from now report on Swiss poster design and produc- on, though the jury was still allowed to sug- tion.27 This suggests that the new federal gest posters for evaluation.21 The assembled­ award must have been much discussed, and jury comprised important stakeholders provided extra visibility for poster produc- from various backgrounds who were affili- tion and the whole graphic industry. Inter- ated to relevant associations.22 Hermann estingly, the report presented a very par­ Kienzle (president of EKaK and president ticular image of the poster designer that of the jury), Adolf Guggenbühl (president­ would change completely over the next of the Swiss Advertising Association Schwei- decade.28 Hans Erni and Alois Carigiet are zerischer Reklameverband), Berchtold shown painting at their easels either in von Grünigen (secretary of the VSG), Edwin their studio or on a rooftop terrace, suppos- Lüthy (director of the APG), Percival Pernet edly immersed in creative thoughts, while (member of the EKaK from the French- a voice from off camera discusses the fruit- speaking part of Switzerland), Henri Tanner ful cooperation of designer, printer, and (president of the Fédération Romande de client in Switzerland’s poster production publicité), and Hans Vollenweider (artistic industry. The printing process they both director at the Orell Füssli printing com- use, stone lithography, is explained in great pany) were elected to the jury for a term of detail, demonstrating how the printer’s three years by the EKaK.23 contribution is crucial to the outcome of By February 1943, a total of 159 posters the poster.29 had been evaluated and brought forth awards design promotion politics good design national identity 29

Inclusion and exclusion Oeri also refers to von Grünigen’s criticism of the dominant poster style: Given this backdrop, it is no surprise that an increasing interest in the field was Speaking of exaggerated naturalism in already noticeable in the second official year contemporary poster design, one thinks of the award. Whereas in 1942 a total of above all of the so-called Basel School. 159 posters were submitted, by the following (Wenn man von überspitztem Natura- year the submissions had increased to 255.30 lismus in der gegenwärtigen Plakat- Furthermore, the many letters received kunst spricht, denkt man vor allem an by the EKaK indicate that the commission die sogenannte Basler Schule.)36 had very quickly established itself as an authority in the field. Companies looking In another article, published by Oeri in the for a skilled graphic designer started to magazine Werk in 1946, she summarized the request a list of recent winners at the FDHA.31 criticism that hyperrealistic poster illustra- The EKaK also received complaints,32 tion had received in recent years; Grünigen’s and was occasionally asked to give advice example had been followed by the graphic on advertising campaigns (which they then designer Hans Kasser, who had published did).33 an article in Graphis in November 1944 in Within the framework of the poster which he had similarly criticized this style, award, different design styles characteriz­- which he too mainly attributed to Basel.37 ing Swiss poster production were dis­- Oeri pointed out, albeit very subtly, that cussed right from the beginning. The essays the poster award might itself have a role in in the annual brochures further fueled the these developments: discourse that had previously taken place mainly in specialist journals. Already in the The Basel School is not Swiss poster brochure for 1943, Berchtold von Grünigen design; […] In terms of quantity, commented that the photographic poster however, they make up a substantial part was practically absent.34 Accordingly, his of the total production, and within advice to practitioners was to consider the the last year’s Federal Award, they photographic poster as an alternative to accounted for half of the award-winning the predominant “[…] überspitzter Natural- posters. They represent a certain ismus […]” (exaggerated naturalism) and classicism of the tried and tested, next “[…] pseudophotographischer Oberflächen- to which new attempts to break new nachbildung […]” (pseudo-photogragraphic ground are apparently not easy to push surface imitation).35 In her text in the 1945 through. (Die Basler Schule ist nicht brochure, the art and design critic Georgine die Schweizer Plakatkunst; […]. Fig. 6

Fig. 7 Fig. 6 Hermann Eidenbenz (design), winner’s certificate for Die besten Plakate des Jahres / Les meilleurs affiches in French, 1942.

Fig. 7 Installation shot of the exhibition Die besten Plakate des Jahres 1943 in Basel.

Fig. 8 Double spread of Die besten Plakate des Jahres 1946 mit der Ehrenurkunde des eid- genössischen Departe­- ments des Inneren, ed. All- gemeine Plakatgesellschaft (1947): n.p.

Fig. 8 awards design promotion politics good design national identity 32

Gewichtsmässig bilden sie indessen However, the jury also played a role in the einen wesentlichen Teil der Gesamtpro- imbalance observed by Oeri. Of the seven duktion, und innerhalb der eidgenös- members of the first jury who served until sischen Prämiierung [sic!] für das ver- 1949, five came from Basel or Zurich. gangene Jahr bestreiten sie wieder die The links to the Allgemeine Gewerbeschule Hälfte der prämiierten [sic!] Plakate. (AGS) Basel were especially close, as Sie repräsentieren eine gewisse Klas- Herman Kienzle was a former director of sizität des Bewährten, neben der sich the school, and Berchtold von Grünigen offenbar neue Versuche, neue Wege was the head of its design department at nicht leicht durchzusetzen vermögen.)38 the time.42 Further criticism came from one of the award’s founding fathers, who tar- Although the award was intended to assess geted the exclusion of posters for political the whole of Switzerland’s poster produc- parties and referendums. On behalf of tion, a closer look at the winners reveals the VSG, Pierre Gauchat requested in 1945 that it was de facto a competition between that submitting these posters should be Basel and Zurich. Every year, a few design- allowed too.43 Because this demand did not ers from French-speaking Switzerland, meet with approval, the VSG went so far Ticino, or Central Switzerland were awarded as to leave the jury a few years later.44 In this as well. However, while a few new names respect, the question arises as to whether almost always made the list, most of the win- the award simply reflected current produc- ners stayed the same.39 Regions such as tion, or if it also influenced it decisively. Bern or St. Gallen were almost completely This question is not easy to answer, but the absent during the first decade of the award. aforementioned criticism indicates that For example, only one Bernese designer the evaluations issued by the annual award won an award during the 1940s.40 How can jury had an influence on poster production this imbalance be explained? As the two that should not be underestimated. A main economic centers of the German- sentence in the brochure text of the Swiss speaking part of the country, Zurich and writer Carl Seelig about the year 1947 Basel undoubtedly had a financially powerful points in the same direction, at least con- clientele in need of skilled graphic design- cerning the jury’s favored design style: ers. This was probably one reason for many professionals to settle there. Most impor- It would be wonderful if abstract avant- tantly, Switzerland’s most famous schools gardists also had a chance to draw of applied arts were in Zurich and Basel, attention to themselves for once. (Wie which is perhaps the most obvious explana- schön wäre es, wenn uns einmal […] tion for the dominance of these two cities.41 die abstrakten Avantgardisten eine awards design promotion politics good design national identity 33

Chance bekämen, die Blicke der Pas- an invaluable advantage that we santen auf sich zu ziehen.)45 want to cultivate—also in poster art […]. (Die Schweizer sind, wie kaum ein However, Seelig could also have pointed out anderes Volk, ein Volk von Individua- that the avant-gardist designers were hardly listen. In einer Zeit der Vermas­sung commissioned for posters during that time. und Nivellierung liegt darin ein An article by Hans Neuburg in the unschä­ tzbarer Vorteil, den wir pflegen specialist journal Typographische Monatsblät­ wollen—auch in der Plakatkunst […])47 ter (TM) from 1945 also shows a more diverse pic­­ture of Swiss graphic design pro- The essay in the 1949 poster award brochure duction, observing several different design is by the graphic designer Hans Kasser, who styles that he believed coexisted within writes about a traveling exhibition called the country. Illustrative designs were also The Swiss Posters that had been organized central to Neuburg’s article, but neverthe- by the Swiss Arts Council Pro Helvetia and less he also includes a variety of Modernist the Swiss Office for the Development of and abstract designs. However, these were Trade (OSEC). It featured 126 award-winning primarily printed on leaflets and in bro- posters from recent years, most of which chures, which suggests that poster design were in an illustrative style, with only very was at that time taking a path separate few photographic or abstract posters from the rest of graphic design practice.46 among them.48 The catalog text, also written [Fig. 8] by Kasser, directly links Swiss poster design with the “Swiss national character”:

Towards a national poster style Among the arts, the graphic art is per- haps the one which has expressed the Interestingly, Carl Seelig’s brochure text for Swiss character most clearly over time. the year 1947 introduces another aspect. (Unter den Künsten ist vielleicht die He suggests applying a Swiss national char- graphische diejenige, in der sich schwei- acteristic to poster design, thereby linking zerische Art durch die Zeiten am ein- poster production with the political situa- deutigsten Ausdruck gab.)49 tion for the first-ever time in the context of these brochures: This exhibition was at the time touring European countries, and would travel The Swiss are a nation of individualists all around the world during the ensuing like no other people. In a time of decade.50 Kasser’s 1949 essay uses the com- re-dimensioning and adapting, this is pliments the exhibition received from awards design promotion politics good design national identity 34 abroad51 to praise Swiss poster production The traveling exhibition used a selection of as an important cultural asset: the winners from the 1940s to represent Switzerland abroad, and at the same time The mere thought of wanting to say showed what was regarded as being typi­­- something about the character of Swit- cal of “Swiss” poster design by “official” zerland, and to promote the country Switzerland—and what was not. Interest- as a whole with a poster exhibition,­ is ingly enough, the illustrative poster styles an acknowledgement of the intrinsic that were so heavily promoted in the 1940s, cultural value of our posters. (Allein im and which were so closely associated with Gedanken, mit einer Revue von Affi- Swiss graphic design, would soon be largely chen etwas über das Wesen der Schweiz considered as second rate in an interna- aussagen und für das Land als Ganzes tional context. werben zu wollen, liegt eine Anerken- nung des kulturellen Eigenwertes unse- rer Plakatpropaganda.)52

More than fifty years later, the curator Mar- tin Heller skillfully deconstructed the mechanics of the award with his selection of the ninety-nine worst posters. From his presentation of the posters in the exhibi- tion space to his accompanying publica- tion, the exhibition is like an act of investi- gative journalism whose aim is to open up the echo chamber of Swiss graphic design. The accusation of arbitrariness that was directed at Heller from various quarters can thus also be directed towards the juries of the national poster award. The difference is that Heller publicly declared that he alone was responsible for selecting the works for his exhibition, whereas the jury of the award, while beginning with a degree of self-criticism, over the years increasingly seemed to believe in their right to decide objectively on the Best Posters of the Year. awards design promotion politics good design national identity 35

1 For an installation view, see Posters) has been organized by published two books about the Fig. 48, in the present volume. an independent group of graphic award that did not ask any criti- 2 For an in-depth discussion designers from Switzerland, cal questions about the endeavor. about Martin Heller’s approach Austria, and Germany. Up to the However, as they provide inter- as a curator and director at the present day, the 100 best posters esting insider information, they Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, from Austria, Germany, and have been valuable sources for see “Popular Culture,” in the Switzerland are selected each this essay. See APG 1968; 1991. present volume. year. See https://100-beste- 12 von Grünigen 1968: T43. 3 Heller 1995: 49. plakate.de/ (accessed Mar. 20, 13 Ibid. 4 Fischer 1994: 27. 2020). Since 2002 the APG 14 Ibid. 5 Ibid. runs its own Swiss Poster Award, 15 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, 6 The original name of the poster see https://www.apgsga.ch/de/ E3001B#1000/730#375*, AZ. award was Die besten Plakate des unternehmen-markt/events- 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassenplakate Jahres … / Les Meilleures Affiches awards/swiss-poster-award/ 1942, 1942–1943, Letter from parues en … (The Best Posters (accessed Jun. 8, 2020). FDHA office to E. Lüthy (APG) of the Year …). Later this was 10 In 1943 Jan Tschichold initiated Dec. 6, 1941. (The proceedings of changed to Die besten Schweizer the award The Most Beautiful the EKaK meeting from Novem- Plakate des Jahres … / Les meil- Swiss Books, which was held the ber 1941 are missing in the Swiss leures affiches Suisses parues following year for the first time Federal Archives.) en … (The Best Swiss Posters of and still exists today. These two 16 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, the Year …). awards show many intersections, E3001B#1000/730#375*, AZ. 7 Heller 1995: 47–48. as, for example, within the com- 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassenplakate 8 The original text reads: “Der position of the jury. Also, Pierre 1942, 1942–1943, Letter from Mechanismus der solche Ideologi- Gauchat appears to have played a FDHA office to E. Lüthy (APG) sierung überhaupt ermöglichte, decisive role in establishing the 06.12.1941. glich jenem der nahezu gleichzei- award in its early years. Unlike the 17 von Grünigen 1968: T43; Welti tigen Auszeichnung.” Heller annual poster award, The Most 1941: n.p. 1995: 47–48; about Gute Form Beautiful Swiss Books has mostly 18 The posters for the selection (Good Form), see Menzi 2014: been organized by the Swiss were provided by the APG; about 192–197. Publishing Association. Only in 300 posters were available for 9 The original poster award under 1971 did the FDHA (from 1975 selection. See Welti 1941: n.p. the name Die besten Schweizer SFOC) take over, and it remains 19 Ibid. Plakate des Jahres (The Best Swiss in charge of the award today. 20 These guidelines would stay the Posters of the Year) only took Nevertheless, a com­parison of same for many years to come. place until 2000. From 2003 until the two graphic design awards See ibid. Swiss Federal Archive 2004 the SFOC created a new could be an intriguing subject for SFA, E3001B#1000/730#375*, poster award named Plakat des further studies. See Früh & AZ. 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassen- Jahres (Poster of the Year); how- Neuenschwander 2016: 209–225; plakate 1942, 1942–1943, Regle- ever, in 2004 no posters were Fischer 2004: 13; ment, Press Release 20.05.1942. awarded prizes because the jury Früh 2004: 122 (afterwards n.p.). 21 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, was not satisfied with the entries. 11 In 1991, Thomas Bolt also looked E3001B#1000/730#375*, AZ. After that, the SFOC discon­ back on the early years of the 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassenplakate tinued the award. See Matthieu poster competition, but with a 1942, 1942–1943, Vie, Art, Cité Musy (SFOC), e-mail to the focus on the dominant stylistic (Lausanne), Schweizer Reklame, present writer, January 20, 2020. tendencies in Swiss poster design Schweizer. Graphische Mittei- Since 2001, a new award called of the 1940s. See Bolt 1991: 360– lungen, Typografische Monats- 100 beste Plakate (100 Best 369. Furthermore, the APG had blätter, S.B.B. Revue, Das Werk. awards design promotion politics good design national identity 36

22 This was a topic of discussion at Az. 0157-1, Schweizer Plakate, Ernst Morgenthaler was among several meetings, so this task was 17.09.1943, (Schweizer Film­ the winners, but their other poster apparently given particular atten- wochenschau). by the same designer, “Mit der tion. To ensure the awards’ accep- 28 Regarding designers and their Bahn hinaus ins Freie,” which tance within the community, attire, see “Designer Portraits,” they considered much more pop- the commission considered it to in the volume Visual Arguments. ular, was not. In his reply, the be very important to include 29 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, secretary of the FDHA offered two members of French-speaking J2.143#1996/386#157-1#1*, advice on the SBB’s advertis­- Switzerland and at least one Az. 0157-1, Schweizer Plakate, ing strategy on behalf of the jury. member of every association and 17.09.1943, (Schweizer Film­ Swiss Federal Archive SFA, lobby organization connected wochenschau). E3001B#1000/730#376, Az. with poster production and adver- 30 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassenplakate tising. Swiss Federal Archive E3001B#1000/730#376, 1943, 1943–1944, Letter SBB to SFA, E3001B#1000/730#375*, Az. 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassen- FDHA, 24.03.1945. AZ. 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassen- plakate 1943, 1943–1944, Pro- 34 Fustier 1944: n.p plakate 1942, 1942–1943, Letter ceedings of the jury meeting 35 Ibid. H. Kienzle to Mr. Du Pasquier, 22.01.1944. 36 Oeri 1946a: n.p. Regarding the 04.11.1942. 31 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, Basel School, see “The Basel 23 Interestingly, there was no official E3001B#1000/730#376, Az. School,” in the present volume. representative of the Schweize­ 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassenplakate 37 Kasser 1945: 42. rischer Werkbund (SWB). Swiss 1943, 1943–1944, Letter from 38 Oeri 1946b: 239. Federal Archive SFA, the Schweizerische Zentrale für 39 For example: Géo Fustier from E3001B#1000/730#375*, AZ. Verkehrsförderung to FDHA, Geneva, Pierre Monnerat 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassenplakate 22.03.1944. from Lausanne, Daniela Buzzi 1942, 1942–1943, Letter 32 For example, Pro Telephon from Locarno, and Hans Erni H. Kienzle to Mr. Du Pasquier, expressed their extreme disap- (Lucerne) and Herbert Leupin 04.11.1942. pointment that Herbert Leupin’s (originally from Lucerne but 24 NZZ 1943: n.p. poster “Kristall” from 1943 was living in Basel). 25 The winners of the very first, non- not among the winners and had 40 In 1943, the Bernese Karl Togg- governmental edition of the thus been “downgraded.” (The weiler won an award for a poster award in 1941 were exhibited by original reads: “Auch der Schöp- for the shoe manufacturer Bata. the lakeside of Zurich. von fer des Plakates, Herr Herbert See Fustier 1944: n.p. Grünigen 1968: T43. Leupin, der dieses Plakat zu sei- 41 See e.g. Hollis 2006: 204–220; 26 The texts often bluntly communi- nen besten Arbeiten zählt, ist This issue is also discussed in cated what the jury or the author über die mit der Nichtprämierung “The Basel School,” in the pres- thought was good or bad design, verbundene Deklassierung sehr ent volume. and sometimes gave direct advice erstaunt.”) See Swiss Federal 42 Walter 2007: 49 (see especially for improvement. For example, Archive SFA, E3001B#1000/ footnote 78). designers, printers, and clients are 730#376, Az. 10.2.06.4, Beste 43 On behalf of the VSG, Pierre either complimented or harshly Strassenplakate 1943, 1943–1944, Gauchat requested in 1945 criticized for mediocrity, the use Letter from Pro Telephon to that political posters should be of too many or too few colors, or FDHA, 31.01.1944. allowed for submission. dull images. Lüthy 1943: n.p.; 33 A year later, the FDHA received Swiss Federal Archive SFA, Fustier 1944: n.p.; von Gunten a similar complaint from the E3001B#1000/730#377*, 1947: n.p.; Seelig 1948: n.p. Swiss Federal Railways (SBB Az. 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassen- 27 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, CFF FFS) asking why their plakate 1944: 1944–1945, J2.143#1996/386#157-1#1*, poster “Glückliche Jugend” by Letter of 25 February 1945. awards design promotion politics good design national identity 37

44 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, E3001B#1978/62#162*, Az. 10.2.06.4, Wettbewerb “Beste Plakate des Jahres”, 1951–1957. We can only speculate as to whether restricting the award to the Swiss standard poster for­­- mat Weltformat could be regarded as a major intervention. It is possible that clients with a smaller budget could not afford the print- ing and paper costs of Weltformat. Therefore, the award would have only taken larger clients into account. 45 Seelig 1948: n.p. 46 Neuburg 1946: 235–262. 47 Seelig 1948: n.p. 48 Kasser 1950: n.p. 49 Pro Helvetia 1950: 7–8. 50 Kadelbach 2013: 178–179. This traveling exhibition is the focus of the PhD thesis of the present author. 51 The skilled craftsmanship, the close cooperation of graphic designers, printers, and clients, the standardization of the for- mat, and the strict regulations on billposting in public spaces were especially well received abroad. Kasser 1950: n.p. 52 Ibid. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 3

Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 38

trained in Switzerland brought to Milan, Hotspot Milan and their impact on the local scene. The relationship, though, was mutual in that both parties had something to gain. Adopt- The Perks of Working ing a transnational approach to national on the Other Side of design canons—here understood as con- structed discourses that cannot be fully the Alps explored from within a country—this essay approaches Milan as a hotspot for Swiss graphic design, and investigates the fac­- tors and actors that pushed Swiss graphic Chiara Barbieri, Davide Fornari designers to cross the Alps.3

Until recently, histories of Italian graphic design have argued that the so-called The city “Milanese School” emerged from the rela- tionship between the Italian and the Graphic design, and design more broadly, Swiss graphic scenes. As Carlo Vinti put it: found an advantageous ecosystem of “the arrival of Swiss designers in Italy, cultural organizations and economic, indus- on the Zurich-Milan axis, has often been trial, and political structures in Milan, all seen in terms of a successful marriage of which supported the development of the between a kind of functional and calcu­- practice, and favored international design lated Swiss prose and an Italian impromptu exchanges.4 Since the end of the 19th century, poetic vein.”1 The intertwining of Swiss Milan had become the heart of the Italian rigor and Italian playfulness is a recurring printing industry: the majority of news­ trope in accounts of Swiss graphic design- papers with the largest national circulations ers in Italy. This historiographical canon were printed in the city, and the major is the result of stereotypical simplifications publishers had established their headquar- that put Swiss and Italian graphic tradi- ters there.5 Milan was where the practice tions at opposite ends of a virtual field of of graphic design emerged in Italy: here early graphic design.2 design education courses were held (the Most studies on the relationship Scuola del Libro), specialist magazines between Milan and Swiss graphic design were launched (Risorgimento Grafico, Campo have explored their design exchange as Grafico, L’Ufficio Moderno, and Linea Grafica something unidirectional, looking at it in amongst others), and institutional orga­ terms of what graphic designers born and nizations were founded (ADI—Association Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 39 for Industrial Design, and Aiap—Italian Graphic design studios Association of Advertising Artists). The city’s great economic and cultural The usual progression of Swiss graphic potential made Milan an attractive desti­ designers in Milan featured first a stopover nation for Swiss graphic designers. From the at Studio Boggeri.10 Antonio Boggeri, a self- 1930s onwards, a remarkable number trained photographer and modern graph-­ moved to Milan for short or longer periods ics enthusiast, founded his agency in 1933. of time. In the postwar period, the number It offered an innovative setting to a grow­- of Swiss graphic designers active in town ing number of industrial clients: a group of grew as the Italian economy boomed.6 As professionals able to manage advertising Lora Lamm put it: “in the late 1950s the from concept to production.11 From the early Milan scene was so fascinating for us graphic days, Boggeri carried out a constant search designers, it opened a new dimension.”7 for designers on the other side of the Alps. Located about 54 kilometers south of the The outcome of this recruiting policy was Swiss border, the city was conveniently the transit of a succession of Swiss graphic positioned, and a direct train line made con- designers who used this work experience nections between Switzerland and Italy as a springboard for their subsequent careers easier despite the Alps lying between them. in Italy. Indeed, at Studio Boggeri they Once in Milan, newcomers could rely on came in contact with some of the major an informal Swiss network of professional companies and design-literate clients that and personal relationships, even though, existed at the time. as the Swiss copywriter Silvio Calabresi Imre Reiner, born in Hungary, was the (Aldo Calabresi’s brother) recalled: “we just first Swiss designer to work at Studio wanted to blend in.”8 The extent to which Boggeri, back in 1933.12 Soon after Reiner, one was an active part of the Swiss commu- Xanti Schawinsky (formerly of the Bauhaus) nity in Milan varied from person to per­- joined the team until 1936. Max Huber son, but it was almost inevitable that people arrived in Milan in 1940, fresh from his stud- knew each other.9 Professionally, they ies at the Kunstgewerbeschule in Zurich, tended to seek each other out, so more often but went straight back to Switzerland to than not, Swiss art directors hired Swiss serve in the military.13 Once the war was graphic designers as their assistants and over, Huber moved back to Milan, picking collaborators. [Figs. 9, 10] up where he had left off. In 1946, Carlo Vivarelli was briefly in Milan, where he col- laborated with Boggeri.14 The following year, Walter Ballmer moved to Milan and worked for Studio Boggeri until 1955. In Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 40

1953, it was the turn of Aldo Calabresi, who of editorial design. CBC can be seen as became Boggeri’s chief adviser over the one of the first attempts in Italy to combine following ten years.15 Bruno Monguzzi dis- the aims and approaches of an advertising covered the works of Studio Boggeri agency with those of a graphic design studio. while flicking through the second issue of It remained active for almost twenty years, Neue Grafik, and started working with until the advent of commercial television them in 1961.16 Other Swiss graphic design- in Italy led to a significant change in custom- ers who worked for Boggeri over the years ers’ demand. include Lora Lamm, Max Schneider, Walter Ballmer founded the graphic Warja Honegger-Lavater, René Martinelli, design studio Unidesign in 1971, after having and Hans-Ulrich Osterwalder.17 worked at Olivetti since 1955. At Uni­design, But Studio Boggeri was not the only Ballmer specialized in branding and visual Milanese agency to benefit from the arrival identities, and the studio could count of Swiss graphic designers. Its competitor, the fashion brands Valentino Garavani and Studio Grignani, also hired a number of Colmar, and the ski resort Sestriere amongst designers who were trained in Switzerland. its clients.20 Some Unidesign clients were The founder of the agency, Franco Grignani, interested in associating their public image was a former assistant of Boggeri, and the with an understanding of Swiss graphic director of the printing company Alfieri design that was shared at the time by the & Lacroix.18 Gottfried “Godi” Leiser and design community and certain sectors of Ruedi Külling were amongst the Swiss Italian society.21 Having commissioned its employees of Studio Grignani: the for­mer visual identity first from Max Huber and from 1954 until 1955, the latter between later from Ballmer, the Milanese printer 1955 and 1957.19 NAVA is a case in point: as both were Swiss, Some Swiss graphic designers eventually they brought added value owing to the founded their own studios in Milan. Thanks celebrated reputation of Swiss graphic to their previous work experience, they could design, which appealed to NAVA for mar- benefit from a network that proved to be keting purposes. instrumental once they opened a business on Several Swiss agencies were also active their own. Their “Swissness” was also bene- in Italy.22 The Swiss advertising agency ficial, as the kind of graphics they designed GGK—founded in 1962 by Karl Gerstner, conveyed a set of connotative values upon Paul Gredinger, and Markus Kutter— which Italian clients wanted to capitalize. exemplifies this trend. In 1964, GGK Together with Ezio Bonini and Umberto opened an office in Milan that was active Cappelli, Aldo Calabresi established the until the late 1980s. The office was success- agency CBC in 1963, where he was in charge ful in combining the precepts of Swiss Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 41 graphic design with the creative revolution To work for Olivetti in the postwar period in the field of advertising coming from the was possibly “one of the best jobs worldwide USA. Some of the designers who moved to as a graphic designer.”27 Indeed, designers Milan to work for GGK eventuall­ y founded could count on an almost unlimited budget their own agencies. This was the case with and lack of time pressure, together with Friedrich “Fritz” Tschirren, who founded an enviable network of collaborators and the advertising agency STZ (1975–2013) with international exposure. Studio Boggeri acted Hans Rudolf Suter and Valeria Zucchini.23 in most cases as an intermediary between Unimark International was another key the company and foreign graphic designers. actor that turned Milan into a hotspot In the 1930s and 1940s, Schawinsky and for Swiss graphic design in its variant as an Huber worked for Olivetti on behalf of Stu- “International Style.”24 This international dio Boggeri. Ballmer’s career followed a graphic design agency was founded in 1965 similar pattern in the postwar years, when by an international group of designers Adriano Olivetti hired this former colla­ including the Italian Massimo Vignelli, the borator of Boggeri as one of his art direc- Dutch, Milan-based Bob Noorda, and the tors in his Advertisement and Development Americans Jay Doblin and Ralph Ecker- Office. [Fig.11 ] Between 1955 and 1970, strom. Vignelli in particular became one of Ballmer designed a series of now iconic the advocates of the International Style advertising campaigns based on the sole use on both the local and international scenes, of typography in combination with pho­ and his work “exemplified the Swiss tography and geometric elements. The rede- style as the foundation of an international sign of the Olivetti logo in 1970 brought style.”25 Ballmer international renown and possibly facilitated his successful candidature to the Alliance Graphique Internationale (AGI) Clients the following year. While Ballmer was with Olivetti, the photographer Serge Libiszewski One of the assets of Milan was that it and a number of assistants—such as Anna offered an opportunity to work for a num- Monika Jost and Urs Glaser—also repre- ber of major companies.26 Potential sented Swiss graphic design there. clients for Swiss graphic designers included In the postwar period, the department Olivetti, la Rinascente­ , Pirelli, and Fiat. store la Rinascente became a laboratory Their role was crucial in attracting graphic for the promotion of design culture. From designers trained on the other side of the 1950 to 1954, Huber worked as art direc-­ Alps, thereby helping to turn Milan into a tor there, and designed its logo.28 Amneris hotspot for Swiss graphic designers. Liesering Latis relocated to Milan from Figs. 9, 10

Fig. 11 Fig. 12

Fig. 13

Figs. 9, 10 Sergio Libis (Serge Libi­ szew­ski), self-portraits taken on his arrival in Milan, Apr. 30 and May 1, 1956.

Fig. 11 Walter Ballmer, poster “Olivetti Italia,” from the poster series Olivetti Inter- national, silk-screening on paper, 68.5 × 48.5 cm, 1975.

Fig. 12 Lora Lamm, poster “Volentieri a scuola – la Rinascente” (Glad to go to school – la Rinascente), offset print on paper, 70.5 × 100.5 cm, 1956.

Fig. 13 Felix Humm, poster for Il mio Giacometti. Fotografie di Giorgio Soavi (My Giaco­ metti. Photographs by Giorgio Soavi), inkjet print on paper, 100 × 70 cm, 2000. Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 44

Lugano to follow her Italian husband after and Jean Robert. Gerhard Forster’s case is World War II. She worked as advertising particularly interesting in this context. director at la Rinascente from 1954 to 1964, Fresh from his studies, Forster arrived in and then founded a consulting agency for Italy in 1963 after winning a competition department stores. Lora Lamm moved from organized by Pirelli. In the following three Zurich to Milan in 1953, and after a short years, he designed posters and layouts for time at Studio Boggeri as a substitute for its in-house magazine.32 One of his works Aldo Calabresi, she joined the advertising for Pirelli features in the collection of the office of la Rinascente in 1954. For five MoMA in New York, but the museum curi- years, Lamm worked exclusively for the ously considers Forster as an Italian author.33 department store. [Fig. 12] Her use of illus- This misunderstanding matches Richard trations, typographic compositions, and Hollis’s observation: “it was difficult to sep- photographs contributed to the creation of arate what was Italian from what was the “Rinascente Style.”29 This department imported from neighboring Switzerland.”34 store also hired the photographer Serge The car company Fiat was another Libiszewski, who described la Rinascente as attractive client for Swiss graphic designers. a “pilgrimage destination” for Swiss design- Felix Humm moved to Milan in 1966 to ers and photographers because it was an oversee the visual communication of Fiat avantgarde company ahead of its time in the Italy on behalf of the Basel-based adver­ field of product, graphic, and shop win-­ tising agency Reiwald, which was responsi- dow design, with no equivalent in Switzer- ble for the communication of Fiat Suisse. land.30 Libiszewski had formerly been After moving from Turin to Milan and a employed in the office of Müller-Brockmann, period with Studio Boggeri, Humm opened but moved to Milan in 1956 at Huber’s his own office in Milan, working for both invitation and opened his own photo- Italian and Swiss clients.35 Other designers graphic studio there in 1962, working for, arrived at Fiat after having worked for some amongst others, Olivetti, Pirelli, Alfa of the abovementioned clients. This was Romeo, Citroën, Bosch, Giorgio Armani, the case with Gerhard Forster, who left Pirelli and Prenatal.31 to work for Fiat,36 and Anna Monika Jost, The variety of registers featured in the who briefly worked at Fiat in the early1970 s visual communication of Pirelli stemmed after having assisted Ballmer at Olivetti from its various collaborations with differ- between 1965 and 1967. Their mobility is ent graphic designers that the tire company evidence of the demand for Swiss graphic promoted over the years. Swiss graphic designers in Milan. designers who worked at Pirelli included Lora Lamm, Max Huber, Walter Ballmer, Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 45

Institutions Milan Triennale after the war, namely the 8th Triennale of 1947, also known as T8. Graphic design studios and clients were Huber’s design for T8 was based on a visual possibly the most obvious factors that made vocabulary that was rooted in Modernist Milan a hotspot for Swiss graphic design. aesthetics but also aware of their further But its cultural organizations, professional developments within a Swiss context, and bodies, and educational institutions also it had a big impact on the history of the played an active role in the design exchange, Triennale.39 though this has been often downplayed in Local organizations provide evidence of the literature, if not completely forgotten. the integration of Swiss graphic designers The Milan Triennale is a case in point. and their desire to collaborate with Italian This cultural institution is an often-­ colleagues. This was the case with ADI. neglected actor in the relationship between Founded in Milan in 1956, ADI could count Swiss graphic design and the city of Milan. on a number of Swiss designers amongst Yet it played a key role in the mediation its members, such as Huber, Ballmer, and of Swiss graphic design locally and interna- Calabresi. Their membership of ADI enabled tionally from the 1930s onwards. In 1933, them to be an active part of the Milanese graphic works by Imre Reiner and Xanti professional scene and to bene­fit romf the Schawinsky were included in the German association’s network of designers, intel­ pavilion curated by Paul Renner.37 Three lectuals, and industrialists. Local educa- years later, Max Bill curated the Swiss pavil- tional institutions provided Swiss designers ion at the 6th Triennale di Milano in 1936. with further occasions to contribute to Their participation aroused interest in the articulating a graphic design discourse in community of Milan-based designers, pri- Italy. Huber at the Scuola del Libro and marily for “the professionalism and level of Ballmer at the Scuola Politecnica di Design specialization of the Swiss graphic design- brought Swiss graphic design into the ers,”38 but also because graphic design in school workshop, and trained a generation Switzerland seemed to be a well-defined job of Italian graphic designers according to when viewed from abroad, with its own its methods and rules. schools, remits, and identity, unlike the sit- Swiss institutions abroad were also inter- uation in Italy. In the postwar period, the esting institutional venues for Swiss design- Milan Triennale moved from being a plat- ers in Milan. For instance, the association of form for the mediation of Swiss graphic Swiss citizens active in the Milan area (the design to becoming itself a representation Società svizzera di Milano) had been active of Swiss graphic rules. It was Max Huber since 1883.40 Besides facilitating connec- who designed the visual image of the first tions between expats and their homeland, it Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 46 organized social and cultural activities, visual language and methodologies Swiss including a carnival ball for which Ballmer designers stood for (or were expected designed the invitation card in the 1950s. to stand for), hence they found a favorable In 1997, the Swiss Institute set up a branch working environment in the city. in Milan. This was first established in On the other side of the Alps, Ital­ians Rome in 1947, in a villa bequeathed to the were the largest foreign community in Swit- Swiss Confederation by Carolina Maraini- zerland at the time, with massive migration Sommaruga in order to continue the tra­ during the 1960s. More than 100,000 Ital- dition of hospitality for Swiss scholars and ians arrived every year from 1961 onwards. artists that she and her husband had begun While a bilateral agreement between Italy when they set up their mansion in 1905.41 and Switzerland defined the status of such Since its foundation, the Institute has pro- workers, popular Swiss culture stigmatized moted the relationship between Switzer- this migration. As Max Frisch wrote: land and Italy and has at times also com- missioned Swiss graphic designers. This A tiny master race sees itself in danger: was the case with Felix Humm, for example, workers have been called, and people who designed the corporate identity for are coming. They don’t eat prosperity, its three Italian venues (Rome, Milan, and on the contrary, they are essential to Venice). [Fig. 13] prosperity. (Ein kleines Herrenvolk sieht sich in Gefahr: man hat Arbeitskräfte gerufen, und es kommen Menschen. Sie A hotspot for Swiss graphic design fressen den Wohlstand nicht auf, im Gegenteil, sie sind für den Wohlstand This essay has aimed to reclaim a more unerlässlich.)42 active role for Milan within the history of Swiss graphic design. To this end, we Italian workers were typically employed in have argued that the dissemination of Swiss heavy-duty industry in Switzerland, and graphic design in Italy cannot be attributed maintained a strong sense of national com- only to Swiss designers. The city pro­vided munity.43 So it comes as no surprise that Swiss graphic designers with multiple oppor- the few Italian nationals involved in graphic tunities: with graphic design agencies, design in Switzerland briefly relocated to design-related international events and orga- Zurich to benefit from the excellence of the nizations, an international clientele, and curriculum imparted at the Kunstgewer­- possibilities for founding their own studios be ­schule. Oliviero Toscani and Salvatore in Milan. Moreover, Milan offered an Gregorietti studied in Switzerland and audience that was receptive to the kind of eventually became key players in an Italian Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 47 and international context as art directors, 1 Vinti 2013: 28. 2 Richter 2007; 2014b. photographers, and graphic designers. 3 Fallan & Lees-Maffei 2016b; Nevertheless, by moving to Milan for short Meroz & Gimeno Martínez 2016. or longer periods, Swiss newcomers had a 4 Branzi 1988; Riccini 2001; Vitta great deal to gain. So instead of thinking of 2011. 5 Montecchi 2001; Ortoleva 1996. Swiss graphic design in Milan in terms 6 Fornari & Profeta 2016. of influence, one should also recognize the 7 Lamm & Ossanna Cavadini perks of working on the other side of the 2013: 163. 8 Calabresi 2013. Alps. In doing so, the relationship between 9 Libiszewski & Kuhn Libiszewski the Swiss and the Italian design scenes is 2017. rebalanced to reveal a mutually beneficial 10 Barbieri 2017: 124–192. 11 Fossati & Sambonet 1974; design exchange. Monguzzi 1981; Boggeri & Monguzzi 2005. 12 Besomi 1984; Wild 2006. 13 Fioravanti, Passarelli & Sfligiotti 1997: 104–105; Polano & Vetta 2003: 140–151. 14 Monguzzi 1981: 56, 58–59, 61; Waibl 1988: 118–119; Odermatt 1998: 158. 15 Monguzzi 1981: 76, 78, 82–99, 101–109, 111, 114; Waibl 1988: 160–161. 16 Monguzzi & Ossanna Cavadini 2011: 1–2, 6–7; Waibl 1988: 190– 191. 17 Fornari 2016. 18 Polano & Vetta 2003: 178–187; Ossanna Cavadini & Piazza 2019. 19 Richter 2007: 24; Leiser 2009; Feusi 2010. 20 Ballmer 2003. 21 Barbieri & Fornari 2018. 22 Galluzzo 2018. 23 Morganti 2011: 12. 24 Conradi 2010. 25 Hollis 2006: 13. 26 Vinti 2013: 30. 27 Gottschalk 2018. 28 Huber 1982. 29 Vinti 2013: 36. 30 Libiszewski & Kuhn Libiszewski 2017. Italy design scenes local and international clients networks 48

31 Cataluccio 2015; Bianda & Ossanna Cavadini 2010. 32 Waibl 1988: 178–179; Vinti 2007: 216. 33 See www.moma.org/collection/ works/6039?locale=it (accessed Mar. 17, 2020). 34 Hollis 2006: 255. 35 Camuffo, De Luca & Girardi 2004; Richter 2007: 80; Georgi & Minnetti 2011: 63. 36 Odermatt 1998: 48. 37 Burke 1998. 38 Vinti 2013: 30. 39 See Piazza & Annicchiarico 2004. More than sixty years after Huber’s design for the T8, the Milan Triennale has yet again entrusted its visual identity to a group of Swiss graphic designers (Marani 2019). Following an international call for projects, a proposal by the Zurich-based agency NORM was chosen for the new logotype of the Trien- nale. This included a rebranding as Triennale Milano instead of La Triennale di Milano and the use of the typeface Riforma, made available in May 2018 by the Lineto type foundry, accom- panied by a specimen thoroughly involved with Italian design history (NORM 2018b). 40 Broggini, Hardegger & Viganò 2014. 41 See www.istitutosvizzero.it (accessed Mar. 17, 2020). 42 Frisch 1967: 100. 43 The controversial conditions of Italian workers in Switzerland are depicted in the acclaimed movie Pane e cioccolata (Bread and chocolate), Italy 1974, color, 110′, directed by Franco Brusati. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 4

private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 49 Iconophile Duchesne Aîné, the curator of the Cabinet d’estampes of the Bibliothèque impériale (later Bibliothèque nationale) in Paris, Debating the Role of wanted to distance himself from the non- professionals within the field, and stress the Poster Collector his professional identity.4 Even though the term thus derives from an institutional con- Fred Schneckenburger text of collecting, it rather quickly estab- in the Historiography lished itself as a means of distinction among private collectors as well. As some poster of Swiss Graphic Design collectors had acquired great expertise within their field, they understood their collecting as a scholarly practice, and wished to distin- guish themselves from people collecting Sara Zeller for mere amusement.5 In that respect, the iconophiles’ practice had a decisive influ- Ever since the emergence of the modern ence on the reception of the posters. As they illustrated poster during the mid-19th cen- usually bought their objects of desire directly tury, it had been a popular item to collect. from artists, printers, or clients, it was also The passion for this new print medium soon they who began to write down the first his- developed into a hype known as affichomanie.1 tory of the poster based on their “participa- Poster collectors usually belonged to the tory witness accounts.”6 They were also the middle classes.2 As they were suddenly able first to organize large international poster to participate in the formerly elitist prac­­- exhibitions in major cities throughout Europe tice of art collecting, posters allowed them to and the USA at the end of the 19th century. establish themselves as connoisseurs and This enhanced the status of the poster, professionals. At that time, different desig- boosted its market value, and also made it an nations for the poster collector devel­oped item attractive to institutional collections— inside and outside these newly estab­- thereby also paving the way for posters to be lished circles. External designations usually displayed in art museums.7 emerged as disrespectful descriptions of Switzerland, too, was and still is home the phenomenon of poster collecting, while to renowned institutional and private inside it was a matter of distinguishing one- poster collections. Probably the largest, best- self from collectors in other domains and known private collection was compiled from the mass of poster collectors around by Fred Schneckenburger between 1921 and at the time.3 With the term “iconophile,” 1955.8 Schneckenburger was described as a private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 50 dazzling personality by his contempo­ This essay will locate Schneckenburger’s raries,9 and he seems to have been indeed a practice within the poster collector dis- controversial figure. During the day he course and will examine his role in the his- worked as a businessman, while at night he toriography of Swiss graphic design. How mingled with Zurich’s avant-garde art did he present his collection to the public, scene.10 Besides collecting posters, he estab- and how was it explained? How did those lished his own puppet theater, for which exhibitions present Swiss posters? And how he designed the marionettes, wrote, and per- was his network intertwined with his prac- formed socio-critical plays.11 Furthermore, tice as a collector and a curator? he was an outspoken anti-fascist and a val- ued member of the homosexual association Der Kreis – Le Cercle.12 The collector as historiographer Like the iconophiles of the first genera- tion, Schneckenburger curated several Schneckenburger’s poster collection was exhibitions, thus claiming authority in the often exhibited during the 1940s.16 However, interpretation of the objects he had accu- it was arguably Das Plakat als Zeitspiegel in mulated. His extensive show Das Plakat als 1949 that attracted the most public atten- Zeitspiegel (The poster as a mirror of the tion. Its story started when Adolf Lüchinger, times), originally put together for the exhi- the mayor of Zurich, visited Schnecken- bition space Helmhaus in Zurich in 1949, burger’s extensive collection in Frauenfeld also traveled abroad in slightly adapted and afterwards invited him to curate an forms over the following years, and thus dis- exhibition at the Helmhaus in Zurich, a city- seminated the collector’s choices and owned former court and market hall that specific view on the medium.13 In 1955, his served as an exhibition space.17 Schnecken- internationally renowned collection, burger’s selection featured 909 items of comprising approximately 15,000 posters, international origin. About half of the exhib- was sold to the Kunstgewerbemuseum its had political content, while the other Zürich (Zurich Museum of Arts and Crafts). half consisted of cultural or commercial This acquisition laid the foundation for posters.18 As installation shots show, while the museum’s poster collection to become many exhibits can be classified as so-called one of the largest of its kind worldwide.14 artist posters, the event was not limited to In this respect, the private collector’s selec- illustrative or painterly works, but included tion has to be considered as having remained a wide range of design styles of different relevant to poster history up to the pres­- origins. In his foreword to the accompanying ent day, because his choice of items helped catalog, Schneckenburger elaborates on why to form a canon of noteworthy posters.15 he is so fascinated by the poster: private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 51

Normally, poster collections are cre-­ könnte.” (offers a historico-cultural cross- ated according to purely artistic criteria. section through the last half century I have always been fascinated by the that one could hardly imagine to be more poster as a vivid mirror of the times, and interesting).20 that’s why I started collecting from this The question arises as to how we should point of view 30 years ago. I think that understand Schneckenburger’s distinctive the results have proved me right, because approach. Poster exhibitions in the 1930s can you reproduce a certain period and 1940s in Switzerland either focused pre- of time in a more unvarnished and vivid dominantly on the development of the manner than with a series of posters? medium from its emergence to the present, (Normalerweise werden Plakatsamm- or offered an overview of contemporary lungen nach rein künstlerischen poster production. The former was usually Gesichtspunkten angelegt. Mich hat von to be found within an institutional con­- jeher das Plakat als lebendiger Zeit­ text, while the latter was more often found spiegel fasziniert, und darum habe ich at trade shows.21 The exhibitions that vor 30 Jahren angefangen, von diesem drew on Schneckenburger’s collection also Gesichtspunkte aus zu sammeln. Ich tended to take one of these two general glaube, dass das Resultat mir recht gege- approaches.22 So by comparison, the collec- ben hat, denn kann man eine Zeit unge- tor’s view offered at the Helmhaus must schminkter und lebendiger wiederge- have come across as fairly novel.23 ben als mit einer Serie von Plakaten?)19 However, the very first exhibition that had been curated entirely by Schnecken- As this suggests, Schneckenburger seems burger himself can be considered as a fore- to have had a specific understanding of the runner to the Helmhaus, which suggests value of posters, and presents this as the that he had been thinking along similar lines basis of his collection: posters as historical since at least that time.24 As early as 1944, documents. Even though this understand- he had put together Das politische Plakat im ing of the same poster was not entirely novel, Wandel der Zeiten (The political poster in Schneckenburger’s approach received changing times) that had been shown during much attention in the press, and almost all the Arbeiterkulturwoche (workers’ cultural reviews concluded by stating something week) at the Volkshaus Zürich, which was along the same lines as the Basel-based run by the Arbeiterbewegung (labor move- National Zeitung, that the exhibition “[…] ment).25 Whereas at the Helmhaus only the einen kultur­historischen Querschnitt durch choice of exhibits referred to the politi­cal das letzte halbe Jahrhundert [bietet], wie views of the collector (such as the many Rus- man ihn interessanter sich kaum vorstellen sian constructivist posters), the Volkshaus private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 52 exhibition focused more heavily on his left- generation collector who first came into wing stance. In an introductory text, contact with the existing collectors’ dis- Schneckenburger elaborates on how politi- course, rather than directly seeking out the cal posters are highly effective, and can medium at artists’ studios or at printers’ even be dangerous. He concludes: “Zu wis- workshops. The unnamed association pro- sen, wie diese Waffe gehandhabt wird, ist viding the poster subscription must have für den Arbeiter wichtig.” (Knowing how been the Verein der Plakatfreunde (Associa- to handle this weapon is important to tion of Poster Friends), founded in 1905 by the labor movement.)26 This suggests that the famous German collector Hans Sachs.28 Schneckenburger was keen to place his For almost two decades, the Verein der “archive of historic documents” at the Plakatfreunde comprised a large network of service of the labor movement for educa- collectors (in 1918 it counted 3,757 mem- tional purposes. [Figs. 14, 15] bers), and its journal Das Plakat is consid- ered to have been the first professional jour- nal entirely dedicated to the medium.29 Collector’s tradition Unlike other early collectors such as Hans Sachs, who were primarily interested in However, there is another side to Schneck- contemporary poster production, Schneck- enburger’s specific view of his collection enburger initially focused more on histori- of historical documents. He also positions cal posters. himself within the established discourse of In the abovementioned article, Schneck- a first generation of international poster enburger further elaborates on the devel­ collectors, and thus distinguishes himself as opment of his interests. First, he had ori- being aware of his heritage. As Schnecken- ented himself towards aesthetic aspects and burger recounts in a newspaper article on subjective contrasts such as “beautiful the sale of his collection to the Kunstgewer- versus ugly” or “kitsch versus art.” His later bemuseum Zürich in 1955, he had acquired change of course towards the content and his first posters through a subscription his burgeoning interest in the poster as a while working in Frankfurt as a businessman historical document, he recalled, had earned in 1921. This special service had been pro- him much criticism, especially from other vided by an association that also ran a jour- collectors.30 Nevertheless, if we look at the nal. After Frankfurt, he had also lived interests of the first collectors at the end and worked in Milan and Paris, where he of the 19th century, we can see that they too continued to buy mostly historical posters considered the medium to be valuable as through antiquarian bookshops.27 As a record for posterity.31 The idea of collect­- his account suggests, he was a second- ing for future historians, who could later private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 53 work their way through the ephemeral image Wallon in Liège (1954). The title of the exhi- sources that had been preserved that way, bition remained the same everywhere, except enjoyed great popularity among collectors for being translated into the local language and critics at the time. In this sense, poster each time.33 Remarkably, all of these venues collecting was not seen as a selfish or self- were fine art museums and as such were enhancing activity, but rather as a “social likely to have attracted visitors from high- responsibility towards the future” in collec- brow society. There is evidence that the tor circles.32 choice of venues for the exhibition was con- For both Schneckenburger and the first nected to Schneckenburger’s personal net- collectors, they were in no doubt as to the work. Willem Sandberg, the director of the relevance of such a collection. Collecting Stedelijk Museum Amsterdam, most likely posters was more than just an accumulation already knew Schneckenburger because of of objects, as one might acquire luxury his puppet theater.34 The thematic structure goods, for it was now the task of an activist. of the exhibition at the Helmhaus in Zurich Posters were not merely of aesthetic value, was mostly maintained, though the exhibi- but also of historical and cultural importance tion appears to have been slightly modified as contemporary documents. Seen against for each new venue. One new element was this background, Schneckenburger’s under- added, however, that is particularly striking: standing of the medium can also be read a section dedicated specifically to Swiss as an attempt to continue the tradition of the graphic design. So how was Swiss graphic bespoke first generation of collectors, who design depicted there? were often well-educated members of the In the exhibition catalog for Het affiche middle class with strong links to the avant- beeld van de tijd at the Stedelijk Museum garde movement in art and design. Amsterdam in 1950, fifty-one posters are listed in the section “Zwitserse Grafici.”35 About two thirds of these explicitly Swiss An ambassador for Swiss graphic design posters were by either Hans Falk, Alois Carigiet, or Hans Erni, three well-known After the exhibition at the Helmhaus Zürich, artists / graphic designers at the time, all of the Schneckenburger Collection began them distinguished by their own poster- to receive international attention. Modified design style.36 Most of these exhibits, with a versions of the exhibition traveled to the few exceptions, were illustrative posters Stedelijk Museum Amsterdam (1950), the created during the 1940s, showcasing what is Lakeside Press Galeries of R.R. Donneley nowadays largely regarded as the dominant in Chicago (1951), the Kunstmuseum Düssel- stylistic tendency of Swiss poster design at the dorf (1951), and lastly to the Musée d’Art time.37 As the Swiss newspaper Tages-Anzeiger Fig. 14, 15

Fig. 17, 18 Figs. 14, 15 Installation view of the exhibition Das Plakat als Zeit­spiegel (The poster as a mirror of the times), Helmhaus Zürich, Jan. 24– Feb. 28, 1949.

Fig. 16 Atelier Honegger-Lavater (design), catalog of the exhibition Het affiche beeld van de tijd (The poster as a mirror of the times), Stedelijk Museum Amster- dam, Oct. 13–Nov. 27, 1950.

Figs. 17, 18 Installation view of the exhibition Het affiche beeld van de tijd (The poster as a mir­ror of the times), Stedelijk Museum Amster- dam, Oct. 13–Nov. 27, 1950.

Fig. 16 Fig. 19

Fig. 20 Fig. 21

Fig. 19 Cover of the exhibition cat- alog L’affiche miroir du temps (The poster as a mirror of the times), Musée d’art Wallon, Liège, Oct. 10– Nov. 09, 1954.

Fig. 20 Atelier Honegger-Lavater (design), spread from Strah­ lende Steine (Radiant stones), New Year publication of Schweizer Schmirgel- und Schleifindustrie AG (SIA), 1952.

Fig. 21 Ernst Hiestand (design), Eugen Gomringer (text), Michael Wolgensinger (photos), brochure for Schweizer Schmirgel- und Schleifindustrie AG (SIA), ca. 1960s. private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 58 wrote, the section “Zwitserse Grafici” took Lautrec, Théophile Steinlen, Ernst Keller, up a whole room at the Stedelijk Museum: Hans Falk, and Hans Erni.40 Apart from the ubiquitous French poster artist Toulouse- The Swiss poster art is excellent. It has Lautrec, the others were all of Swiss origin. been given an entire hall, and receives What is more, those Swiss artists remain the highest praise. The critics gave the to this day a prime feature of the genealogy verdict: “Swiss graphic design is unbeat- of Swiss poster designers in the historical able.” (Vorzüglich der schweizerischen­ literature.41 Can this be viewed as an attempt Plakatkunst, der ein ganzer Saal ein­ on Schneckenburger’s part to write the his- geräumt worden ist, wird höchstens tory of the Swiss poster? As it happens, his Lob gezollt. Die Kritiker finden sich im choice of posters for the Swiss section Urteil: “Die Schweizer Graphik ist largely correlates with the overall picture of unübertrefflich.”)38 the annual national poster award during that time.42 Is he therefore acting intention- In other sections, though, the poster exhibi- ally as an ambassador of what the Swiss tion also showed different design styles by Federation approved as constituting good Swiss designers mainly from the 1930s. A Swiss poster design? photographic poster by Frieda Allenbach The last of Schneckenburger’s exhibition from 1935 (“Astra Fett”), Max Bill’s poster series took place in the Musée d’Art Wallon, “Negerkunst” from 1931, and Hermann the fine art museum in Liège in Belgium, Eidenbenz’s poster “Grafa international” in 1954. It had once more undergone note- from 1936 display Modernist tendencies worthy changes concerning the represen­ in Swiss poster design, and most of these are tation of Swiss graphic design. For the first included in every publication about Swiss time, the Schneckenburger Collection is graphic design history.39 In this respect it is deliberately labeled as a Swiss collection. also noteworthy that while Modernist post- On the cover of its catalog, the letters indi- ers were generally well represented in the cating the exhibition title, location, and exhibition, those posters by Swiss designers year form a white cross against a red back- were the exception. ground—the Swiss national flag. This The thematic structure of the exhibition design is rather astonishing, as half of the at the Helmhaus in Zurich did, however, exhibits were not of Swiss origin—more feature one exception that can be seen as a than in the other exhibitions of the series.43 kind of forerunner of the later Swiss section­ Remarkably, however, the name of the that was added abroad. In the Helmhaus Swiss section had been changed to “L’Af- catalog, the names of five designers appear fiche Suisse Moderne.”44 Under this as separate categories: Henri de Toulouse- new label of “Modern Swiss Poster,” the private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 59 illustrative posters that had also been shown photographs indicate, both Honegger and in Amsterdam were joined by a further three Wolgensinger must have been close friends posters by Gottfried Honegger and fifteen of Schneckenburger’s.48 Interestingly, exhibits by a younger generation of design- even though as a poster collector Schneck- ers such as Josef Müller-Brockmann, Gérard enburger seemed to have favored artist Miedinger, Fred Neukomm, Kurt Kessler, post­ers and illustrative works, the advertis- Franco Barberis, Emil Berger, and Lehner ing material he commissioned was strictly & Schwabe. Most of the new posters, how- Modernist. Thus, Schneckenburger must ever, were still illustrative works (includ­- be held accountable for the company’s ing the one by Müller-Brockmann), but widely noted Modernist printed matter of some by Honegger showed abstract designs that time;49 today, it is proudly referred to or photographs. [Figs. 16, 17, 18, 19] as the “sia style”:

In other words, today’s sia style did not Schneckenburger as client develop out of nothing, but is based on a long design tradition, shaped by Swiss Although Schneckenburger’s collection artistic personalities such as Gottfried contained many historical posters of inter- Honegger, Eugen Gomringer, Michael national origin, the abovementioned new Wolgensinger, and Ernst Hiestand, who, acquisitions of Swiss contemporary posters influenced by concrete art and concrete were linked to his own personal network poetry, achieved exemplary results in in Zurich’s art and design scene. He did not the field of visual communication. (Das just collect the posters of his friends and heisst, der heutige sia-Stil entstand nicht acquaintances, but also used his contacts aus dem Nichts, sondern beruht auf through the company he worked for, namely einer langen gestalterischen Tradition, the Schweizer Schmirgel- und Schleifin­ geprägt von Schweizer Kunstler­per­­- dustrie AG (SIA) in Frauenfeld (today: sia sön­lich­keiten wie Gottfried Honegger, Abrasives).45 From 1948 onwards, he was Eugen Gomringer, Michael Wolgen­ responsible for the SIA’s advertising.46 This singer und Ernst Hiestand, die, beein- meant that he started commissioning flusst von der konkreten Malerei und graphic designers, copywriters, and photog- der konkreten Poesie, Vorbildliches raphers who were part of his network. A im Bereich der visuellen Kommunika- lot of the company’s graphic design seems tion geleistet haben.)50 to have been done by Gottfried Honegger, who in that context often used photographs Honegger and Wolgensinger were also by Michael Wolgensinger.47 As personal involved in the design of the posters, printed private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 60 matter, and photographic documentation the collectors’ discourse, it seems reasonable of Schneckenburger’s puppet-theater shows to assume that he himself consciously and his exhibitions.51 However, whether oriented his own collecting practice towards these were favors by friends or commissions the iconophiles. However, when his exhi­ can no longer be determined. bition traveled abroad, the Swiss specificities of his posters and of the collection as a whole became a major focus, though this The iconophile had never appeared as a particular con­- cern to him before. Was this merely how the After the Schneckenburger Collection exhi­bition responded to expectations from was acquired by the Kunstgewerbemuseum abroad? Or did it also take an active Zürich in 1955, the local newspapers ran role in the dissemination of Swiss graphic headlines like “Grabstätte für 11’000 Pla- design? As a client, Schneckenburger kate” (a tomb for 11,000 posters).52 The himself was part of graphic design produc- perception of the institutional collection as a tion. He was also friends with many Swiss tomb has been common since the 19th cen- graphic designers. He accordingly had tury,53 and demonstrates just how strongly multifarious interests in acting as an ambas- Schneckenburger’s posters were associated sador of Swiss graphic design abroad. with the personality of their collector. All Looking at Schneckenburger through the same, the institution bought the collec- the lens of the term “iconophile,” it becomes tion only after it had been validated through evident that it was not just the early gen­ various exhibitions at home and abroad. eration of collectors who influenced poster It is not just the collection that has to be history. In the case of Schneckenburger in considered as having been important for the mid-20th century, circumstances seem the historiography of Swiss graphic design, to have become more complex. Not only but the multilayered activities of its col­- was he a collector and curator, but he was lector, which exerted an influence on many also actively involved in graphic design levels. We have here shown how Schnecken- production in his role as a client. It would burger played an active role in the his­- be intriguing to take Schneckenburger as tori­cal interpretation and mediation of his a starting point to take a closer look at con- collection through his exhibitions. His temporary graphic design collectors. approach is strongly reminiscent of the What role do they play in the historiogra- iconophiles, the first generation of collectors phy of graphic design? [Figs. 20, 21] who per­ceived their collecting practice as a scholarly activity. Since Schneckenburger came into contact with posters through private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 61

1 Iskin 2014: 18. visited specific venues would […].” (The original German reads: 2 Iskin 2014: 22. be an interesting topic for further “[…] um einmal einen Überblick 3 Often, poster collectors were study. As Tappy suggests, one über die Entwicklung des Plakates simply called amateurs, thus plausible explanation of its itin- seit seinem Aufschwung gegen locating them within the general erary was the collector’s personal Ende des vorigen Jahrhunderts practice of art collecting. Iskin contacts. See Tappy 2016: 42–44. zu bieten […].”) See Kunstgewer- 2014: 263–264. 14 The collection was sold for the bemuseum Zürich 1933: 3. 4 Iskin 2014: 263. symbolic price of CHF 50,000. 22 Tappy 2016: 24–26. 5 For a detailed discussion of the See Richter 2016: 195; Ribi 1991: 23 Tappy 2016: 79. different designations for poster 23. 24 Ribi 1991: 22. collectors and the development 15 For more about the subjectivity 25 See Volkshaus 1944. of the discourse, see Iskin 2014: of private collections, see, for 26 Ibid. 263–269. example, Gamboni 2007: 183. 27 Weltwoche 1955: 5. 6 Iskin 2014: 23 16 A selection of Schneckenburger’s 28 Between 1896 and 1936, the Ger- 7 Iskin 2014: 18–22. collection was featured in the man dentist Hans Sachs assem- 8 See Richter 2016: 195. exhibitions Schweizer Plakatkunst bled one of the largest poster 9 Witness account by Trudi at Kunstmuseum Luzern, 1941 collections in the world. During Schoop, as in Ribi 1991: 29. (Swiss poster art); Das Plakat im World War II he and his family 10 Since the early 1930s Schnecken- 19. und 20. Jahrhundert at Museum managed to flee to New York, but burger had often attended perfor- zu Allerheiligen, Schaffhausen, his collection passed into Nazi mances of the Schweizer Mario- 1942 (The poster in the 19th and hands. In the postwar period, nettentheater, famous for the 20th centuries); and Le salon parts of the collection changed puppets made by Sophie Taeuber- d’affiche at La Quinzaine neuchâ- hands several times, but more Arp, Otto Morach, Paul Bodmer, teloise, 1942 (The poster salon). than a third of it survived. See and Carl Fischer, all of them See Tappy 2016: 24–26. Grohnert 1992: 16–29. teachers at the Kunstgewerbe­ 17 To this day, there exists no com- 29 Although Sachs brought the asso- schule Zürich. See Ribi 1991: 19; prehensive history of the Helm- ciation and the magazine through Tappy 2016: 12. haus as an exhibition space. World War I almost entirely 11 His marionettes are nowadays See https://www.zuerich.com/ unscathed, the board had to resign part of the Collection of Applied de/besuchen/kultur/helmhaus- in 1921. The association was Arts at the Museum für Gestal- zuerich (accessed Mar. 10, 2020). dissolved in 1922 and the journal tung Zürich. In 1991 the Museum 18 Verwaltungsabteilung des Stadt- was discontinued. Grohnert Bellerive in Zurich organized an präsidenten von Zürich 1949: 7. 1992: 17–21. exhibition called Schneckenburgers 19 Verwaltungsabteilung des Stadt- 30 Weltwoche 1955: 5. Puppencabaret. See Ribi 1991: 9, präsidenten von Zürich 1949: 6. 31 Iskin lists Gustave Fustier, 27–29. 20 National Zeitung 1949. Beraldi, Ernest Maindron, Roger 12 Der Kreis—Le Cercle was a 21 The last exhibition that had been Marx, Uzanne, Maurice Tal­­meyr monthly magazine and an associ- exclusively dedicated to posters (France); W.S. Rogers, Charles ation especially famous for its at the Kunstgewerbemuseum Hiatt, Joseph Thacher Clarke events organized in Zürich. See Zürich had taken place in 1933 (England); Hans Sachs (Ger- https://schwulengeschichte.ch/ and juxtaposed a selection of many). See Iskin 2014: 269. epochen/4-der-kreis/ the institution’s own collection 32 Iskin 2014: 271. besondere-abonnenten/fred- with international posters. The 33 Ribi 1991: 22. schneckenburger/(accessed show Internationale Plakatausstellung 34 Tappy 2016: 42–44 Mar. 20, 2020). focused on providing “[…] an 35 The catalog had an interesting 13 Ribi 1991: 22. The reasons why overview of the development of shape: it was a folded leaflet Schneckenburger’s exhibition the poster since its emergence designed by Gottfried Honegger private collectors alternative actors exhibitions historiography canonization 62

and printed on the back of abra- 47 Wolgensinger’s photographs had sive paper. The choice of been popular among Modernists. material suited Sandberg’s anti- Hollis 2006: 161. establishment attitude, but also 48 Schneckenburger appreciated alluded to Schneckenburger’s Honegger as a designer and also job at the SIA, which is discussed as an artist. Photographs show below.Stedelijk Museum 1950; him in his office in the SIA, with Tappy 2016: 47. a painting by Honegger behind 36 The poster designers represented him. See Ribi 1991: 19. in the section “Zwitserse Grafici” 49 Also mentioned in, for example, were: Hans Falk, Alois Carigiet, Hollis 2006: 161. Hans Erni, Pierre Gauchat, Ernst 50 Lüthi 2006: 6. Keller, Niklaus Stöcklin, Ruodi 51 Ribi 1991: 20. Barth, Herbert Leupin, Hermann 52 For example, Walser 1961: 8, as Eidenbenz, Peter Birkhäuser, cited in Richter 2016: 195. Donald Brun, Heinrich Steiner, 53 During that time, institutional and Gottfried Honegger. See collections were often perceived Stedelijk Museum 1950. as tombs for the objects. This 37 During the war and immediately was mostly because extensive thereafter, photographic experi- regulations and paperwork often ments and abstract design were prevented objects from being sidelined in favor of illustrative exhibited, as the museums’ major poster designs. Richter 2014a: task was the preservation of the 38. The specialist journal Graphis artworks rather than their dis- also presented its international play. Private collections on the readership with the same stylistic other hand were more easily understanding of Swiss poster displayed, depending on the col- design in several articles in 1949. lector and their eagerness to See Bühler 1949: 306–315; Kasser present their treasures in public. 1949: 316–331. On that subject see Gamboni 38 Tages-Anzeiger 1950. 2007: 181. 39 See, for example, Hollis 2006: 204–250. 40 See Verwaltungsabteilung des Stadtpräsidenten von Zürich 1949: 24–25. 41 See, for example, Döring 2014: 41. 42 See “Die besten Plakate /Les meilleures affiches,” in the pres- ent volume. 43 Société royale des beaux-Arts de Liège 1954: cover. 44 Société royale des beaux-Arts de Liège 1954: 27–30. 45 Ribi 1991: 20. 46 Isler 1975: 150, 235. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 5

discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 63 In eigener Sache Journals can thus be seen as relational proj- ects in which the editors aim to establish a specific “readership”—which is something distinct from merely the general reading Editorial Statements public. A readership can be understood as a Addressing close circle of informed, ideally loyal read- ers.5 The present essay will focus on editorial the Readership statements and on how they can expose the tools used to convince readers to iden- tify with a publication, and subscribe to it for the long term. Roland Früh Professional journals and periodicals are a rich source for the history of graphic “On our own account”1—was the title of a design and typography in Switzerland.6 short column that the editorial board of This small but interesting range of publica- the journal Typographische Monatsblätter (TM) tions is representative of the diversity of used to address their readership directly. the field, and each of them spoke to a spe- [Fig. 22] These short texts were printed on cific group: the workers and apprentices a colored slip of sugar paper and placed in printing houses, the freelance graphic prominently at the beginning of the journal. designers, and the ad-men in agencies. Each In this column, the editors informed periodical had its own strategy of distribu- their readers about changes in the layout,2 tion, sales, and sponsorship, and was there- explained new strategies regarding their fore dependent on subscriptions in very journal’s organization,3 and wrote a short different ways and to different degrees. The statement to justify why a special issue on question arises as to whether any exchange typography from Basel had been redesigned between the editors and the readers can using only one cut of a Grotesk typeface4 be observed across all the journals, and instead of the usual TM layout. These col- whether each type of publication develops umns were brief and informative—but its own strategies. they also tell us precisely how the editors This essay examines the editorial state- wished to communicate with their read-­ ments in a selection of journals for graphic ers. Periodicals are in most cases economi- design and typography in Switzerland cally dependent both on their readers as and abroad, namely TM, SGM, Graphis, and subscribers and on the companies who buy Neue Grafik. Our focus lies on the years advertisement space (and who thus take between 1933 and 1965, when these journals a keen interest in the subscription figures). were published in parallel, and had a shared discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 64 historical background. The institutional, awareness of the extreme circumstances of economic, and historical contexts of the their time: “The war has entered its deci- journals are taken into account, as is the role sive phase, and the spirit of reconstruction of the editor in the publishing strategy of is already abroad. Plans made for an the journal. The editorial statements, so we uncertain future can now begin to take on posit, can be seen as a form of communi­ solid form.”10 cation that helps the editors to build a stron- This editorial by Amstutz and Herdeg is ger connection, a communal “we” and notable for several other reasons. One is “us,” between the editors, the publication how they address the political situation and itself, and its readership.7 the timing of their new publication, but another is how they aim to win over a new kind of readership: not the typesetters, not Graphis—a magazine of graphic design the printers, not the graphic designers nor international affairs from Switzerland the graphic artists, but the graphic industry, or what we today would call the “creative The first journal we shall consider is industry.” Their magazine wanted to reach Graphis. In October 1944, Walter Amstutz an international audience from the start, and Walter Herdeg launched it as a new and included texts in three languages: Ger- magazine to cover the latest trends in inter- man and English in full, with French sum- national visual communication. Amstutz maries. The articles offered an overview of and Herdeg had met when working on the design work not only from Switzerland, design for the tourism campaigns of but also from neighboring countries and the St. Moritz.8 In 1938, the tourist board of USA. Graphis had an institutional partner. St. Moritz had canceled their campaign, From the first issue onwards, it was referred so Amstutz and Herdeg moved their to as “Offizielles Organ des Verbandes business to Zurich, where they opened a Schweizer Graphiker und des Verbandes der publishing house and advertising agency Berufs-Schaufenster-Dekorateure der under the name Amstutz & Herdeg.9 In Schweiz” (the official organ of the Swiss 1944 they felt that the time was ripe to edit Graphic Design Association and the and publish Graphis, a “magazine pub-­ Association of Professional Window Dress- lished in Switzerland and concerned with ers). While this link was not discussed in all problems attaching to free and applied the magazine at all, it might well have been art,” as they wrote in their editorial state- the reason for the magazine’s many articles ment for its first issue. Their optimism was on shop-window designs.11 obvious, and they announced their Amstutz and Herdeg realized that there commitment to their new venture in full was an interest in connecting design with discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 65 something more than just the profession best described by the Swiss graphic itself: “The aim which GRAPHIS [sic] sets designer Pierre Gauchat: itself is that of enriching practical life with the seeds of creative inspiration: of helping We Swiss graphic designers lived […] in to bring art into touch with everyday life, such complete seclusion that doubts and enduing [sic] the forms of that life with had to be raised about the healthy devel- artistic significance and value.”12 To an opment of our intellectual and artistic apprentice in a printing company, this might abilities. […] This hunger for spiritual have sounded theoretical and belletristic. nourishment gave rise three years ago to But as the diagram at the very end of the first the idea of an international magazine issue of Graphis illustrated, The Eye of on the graphic arts […]. Walter Herdeg Graphis, Herdeg and Amstutz were catering succeeded in doing what would have for a broad, diverse audience, spanning all been impossible for us: putting out his spheres of life.13 [Fig. 23] feelers across almost all fronts in order Graphis as a magazine did not stand out to satisfy our needs. (Wir Schweizer as being particularly visionary. As Jeremy Graphiker lebten […] in einer so voll- Aynsley describes it, the content of Graphis ständigen Abgeschlossenheit, dass actually followed the example of the Zweifel an der gesunden Weiterent- German journal Gebrauchsgraphik that had wicklung unserer geistigen und künst- already become established back in 1924.14 lerischen Fähigkeiten aufkommen Its content could be roughly described as mussten. […] Diesem Hunger nach geis- “What’s around in the world of advertising, tiger Nahrung entsprang vor drei Jah- illustration and graphic design.” The ren der Gedanke einer internationalen concept of an internationally minded pub- graphischen Zeitschrift […]. Walter lication must be credited to Walter Herdeg, Herdeg gelang, was uns selbst unmög- who led the magazine as editor, art direc- lich gewesen wäre: seine Fühler durch tor, and designer until it was sold in 1987. fast alle Fronten hindurchzustrecken Editorial statements were rare, but Herdeg und so unseren Bedürfnissen Genüge shaped the publication through his inter­ zu tun.)16 national contacts, which led the design critic Steven Heller to conclude: “In fact, Graphis Graphis became equally well known in was never simply the sum of its parts; it Switzerland and abroad. We have no sub- was always Walter Herdeg’s statement.”15 scription numbers to analyze, but Graphis Just how important it was to maintain con- was often referred to in other publications. tact with the international scene both In 1955, for example, the British typogra- during and shortly after World War II is pher John Ryder put Graphis top of his list discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 66 of remarkable international typography and industry. SGM had always been a rather design journals.17 This was a leading posi- conservative forum. It was edited for many tion that Jeremy Aynsley confirmed in retro- years by August Müller, the owner of the spect: “[…] in 1944, from Switzerland, printing company Zollikofer in St. Gallen the new journal Graphis had been launched, who had been printing and funding the a journal which would dominate coverage journal. His few editorial announcements of European graphic art and design for the had mostly said: Don’t get carried away next twenty years at least.”18 with the latest artistic trends, but learn from The question then arises: What influ- experience and the history of the craft.19 enced the editorial strategies of other A change happened at SGM in September typography and design journals of the 1940s 1943 when the editorial direction was when compared with Graphis? Who were handed over to Hermann Strehler and their editors, and how did they address their Rudolf Hostettler, both of whom were still readership? working from their offices at the printing company Zollikofer. Strehler introduced their plans and the new layout of the Editorial voices in the graphic industry journal in their first issue, and the editorial in 1940s Switzerland announcement also read like a call for a renewed readership.20 Strehler and Hostett­ When Walter Herdeg and Walter Amstutz ler were dedicated to editing SGM as an launched Graphis, there were few typography internationally minded, locally rooted pub- or graphic design periodicals that would lication with a focus on craft, education, have been available in Switzerland—and and industry. Hostettler in particular kept international journals, from Germany, up a regular correspondence with typog­ England, or the USA, were unlikely to be raphers, printers, and graphic designers in imported at all during World War II. all of Switzerland, and with a wide net-­ The remaining journals are found quickly: work in Europe and the USA. He did not Schweizer Reklame und Schweizer graphische ignore any specific schools or designers Mitteilungen (SGM) and Typographische Monats­ just because of their styles.21 By 1946, SGM blätter (TM). SGM was the longest-running arranged to separate from the advertising journal for the printing industry in Switzer- sector (Schweizer Reklame) and was able to land. It had started in 1883, then merged produce a much more focused journal for in 1936 with the journal of the Schweizer the industry of printing, graphic design, and Reklameverband (Swiss Association for typography. According to Strehler, this Advertisers) and had since lost its indepen- meant returning to the origins of SGM as its dence and some of its focus on the printing founder August Müller had once defined it.22 discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 67

1946 also marks the year when Hostettler the discussion is now closed.26 [Fig. 24] and Strehler published one of the best- Hostettler obviously did not want to expand known disputes in the history of typography. on this debate. As he had pointed out in In issue 5 of 1946, Max Bill was given an article of his own, what Bill and Tschi­ eight pages for his article “über typographie” chold had been disputing had already been (on typography). It was a dogmatic, self-­ made obsolete by other, more progressive centered article which he designed himself. ideas.27 But in 1948, he gave Paul Renner a He insisted on having it printed on coated forum to respond to Bill and Tschichold, paper—in contrast to the uncoated paper where Renner precisely and thoughtfully of the rest of the journal—and he famously formulated a synthesis of what had been used it to attack Jan Tschichold for being put forward as thesis and antithesis.28 Here, a “traitor” to the Modern movement and too, Hostettler announced Renner’s piece a reactionary historicist.23 Tschi­chold with a short paragraph of his own: replied in the following issue, 6, addressing Bill directly and correcting him point This article was written by Paul Renner, by point.24 The subject and intensity of the the creator of Futura and former dispute has been written about extensive- head of the Meisterschule in Munich, ly, 25 but the role of Strehler and Hostettler as a contribution to the controversy and their editorial work deserves more M. Bill – J. Tschichold in issues 5 and 6 attention. From the correspondence in the of the 1946 volume of this magazine. archive, we know that Hostettler had been (Dieser Artikel wurde von Paul Renner, in touch regularly with Bill and Tschichold. dem Schöpfer der Futura und früheren The latter had been a regular contribu­- Leiter der Meisterschule München, ­tor to SGM, and he and Hostettler had geschrieben, als Beitrag zur Kontroverse exchanged letters about both work and per- M. Bill – J. Tschichold in den Heften 5 sonal matters. The fact that Tschichold’s und 6 des Jahrgangs 1946 dieser response was published only one issue after Zeitschrift.)29 Bill’s article suggests that the editors very likely moderated the dispute, and that The editorial voice of Hostettler is that of a Tschichold even knew about Bill’s text reasonable moderator between the occa- before it had arrived on his desk in published sionally dogmatic and stubborn protagonists form. But what is most remarkable is how of typography. We can see this in SGM in his the editors Strehler and Hostettler intro- few simple but forceful interventions. duced Tschichold’s reply with a short para- graph, stating that Tschichold has been given the space for his response, but that discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 68

Answering to the members of the The conservative approach of TM is mir- Swiss Typographers Association rored in an article saying farewell to Karl Reitz, who had been on the editorial TM was launched in 1933 as the journal of board of TM from 1933 to 1951. Reitz was the Schweizerischer Typographenbund thanked for his efforts to keep manual type- (Swiss Typographers’ Association), and it setting techniques alive despite the cur-­ had to cater to the expectations placed rent trend towards automated typesetting on a trade association journal.30 For this machines. This illustrates just how tra­ reason, the content of each issue of TM ditional the approach of TM remained, even always comprised one or two longer articles, by the year 1950.34 followed by a section with detailed, very By the beginning of 1952, SGM merged technical, short articles for apprentices, with TM and the Revue Suisse de l’Imprimerie typesetters, or printers. This technical sec- (RSI) to form a single monthly publication tion was couched as a service to the read- that over time became known by the initials ers, as the titles of its short articles answered TM. Rudolf Hostettler took on the role of everyday questions such as “Which type chief editor, and the new TM SGM RSI con- size is most readable?”31 While TM had tinued as a journal for the Swiss printing important regular contributors such as Jan trade, still offering information for associa- Tschichold or Max Caflisch, it had set tion members and apprentices, but with out without a prominent editorial voice. a more international outreach, and texts in Initially, it had been edited by Walter Cyliax, German and French.35 It now included a a typographer and art director at the colored sheet of paper, cut to half the width Buchdruckerei Fretz in Zurich where TM of the page, which contained the table of was printed. He played an active role contents, a short essay on a contemporary in regularly introducing the subscribers of topic, and a note to the reader titled “In TM to modern design work by Anton eigener Sache” (on our own account). Here, Stankowski, and to photography by Herbert as mentioned at the beginning of this essay, Matter and Hans Finsler.32 These sections the editors addressed their subscribers with of the journal were very progressive.33 But information about the journal or some the editorial board had always included other, light topics. It became a regular fea- representatives of the Swiss Typographers ture, and signaled a desire on the part of Association and of the educational insti­ the editor and his team to get close to their tutions in Bern and Zurich. When Cyliax left readership and involve them more. Under Switzerland, TM lost its progressive atti­tude Hostettler, the informative section at the and continued instead as an informative back of the journal also became more inter- journal for the members of the association. active. This included short columns with discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 69 lists of FAQs and the editors’ answers to national network in his editorial work for common questions that are asked in the Graphis, Hostettler’s role at TM SGM RSI print shop. There were riddles and quizzes, was appreciated by subscribers for his bal- information for proofreaders, a section ance of dogmas and styles, so that in large entitled “Neue Maschinen und Materialien” part his journal remained a source of infor- (New Machines and Materials) and one mation for them, namely the members of with information regarding business admin- the association.37 istration in the printing trade. With all this content, the new TM SGM RSI maintained its status as a journal for the “Förderung zur The personal project: Neue Grafik Berufsbildung” (support for vocational training), as TM had initially declared back From 1958 to 1965, a collective of four edi- in 1933. tors—Josef Müller-Brockmann, Hans In retrospect, Rudolf Hostettler is largely Neuburg, Richard Paul Lohse, and Carlo L. regarded as the editor who most successfully Vivarelli—published eighteen issues of included opinions and styles from across a magazine titled Neue Grafik. It had no ties the spectrum. “Rudolf Hostettler’s editorial to any association, but had been set up as ideals were governed not by modernism a committed personal project from the very or traditionalism but rather by the notion of beginning. As Lars Müller recounts in quality; hence Tschichold would always his tale of the magazine’s history, Neue Grafik be as valid as Ruder or Weingart”36 was the ensured this editorial freedom by being comment of the designer Paul Barnes, published under the umbrella of the pub- who researched Swiss graphic design and its lishing house Walter Verlag, who distributed international outreach, and interviewed and funded the project. Josef Rast was practitioners in Switzerland and in the UK. responsible for Walter Verlag’s publishing Under Hostettler, TM SGM RSI published program at the time, and while he kept statements and work from all over Switzer- track of sales and subscriptions and urged land as well as from abroad. It offered the editors to follow a strategy that suited equal representation to work done at the both advertisers and subscribers, he never schools of Basel, Zurich, St.Gallen, and forced them to bend to financial interests.38 Lausanne, and showed its readers the post- The introduction to the first issue of modern design of Wolfgang Weingart, Neue Grafik was signed “LMNV,” the abbre- the traditional work of Jan Tschichold and viation of Lohse, Müller-Brockmann, Max Caflisch, and the work of concrete Neuburg, and Vivarelli, and was a straight- artists and designers from Zurich. Just as forward manifesto by a group of “[…] drei Walter Herdeg is credited for his inter­- Grafikern und einem Maler-Grafiker […]” Fig. 22

Fig. 22 In eigener Sache: The edi- tors Hostettler and Strehler explain the change of layout for a special issue on work from Basel.

Fig. 23 Das Auge der Graphis (The Eye of Graphis). Fig. 23 Fig. 24 Fig. 25

Fig. 24 Bemerkung: Rudolf Hostett­ ler comments on the dis- pute between Max Bill and Jan Tschichold.

Fig. 25 The 4 Editors of this Review: The four editors Richard Paul Lohse, Josef Müller- Brockmann, Hans Neuburg, and Carlo Vivarelli intro- duce themselves at the back of the first issue of Neue Grafik. discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 74

(three graphic designers and one painter- with short biographies and a portrait of graphic designer), as they called themselves, each of them, similar to those of an author though the English translation in the on the back cover of a novel.41 [Fig. 25] In journal only read “four designers.”39 LMNV the subsequent issues, they did not offer any announced that the content of their first editorial notes, and rarely added any intro- issue would reflect their overall plan, and ductory comments to an article, though they that they would formulate a new under- included some of their own writing in every standing of graphic design that was free of one of the journal’s eighteen issues42—as a being purely a service profession: “The matter of fact, sometimes more than half of modern designer is no longer the servant of an issue’s content was made up by contri- industry, no longer an advertising draughts- butions from the editors. In addition, they man or an original poster artist: he acts regularly signed themselves as LMNV, entirely independently, planning and creat- especially in situations where they reviewed ing the whole work […].”40 And they declared a work by one of the four of them. “LMNV,” that their aim was “to create an interna- for example, reviewed a catalog designed by tional platform for the discussion of modern Lohse, praising it for the inventiveness and graphic and applied art,” an art that they consequence of its design,43 and also pro- wrote was new on account of its “almost moted Josef Müller-Brockmann’s book The mathematical clarity.” This claim was under- Graphic Artist and His Design Problems.44 The lined by the design of the magazine itself. contributions that they did not write them- The layout of Neue Grafik was organized very selves either were written by colleagues45 strictly, being confined in a grid system or would support the arguments of the con- with four columns. The articles were pub- crete artists by offering a historical46 or lished in German, English and French contemporary international47 context. With throughout. But its selection of articles, their constant presence as authors, the authors, and topics also made Neue Grafik editors of Neue Grafik managed to stay in the the periodical of its time that was most foreground. So it is safe to say that whoever focused on concrete art and design in Swit- subscribed to Neue Grafik must have been zerland. The editors kept their focus on aware of subscribing to the content and taste radical works and ideologies in design and of LMNV. As Richard Hollis confirms, art, and succeeded in refraining from mixing this was in fact important to many readers: these with more traditional or historical “[Neue Grafik] was edited and written not topics in the way SGM, TM, and Graphis did. by journalists, but by practicing designers. After their introductory statement, This is what gave the new magazine its the editors offered no more editorial com- authority.”48 So the readership of Neue Grafik ments, though they signed off the first issue could probably be described as a kind of discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 75 special interest group49 of well-informed To conclude here, the editorial statement followers of the editors’ work, who agreed itself was probably not the principal forma­ t to invest in the subscription of a maga­- for addressing the readership. An editor zine that stood out from existing, conven- might also use more subtle editorial ele- tional journals. ments or strategies, and these too are repre- sentative of the readership that a periodical desires to address, be they subscribers Conclusion who invest in a journal of their own accord (Neue Grafik), members of a union or trade We posit here that the editors of typography association who desire to stay in touch with journals used their editorial statements professional developments (TM), readers both to inform their subscribers and to estab­ interested in a discursive exchange and lish a relationship with them so they would reviews of contemporary work (SGM, TM, commit to the publication. As we have seen, Graphis, and Neue Grafik in equal degree), actual editorial statements are rare in or professionals who want to stay informed the periodicals we have examined here. Even about the work of their colleagues, nation- within Neue Grafik, a magazine that was ally or internationally (Graphis). strongly contingent on the personality of the Neue Grafik and its editorial board of editors, there is only one real editorial: Neuburg, Vivarelli, Lohse, and Müller- the introduction statement in the first issue. Brockmann certainly achieved the goals What all these journals have in com- they set out in the introduction to their mon—Graphis, SGM, TM, and Neue Grafik— first issue: to establish a magazine for new, is that they all were shaped by their editors concrete art and design. Their selection over many years. Walter Herdeg was respon- of articles, and especially their keenness to sible for Graphis and its international con- write a large number of them, helped tent in 246 issues from 1944 to 1987. Josef to create a consistent, dogmatic publica- Müller-Brockmann, Hans Neuburg, Richard tion. This might be considered diamet­ Paul Lohse, and Carlo L. Vivarelli stayed rically opposed to the practice of Walter on the editorial board of Neue Grafik from Herdeg. It was his international network its first issue in 1958 to its last in 1965. and Graphis’s broad, even eclectic content Hermann Strehler and Rudolf Hostettler that made his journal compelling. In edited SGM from 1943 to 1951, and in this regard, perhaps Graphis was not so dif- 1952 Hostettler took the editorial lead in the ferent from Typographica, which was pub- merger of SGM, RSI, and TM—a role to lished in London from 1949 to 1967 by which he dedicated much of his time, right the English typographer Herbert Spencer, until his death in 1981.50 whose editorial work has been described discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 76 by Rick Poynor in words that remind one of included articles that represented opposing Herdeg: opinions, moderating between them by adding short comments and by articulating Spencer’s editorial obsessions and intu- a third, mediating opinion in his own arti- itively determined juxtapositions gave cles or those of others.54 Hostettler’s edito- rise to possibilities and suggested mean- rial work in this sense is neither dogmatic ings that he himself did not neces­- after the manner of Neue Grafik, nor as eclec- sarily intend or predict. Typographica’s tic as Herdeg’s content for Graphis or innovation was to presuppose, Spencer’s for Typographica. But by working through these collisions—rather than as an editor of SGM and TM for almost forty through any elaborate theoretical years, Hostettler was able to establish an statement—threads of aesthetic, intel- editorial stance that could offer a platform lectual and sometimes practical to opinions and statements by different connection between its spectacularly styles and schools, without being unfaith- disparate parts.51 ful to his prime concerns, which were the printing industry, and the education of Just like Herbert Spencer, Rudolf Hostettler the next generation.55 was no supporter of any single school or style.52 While the editorial work of Spencer and perhaps also Herdeg might be described as eclectic, Hostettler’s approach, how­- ever broad, was always rooted in the prime purpose of his periodicals, bound as they were to the needs of industry and the Swiss Typographers’ Association. The discussions in TM (and to some degree in SGM too) are proof of this, and it is interesting overall to see how Strehler and Hostettler include many small, informative, technical sections so as not to alienate their subscribers with international, theoretical statements that might have seemed too distant and disconnected from the actual prob­­lems that occurred in printing companies.53 At the same time, as with the dispute between Max Bill and Jan Tschichold, Hostettler discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 77

1 Redaktion der TM 1953. Association, covering works by der Berufsbildung. Herausgegeben 2 Ibid. Swiss designers only. As men- vom Schweizerischen Typographen­ 3 Redaktion der TM 1952. tioned in an introduction to the bund, Bern. For a history of TM, 4 Redaktion 1952. article, the special issue was with a focus on the 1960s to the 5 Regarding the role of periodicals motivated by a demand from the 1990s, see Paradis 2013. see Beetham 1989: 99; and for Swiss Graphic Design Asso­­ 31 TM 1933 design journals: Leslie 2011; ciation that Herdeg and Amstutz 32 See the supplements edited by Heller & Godfrey 2014; Aynsley should publish more Swiss Walter Cyliax, TM issues 2 and 5 1992. content. of 1933, with works by Anton 6 Kinross 1992: 248. Kinross men- 12 Herdeg & Amstutz 1943a: 3. Stankowski, Hans Finsler, Ernst tioned TM as a principal source 13 Herdeg & Amstutz 1943b: back- A. Heiniger, Gotthard Schuh, for an analysis of Swiss typogra- cover. Herbert Matter, and others. phy. 14 Aynsley 1992: 67. 33 Hollis 2006: 98–99. 7 Krippendorff 2013; Aynsley 1992. 15 Heller 1986. 34 Redaktionskommission der TM 8 Walter Amstutz was director of 16 Gauchat 1946: n.p. 1951: 503–504. the tourist board of St. Moritz 17 Ryder 1955: 101. 35 Redaktion der TM 1952. from 1929 to 1938; see Triet 2001. 18 Aynsley 1992: 67. 36 Barnes 2000: 15. Walter Herdeg had studied design 19 For example, an editorial from 37 On the role of Hostettler, see at Kunstgewerbeschule Zürich 1930 stated: “We don’t want to Hochuli 1981: 25. and the Hochschule für ange- breed ‘artists’ and foster dilettan- 38 Regarding the success of the pub- wandte Kunst, Berlin, before tism, but we need capable crafts- lication, an article by Lars Müller moving to Zurich where he men for our profession.” (Wir is informative: apparently the worked freelance as a designer wollen keine ‘Künstler’ züchten editors were reporting back to and where he met Amstutz. und dadurch den Dilettantismus their publisher Josef Rast of Herdeg worked for about six years fördern, sondern tüchtige Hand- Walter Verlag, who was inquiring for Amstutz and the campaign werker für unseren Beruf.) about the number of subscrib­ers for St. Moritz, spending off-­ Redaktion und Verlag der Schwei­ and questioned whether the expec- season time in Paris, London, zer Graph. Mitteilungen 1930. tations had been too high from the and New York. See Wittwer 20 Strehler 1943: 269. beginning. Müller 2014: 8. 2007; Heller 1986. See also 21 The correspondence can be con- 39 LMNV 1958a: 2. Junod 2014b: 185. sulted in the archives of the 40 LMNV 1958a: 2. 9 Around the same time, Zurich Sammlung Hostettler, Zentrum 41 LMNV 1958b. was home to few design agencies. für das Buch, Kantonsbibliothek 42 The eighteen issues included Most of the modern design Vadiana, St. Gallen. thirty-four articles by Neuburg, work came from the Buchdrucke- 22 Strehler 1946: n.p. twenty by LMNV, eight by rei Fretz and the agency of 23 Bill 1946. Lohse, two by Vivarelli, and two Max Dalang. See Bignens 2000. 24 Tschichold 1946. by Müller-Brockmann. 10 Herdeg & Amstutz 1943a: 3. 25 Bosshard 2012. See also Burke & 43 LMNV 1960. World War II was in its fourth Kinross 2000. 44 LMNV 1962. year, the Allied forces were 26 Redaktion und Verlag der 45 Max Bill was a regular contribu- advancing into the Netherlands— Schweizer Graph. Mitteilungen 1946. tor (three articles), as was Margit but to contemplate a quick end 27 Hostettler 1946. Staber (eight articles). to the war needed a healthy dose 28 Renner 1948. 46 Schuitema 1961: 16–19. optimism. 29 Redaktion und Verlag der Schwei­ 47 Ifert 1959: 24–25. 11 Issue 28 of 1949 had been a spe- zer Graph. Mitteilungen 1948: 119. 48 Hollis 2014: 18. cial issue with a presentation of 30 The full title of TM read: Typogra­ 49 In conversations with designers the Swiss Graphic Design phische Monatsblätter. Zur Förderung of the time, one frequent discourse magazines associations printing industry profession 78

comment is that everybody looked at Neue Grafik, but nobody actually read it. 50 Unverzagt 2000: 26. 51 Poynor 2001: 11. 52 Herbert Spencer and Rudolf Hostettler corresponded regu- larly. Spencer’s daughter was given the name of Hostettler’s wife, Mafalda. See the corre- spondence in Sammlung Hostett­ ler, Zentrum für das Buch, Kantonsbibliothek Vadiana, St. Gallen. 53 We must bear in mind that in the years before and during World War II, the printing industry, like every other industry, had to react flexibly to the changing situation, and workers were not always able to keep their jobs. A short history of the Swiss Typographer’s Asso- ciation at the time underlined the critical situation for the printing industry during the war and the effects it had on the workers and their jobs and salaries. Möri 1941. 54 Bill 1946; Tschichold 1946; Hostettler 1946. 55 Hochuli 1981; Unverzagt 2000; Barnes 2000. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 6

ephemera posters publications museum clients 79 Kunsthalle Bern insights into the institution’s networks on a local and global level.2 Ostensibly insignifi- cant details like the advertisements placed by local businesses that help to finance Graphic Design the Kunsthalle, the choice of typeface, or the in the Context of an paper quality (such as glossy or cheap) can be specific demonstrations of the ways Institution for in which the Kunsthalle endeavors to 1 Contemporary Art frame itself.3 These remarks on the nature of graphic design produced for an art institution are of course not independent of the realm of marketing and advertising. For a high­- Roland Früh, Ueli Kaufmann, brow institution, any perception of such a Peter J. Schneemann, Sara Zeller link can be a sensitive matter, since the world of the arts draws a sharp line between On the international art scene, the label itself and the world of commodities. But “Kunsthalle Bern” triggers many associa- what kind of status might be defined for the tions. Its modest building in the Swiss graphic ephemera produced by an art capital, erected in 1918, is one of the iconic institution? One might describe them as a exhibition spaces of contemporary art. It historical discourse that opens with a has been a place of curatorial innovation, tacit agreement on understatement, but this public revolt, and legendary interventions by would suggest that such ephemera should international artists. The printed matter not compete with autonomous artworks, produced by a cultural institution acts as and would stress the secondary importance an interface. Posters, invitation cards, and of printed matter. In its capacity to frame catalogs serve as communication, com­ the content of an exhibition, printed matter mentary, and advertisement. The develop­ forms a bridge between the public and the ment, changing status, and style of the institution, but is not the exhibition itself. Kunsthalle Bern’s ephemera provide key At the same time, the history of informa­tion about how it defines itself graphic design, especially in Switzerland, as an art space, and an access point to the is closely linked to Modernism as a local art and design scene. As an inter­- social value system. This is reflected by the face, or even a paratext, its printed matter common characterization of Swiss Style: mirrors the diversity of interests of the a neutral, clean, dogmatic, and geomet­ric various actors involved, offering us new design with limited use of typefaces, ephemera posters publications museum clients 80 materials, and formats. The history of as physical objects, have been especially graphic design is interesting in its rela­tion influential. They clearly demonstrated to the cultural institutions of the avant- the radical emancipation of printed matter garde, because it demonstrates the link from its purely discursive function.7 between the cultural world and the language Although the term “ephemerality” is of contemporaneity. Such a language quite often used in the context of printed connotes contemporary lifestyle and fash- matter, there is a telling reversion with ion, as well as a general idea of progress regard to the temporality of the artistic and internationalism.4 interventions in the artist’s space. The cata- Looking at the development of global- log, the printed word, may be seen to be ized art institutions like Tate Modern, physically more stable or permanent than a yet another facet of this connection between transitory, conceptual gesture in a space contemporaneity and graphic identity that is otherwise empty, and which denies may be seen. In this case, the graphic design any stable notions of an object-bound is first and foremost placed at the service “work.” The mediality of discourse and of the branding of the institution itself. It documentation has to be under­stood plays a crucial role in marketing a site, through its relationship with the exhibition­ almost independent of the latter’s content.5 itself. When the objecthood of the graphic However, the potential for graphic ephemera overtakes that of the exhibi­- design to communicate a complex value sys- tion itself, the two enter into a dialectical tem, replete with emotions and desires, play of signification. is not only of interest to cultural managers. Our article investigates the extent to Curators and artists increasingly discov- which the printed matter of such an ered the importance of printed matter institution of the art world mirrors aspects during the second half of the 20th cen­tury, of the development of graphic design. because invitation cards, announcements, The Kunsthalle Bern seems ideal for a case and catalogs are media with enormous study of the changing status of catalogs potential. At the same time, these media and ephemera, of the way in which graphic liberated themselves from their subsidiary design became a major tool of curators, function. Printed matter, one could say, and of the international network that linked became more and more a representative graphic design and contemporary art. part of the Kunsthalle Bern itself, serving as a kind of “green screen” for its contem­ poraneity, and mirroring the changing lan- guage of art instead.6 Although this applies to all printed matter, the catalogs, ephemera posters publications museum clients 81

Beyond primary functions or liberating have hardly been called a catalog. Instead, the formats he writes that it should be seen as hinting at the grassroots mindset of the younger gen- Pages of a mail-order catalog whipped eration, with their collective refusal of with blood. Spread throughout the public funding, and their rejection of the exhibition catalog. (Warenhauskatalog- almost mythical activities of the 1960s.10 seiten mit Blut gepeitscht. Gleich­mässig Both Zandolini and Gachnang raise ques- im Ausstellungskatalog verteilt.)8 tions and materialize ideas, positioning this publication as being an integral part of This artistic intervention can be found in the their work, mediating between the insti­ publication for a group exhibition of a new tution and its exhibition on the one side, and generation of Bernese artists at Kunst­halle the public on the other. Bern in 1981. In an accompanying state- An evaluation of the corpus of almost ment, the artist Gerhard Zandolini questions 100 years of printed matter from the Kunst­ the role of this genre: halle Bern, however, reveals that its role has not always been as integral. Its earliest The exhibition catalog as justification publications, starting with its very first for our presence in this exhibition? exhibition in 1918, were simple and practical Advertising for us artists (personality booklets. They were produced in local cult)? A pedestal for work completed? print shops and contained an introduction­ A springboard into the art establish- by the current director, an index of artists ment? Bait for gallerists? Bearer of a and their works (often accompanied by genius cult? (Ausstellungskatalog als prices), and advertisements for small local Rechtfertigung für die Mitwirkung an businesses. A few reproductions of artworks dieser Ausstellung? Werbung für uns, were soon added to the back of the publi­ die Künstler (Personenkult)? Podest für cation, printed on coated paper. The only geleistete Arbeit? Sprungbrett in die variables were the design of the cover and etablierte Kunst? Köder für Galeristen? the typeface used for the text. Posters for the Träger eines Geniekultes?)9 Kunsthalle were almost exclusively litho- graphs designed by well-known artists—for In his editorial, the then director of Kunst­ example, Emil Cardinaux, Otto Baum­- halle Bern, Johannes Gachnang, states berger, Augusto Giacometti, and Cuno that at the request of the exhibiting artists, Amiet—and they show the typical Art Nou- he himself took on the task of designing veau style. Only the graphic design for a the publication. The simple and inexpensive, single exhibition in 1932 (featuring artworks yet eclectic and expressive brochure could by Hans Arp, Serge Brignoni, Hans Schiess, ephemera posters publications museum clients 82

Kurt Seligmann, and Sophie Taeuber-­Arp) contained more variegated texts and photo- differed radically. Both poster and catalog graphs, but also had a more intricate were designed by Arp himself, and clearly design. Sections of images on coated paper show a Modernist approach: an asymmet- are interspersed with texts set on packag­- ric layout with little hierarchical difference, ing paper so thin that the printing type—a employing various photo­graphs and a sans- German Grotesque—almost penetrated serif typeface all in lowercase letters.11 it. The choice of material could be read as a This only changed during World War II, nod to postwar German graphic design, when the formation of a network of smaller which was at the time restricted to cheap local businesses had a substantial impact on paper.14 Remarkably, the poster for the the printed matter of the Kunsthalle­ Bern. same exhibition, designed by Kurt Wirth, A wave of rather experimental typographic shows a very large lowercase “d,” pre­ posters from 1942 onwards can be traced empting the communication design of doc- back to the employment of young graphic umenta 1 in 1955.15 designers Kurt Wirth, Hans Hartmann, Within the context of the fundamental and Adolf Flückiger. A catalog for an exhi- transformations occurring in the art scene bition of the Bernese section of the Schwei- of the 1960s, Harald Szeemann discovered zerischer Werkbund later that same year printed matter as a curatorial medium features for the first-ever time an advertise- into which he could translate his exhibition ment for the painting and plastering com- concepts. From 1966 onwards, several pany F. Gygi + Co.12 catalogs were published in newspaper for- Along with Arnold Rüdlinger’s efforts mat, which allowed for a more intricate to internationalize the Kunsthalle layout, parallel narratives, and variation in Bern’s program in the late 1940s,13 the role the structure. This format at the same time of the catalog started changing. Dozens played with connotations of both ephem­ of letter­­ s from all over Germany held in erality and actuality.16 Some design features the archives of the Kunsthalle Bern reveal remain unchanged, such as the logotype, that the publication accompanying the and the typographical treatment of titles, exhibition Moderne deutsche Kunst seit 1933 in text, white space, and even advertising, 1947 was highly sought after, and also which can perhaps be explained by the fact hint at a coming shift away from being a that the very first “newspaper” program, simple guide towards being a documen­ along with several later issues, were all tation of the exhibition, or even a surrogate designed by Adolf Flückiger. for it that might be used to represent The catalog for Live in Your Head. When the institution abroad. In line with this Attitudes become Form: Work—Concepts— development, the above booklet not only Processes—Situations—Information, however, ephemera posters publications museum clients 83 completely abandoned the design and digitization of the graphic industry in the production consistency of the previous two 1980s and 1990s further liberated design decades. Published in the form of a binder from earlier material preconditions. Thus, with a thumb index, including templates for one could argue that form and format artists’ entries, and using a combination of printed matter were increasingly subordi- of typeset information and handwritten nated to conceptual considerations alone. notes, the catalog can be read as a reference to the everyday practice of a curator and his methods of filing and organizing. In line Outreach and network with the skepticism of the artist Peter Friedl, the adoption of an “Erste-Welt-Büro- The wide distribution of its catalogs ästhetik” (First World office aesthetic)17 throughout the 1940s reflects the growth of can also be perceived as an act of subordina- an international network that connected tion to the commodification of a global-­ the Kunsthalle Bern with other institutions, ized art world. It is against this background curators, artists, publishers, and critics, that Gerhard Zandolini’s questioning of through which it could share ideals, ideas, the role of exhibition catalogs and Johannes names, and curatorial concepts, and par- Gachnang’s concern with publishing have take in the possibilities offered by traveling to be seen. However, it is more than note- exhibitions.18 Its printed matter provides worthy that this act of liberation, which an interesting documentation of its many proceeds from a simple, original function, partners all over the world. Kunsthalle pub- coincided with the increasing demateri­ lications were often requested by collab­ alization of the printing industry. The virtu- orating institutions, artists, and art profes- osic amalgamation of texts and images of sionals who had not been able to visit an various origins, of typeset and handmade exhibition in Bern. Consequently, these were elements, of everyday aesthetics and artist’s often shipped internationally, serving as sketches, which is so frequent in the 1970s a lasting testament to an ephemeral event. and 1980s, is barely imaginable without the The Kunsthalle Bern benefitted from sudden availability of flexible reproduction generous loans, and in return provided visi- technologies and their democratic poten- bility to famous collections. In 1960, Wil- tial. With the dissemination of screen and lem Sandberg, the director of the Stedelijk offset printing, verydaye techniques of Museum in Amsterdam, wrote to Franz photocopying, typewriting and handwriting, Meyer, the Kunsthalle Bern’s director, to and drawing and painting that were com- ask for a few copies of the catalog for its mon to both artist and layman became more recent Kazimir Malevich exhibition.19 That viable means of graphic production. The exhibition mostly consisted of loans from Fig. 26 Ausstellung (exhibition), cat- alog cover, 20.5 × 13.5 cm, 1919.

Fig. 27 Harald Szeemann and Adolf Flückiger (design), 50 Jahre Kunsthalle Bern/ 12 Environments, newspaper, 50 × 34 cm, 1968.

Fig. 28 Peter H. Farni (design), Carlo Huber (photo), 7 aus London (7 from London), catalog cover, 21 × 21 cm, 1973.

Fig. 29 Johannes Gachnang, 5. Berner Kunstausstellung, cata- log cover, 27 × 20.5 cm, 1979.

Fig. 30 7. Berner Kunstausstellung, catalog cover, 27 × 21 cm, 1981. Fig. 26

Fig. 27 Fig. 29

Fig. 30

Fig. 28 ephemera posters publications museum clients 86 the Stedelijk Museum, so the catalog The Kunsthalle Bern’s local graphic designer must have been useful for Sandberg for and “moderate” Modernist, Adolf Flückiger, documentation purposes.20 also seemed to draw inspiration from As director of the Stedelijk Museum, Sandberg’s distinctive style, as in his solution Sandberg took the production value of for the poster accompanying the 1950 his institution’s publications very seriously. exhibition Les Fauves, for example. However, He was ahead of his time in understand-­ Sandberg’s playful yet determined, pro- ing printed matter as a tool to shape a muse- grammatic approach to the catalog was not um’s public appearance and to create a copied in Bern. brand. As a trained typographer and graphic Pontus Hultén, the then director of the designer, he designed almost every poster Moderna Museet in Stockholm, also and exhibition catalog himself. By regularly reached out to Meyer in 1960 concerning using the same typefaces, basic colors, exhibition catalogs. He was busy prepar­- and cheap materials like brown paper, he ing a Sam Francis exhibition that was com- created a recognizable identity for his ing from Bern, and needed Meyer to send museum that visually supported his state- the photographic images he had promised to ment of it being a “fierce enemy of the be used in the production of their own highbrow,”21 and targeted a different audi- publication.23 This later became famous for ence with his “rebellious” design strat-­ its cover design by Hultén himself.24 His egy. Sandberg considered both the poster letter proves that while every host institution and the catalog as important means of was responsible for producing its own communication, and deliberately used them catalog, the expensive photographs neces- to advertise upcoming exhibitions, mak-­ sary for reproducing images were often ing the catalogs available by subscription exchanged through the international net- some time before the opening.22 work. As director of the Moderna Museet Szeemann’s use of ephemeral materials in the 1960s and early 1970s, Hultén orga- for his publications also reflects common nized many landmark exhibitions. Some of trends at the time in contemporary art prac- them (or at least parts of them) also trav- tice. His newspaper series during the eled to the Kunsthalle Bern, such as one of 1960s seemed to be the complete opposite the first European Pop Art exhibitions: of the rather monumental books of pre­ Vier Amerikaner: Jasper Johns, Alfred Leslie, ceding years. With his “lowbrow” publish- Robert Rauschenberg, Richard Stankiewicz (1962). ing ethos, he, like Sandberg, deliber­ately The publications issued by the Moderna reached out to new audiences, thereby prov- Museet under the aegis of Pontus Hultén ing the importance of graphic ephemera were unique and complex. Often, the artists and the styling of publications. were themselves involved in the production ephemera posters publications museum clients 87 process, which meant that these publica- strategies used by art institutions. We have tions became at least as well known as the described its immediate influence above, exhibitions themselves, and are still sought- but what were its long-term consequences? after collectibles. The typographers and Our thesis is that aspects of the seminal printers Hubert Johansson, John Melin, Kunsthalle Bern publications by Szeemann Anders Österlin, and Gösta Svensson were and Gachnang are still having an impact responsible for the graphic design,25 even on contemporary graphic design, and on the though the design ideas and layout are often design of exhibition catalogs in particular. attributed to Hultén himself. For Hultén, This is best exemplified by a set of books a catalog did not just document the exhibi- from the late 1990s and early 2000s that tion; he also saw it as a lasting monument,­ focused on the role of graphic designers and after the ephemeral exhibition had already how they define themselves. vanished.26 In this sense, he also under- Unlike the exhibitions themselves, the stood the catalog as a souvenir of a visit to design of printed matter for the Kunst­- the museum—a genuine proof of cultural halle Bern did not create much discussion activity that could afterwards be stored on at the time—not in graphic design jour­- the bookshelf.27 nals, and certainly not in the daily press. Szeemann seems to have implemented There are two observations we might make Hultén’s editorial and design philosophy, here: First, straightforward design solu-­ at least in part. Although graphic designers tions such as those by Adolf Flückiger were will have contributed to his publications, in themselves unproblematic and hardly they are usually attributed to Szeemann seen outside Bern. Second, when the layout himself. His catalogs can hardly be called of printed matter was overseen by the direc- “monuments” in terms of the material tors, their office, or a secretary, it would they contain, but they became monumental probably have been assessed by design crit- because of their international reception ics as an amateurish or default option. As a beyond the contemporary art world. consequence, when the Kunsthalle Bern published its catalogs in a do-it-yourself manner (such as those edited and designed Friendly takeover. The art world as by non-designers such as Szeemann or amateur designer Gachnang), they did not trespass on the graphic design discourse of the time. In light of these observations, we might ask The question remains as to whether this just how the catalog design of the Kunst­ “amateur” design was simply the work halle Bern is relevant to the mediation of of amateurs, or the result of a consciously contemporaneity and the communication implemented concept. One possible ephemera posters publications museum clients 88 explanation for the lack of interest shown the Kunsthaus Zürich in 2002. Curiger had by graphic designers in such seemingly ama- hired Windlin to create the poster that teur work lies in the loosening of the profes- became an independent piece in the exhibi- sion’s ties to craft and production. Begin- tion, stacked and available for the visit­ors ning with Jan Tschichold in the 1930s and to take home. Windlin was the editor and continuing with the likes of Josef Müller- designer of the catalog, which included an Brockmann, Max Bill, and Karl Gerstner, interview with him and presented him as graphic design evolved to become cre­- one of the contributing artists to the exhibi- ative work that was carried out in studios tion. He also designed and edited a web­- and agencies, and was no longer a ser­- site that corresponded to the exhibition, and vice provided by a worker at a print shop. was almost an autonomous piece of web As a result, the discourse in graphic design art in itself. Obviously, Windlin here took on remained isolated, kept alive by graphic a role that was much more influential than designers for graphic designers, and with that of “just” a designer, and even got the very little room for a peripheral field of space to explain his own work. His catalog amateur design. follows a very similar editorial concept The absence of any discussion around to Szeemann’s When Attitudes Become Form. catalogs in the historical discourse may be Each artist is given an equal amount of compared with the contemporary hype space—one spread, not more and not less— among designers for just such raw, “default” and is represented by a short text and some publications. The reason for this revived images. interest might be purely formal, but might What is Windlin’s role here? He regards also be a result of a younger generation of himself as providing not just a service, practitioners who define themselves in ways but a concept, and he contributes to both very far removed from the prototypical the form and the project as a whole. This conventions of mere service providers. A begs the question of whether he is in fact an 2002 statement by the Zurich-based designer artist. A few years earlier, he had answered Cornel Windlin illustrates this change of that very question as follows in a publication position perfectly: “For a start: ‘the’ graphic of the Kunsthaus Zürich: designer does not exist anymore. This term is misleading and it implies a lot, which As far as I am concerned, this is not hasn’t a lot to do with me or my way of about trespassing on the artist’s working.”28 territory, nor is it a discussion about Cornel Windlin’s words are taken from whether this is art or not, or even an exhibition catalog entitled Public Affairs, if I am an artist. Rather, it is about curated and edited by Bice Curiger at demonstrating how I understand myself, ephemera posters publications museum clients 89

so that I don’t need to be defined as ­providers or educators and more as an artist in order to take a given attitude. graphic authors. Their work often Herein lies my problem: by definition, I involves uneconomic efforts, quite evi- am nailed down to a role that has noth- dent in the finished results, which ing to do with my practice. (Es geht mir oppose any common expediency. aber nicht um Territorialkämpfe, nicht (Die Gestalter der neuen Generation um die Diskussion, ist das jetzt Kunst definieren sich deshalb weniger als oder nicht, auch nicht um die Frage, ob Dienstleister oder Erzieher denn als ich jetzt ein Künstler bin oder nicht. grafische Autoren. Ihre Arbeit for-­ Es geht mir darum, ein Selbstverständ- ciert einen oft unökonomischen, im nis zu etablieren – als Arbeitsgrund- fertigen Resultat durchaus offen lage; damit ich eben nicht als Künstler ablesbaren Aufwand, der sich jedem definiert sein muss und trotzdem aus üblichen Zweckdenken querlegt.)30 einer gewissen Haltung heraus arbeiten kann. Darin liegt das Problem­ für It is in the choice of materials and simple mich: Dass ich per definitionem auf eine editorial concepts that the designer’s Handlungsweise festgelegt werde, die decisions become visible. Windlin is not mit mir eigentlich nichts zu tun hat.)29 interested in literal designs where the sole intention is to create, for example, an Today’s graphic design often references the expensive-looking booklet marketing practices of artists or curators from expensive products. He attempts to design the 1960s and 1970s. The catalogs of Pontus transparently, so that the public can Hultén of the Moderna Museet, those of understand the conceptual process that led Jean-Christophe Ammann at the Kunstmu- to the form. The straightforward design seum Luzern, and certainly the catalogs strategies of the likes of Hultén, Ammann, of Szeemann and Gachnang at the Kunst­ and Szeemann make for good role mod­els. halle Bern, are frequently referred to. Describing how the graphic design Martin Heller, who commissioned Cornel of the Kunsthalle Bern actually influences Windlin for many projects during his time the work of young designers might also as director of the Museum für Gestaltung hint at how these catalogs could be dis- Zürich, summarized this shift towards cussed in future. It is worth observing who the designer-as-author in an article for the edited, designed, and made them—they magazine Hochparterre back in 1993: were often one and the same person—and how these people are credited, or not, in The designers of the new generation the colophon. Because, to quote Cornel define themselves less as service- Windlin again, graphic design in many ways ephemera posters publications museum clients 90 might be a kind of bracketing element in which historically documents each the production of art exhibitions: piece, with the available iconography and commissioned essays.32 Today, graphic design is relatively easy to do. Which is why the important Such an example demonstrates how graphic question is: What can I, as an individual, design and editorial decisions may come to bring to the project? The designer be highly influential for the curator through- can make a crucial difference, and the out the production of an exhibition in fields of design, publishing, and its entirety. As such, the consequence will be authorship can blend into one another. that catalogs, posters, and flyers will con- (Heute ist es relativ einfach, Grafik­ stantly attempt to document and immortal- design zu machen. Deshalb ist der ent- ize the ephemerality of the exhibition. scheidende Faktor: Was kann ich, als Maybe that is also why printed matter con- Individuum, in ein Projekt einbringen? tinually references the architecture of the Hier kann ein Designer die entschei- institution, as is the case for the Kunsthalle dende Differenz ausmachen, und die Bern. The building is repeatedly illustr­ ated Bereiche der Gestaltung, Herausge­ as a stamp, a logo, a glowing monument, berschaft und Autorschaft können sogar or as a pixelated fuzzy image. The represen- ineinander übergehen.)31 tation of the institution’s architecture anchors the printed matter to its home base. Such a development in the relationship How this relationship between the institu- between printed matter and the exhibition tion, the infrastructure, and communication it frames is exemplified by the Kunsthalle continues to play out in an age in which Bern’s 2009 exhibition Voids, in which digital media have come to rival printed the curator Mathieu Copeland chose to matter will be an ongoing challenge for leave spaces empty and prioritize the role graphic designers, and will be intriguing for of the catalog as documentation. It was everyone else to observe. At any rate, it designed by Gilles Gavillet and David Rust, has been clear for some time that in its rela- both of whom have also collaborated with tions to the mechanisms of the art world, Windlin. The curator wrote: print still matters.

While the exhibition dryly renounces documentary fetishism, this publica- tion attempts to cover broader ground. To begin with, there is the catalog of the exhibition, or of the works exhibited, ephemera posters publications museum clients 91

1 This article is a revised version designed by German typographer 24 Jahre 1996: 84. of a contribution to Schneemann Paul Renner—with noticeable 25 Jahre 1996: 174. 2018, an investigation into the political allusions. Earlier in the 26 “The catalog is also the memorial history of the Kunsthalle Bern. same year Renner had published of an exhibition, it is the part that For the original version see Früh his book Kulturbolschewismus?, a can travel around the world, and et al. 2018: 139–154. vigorous defense of Modernism it is the only part of any impor- 2 Etienne Wismer recently reflected and a critique of Nazi policies. tance that will last, once the exhi- on the functions of Kunsthalle As he could not find a German bition is over.” Pontus Hultén on Bern’s catalogs during the 1970s. publisher, he released it through the importance of the exhibition See Wismer 2017: 284–292. his friend Eugen Rentsch in catalog, cit. in Jahre 1996: 173 3 For a study of the specifics Zurich. These formal elements (translation by the authors). of exhibition catalog graphic can thus be read as political 27 “[The catalog] is an authentic design, see Jubert 1996. statements, and the role of the document of the cultural act of 4 See Heimo Zobernig’s artistic publication thereby goes far visiting an exhibition.” Pontus strategies of addressing this beyond its usual function. See Hultén on the Paris-New York dimension of the Modernist dis- Burke 1998: 126–143. catalog for the exhibition of the course. Zobernig exhibited at the 12 See “Advertisements,” in the same name at Centre Pompidou Kunsthalle Bern in 1994, working volume Visual Arguments. in 1973, cit. in Jahre 1996: 175 explicitly with printed matter. See 13 Ammann & Szeemann 1970: 5. (translation by the authors). Kunsthalle Bern 1994. 14 Hops & Jäger 2016: 10. 28 “Erstens: ‘den’ Grafiker gibt es 5 See the recent publication on the 15 Hops & Jäger 2016: 105. nicht mehr. Dieser Begriff ist close collaboration of graphic 16 Interestingly, this happened at missverständlich, und er impli- designer Richard Hollis with the the time of a fundamental crisis ziert vieles, was mit mir und Whitechapel Gallery in London, in the newspaper market, which meiner Arbeitsweise nichts zu Wilson 2017; Hofmeister 2011; led to a drastic reduction in the tun hat.” Cornel Windlin, cit. Ober-Heilig 2015, see subchap- number of newspapers and a in Curiger 2002: 104. ter 4 “Museen als Marken”. process of concentration through 29 Cornel Windlin, cit. in Bovier 6 These developments of the eman- the mergers of different pub­ et al. 1998: 128–133. For a discus- cipation of paratexts are not lishing houses. See Heinrich sion of the designer as artist, restricted to the context of mini- & Lobigs 2006: 209. using the example of Cornel mal art. See Bracht 2002; Evers, 17 See Friedl 2010: 146–147. Windlin, see Hollis 2013. Domesle & Langenberg 1999; 18 Nicolas Brulhart’s exhibition 30 Heller 1993: 29. Schneemann 2015; Schneemann Archiv Netzwerk Kunsthalle (Kunst­ 31 Cornel Windlin, cit. in Bovier et 2004: 28–43; Schneemann 2003; halle Bern, Dec. 16, 2016 – Jan. 29, al. 1998: 128–133. Jahre 1996. 2017) showed diverse archival 32 Copeland et al. 2009: 30. 7 Some of the functions previously material bearing proof of the fulfilled by printed matter have institution’s extensive interna- been moved to the digital realm. tional networks. An analysis of the current state 19 Willem Sandberg to Franz Meyer, of visual communication would Letter of Jan. 28, 1960; Kunst­ be warranted, but is not the goal halle Bern Archive, file 1960. of this research. 20 See Kunsthalle Bern 1959. 8 Zandolini 1981: n.p. 21 Leeuw Marcar 2013: 131. 9 Ibid. 22 Spencer 1997: 72. 10 Gachnang 1981: n.p. 23 Pontus Hultén to Franz Meyer, 11 The text in the publication is set Letter of Aug. 11, 1960; Kunst­ in Futura, an iconic typeface halle Bern Archive, file 1960. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 7

exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 92 Lehni Frame space created by a temporary loss of func- tion is filled with new meanings by the objects’ new surroundings. Usually, these Implications of meanings are not accidental, but are cho­- sen and applied consciously. Displaying Graphic Since there are no conventions for show- ing graphic design, presentation formats Design are often renegotiated for each exhibition. While independent venues tend to use casual, low-cost displays using pins and clips to mount exhibits, museums favor large- Sara Zeller scale installations.3 As an ephemeral object connected to everyday life, the poster is Organizing graphic design exhibitions is at odds with the frame traditionally associ- always problematic: graphic design ated with the formal presentation of does not exist in a vacuum, and the walls paintings. Nevertheless, within the institu- of the exhibition space effectively tional context, posters nowadays are iso­late the work of design from the real often framed—and the frames are usually world. Placing a book, a music album, explained as a measure to protect these or a poster in a gallery removes it from rare historical items.4 the cultural, commercial, and his­- Since the 1990s, institutional display torical context without which the work formats have been increasingly subjected to cannot be understood.1 research, analyzing their influence on the perception of exhibits and their power The problem of decontextualization that to create visual narratives that inscribe Peter Bil’ak here observes for graphic themselves into history.5 The frame has thus design is not unfamiliar to curators from to be considered as much more than a many fields, such as art, design, ethnol­­ogy, protective device. As an inherent part of the or archeology, and it addresses a specific display, it has a distinct influence on how issue straight-on: How do you ex­hibit some- exhibits are received. The impact of dis­play thing that belongs to the mass media, to on historiography is also increasingly being popular culture, without its context? How addressed in the field of graphic design.6 do you avoid incorrectly putting something In recent research, the display of graphic on a pedestal and false interpretations?2 design exhibitions has been identified as As we can see from the examples we will an important element for the “construction consider in the present essay, the empty of history and meaning.”7 Against this exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 93 backdrop, the present essay will explore that 1912 to 2012: one poster had been selected issue within the context of exhibitions of for every year. Here, it seems to be the Swiss graphic design. To do so, the means combination of the frames, the chronology, of display for a non-representative selection the height, and the frieze’s omnipresence of exhibitions at the Museum für Gestal- throughout the exhibition space that pre- tung Zürich (hereinafter: MfGZ) and the sented the museum’s collection in the Museum of Modern Art New York (MoMA) light of the master narrative supplied by its between 1951 and 2012, chosen because own items. Not only was the awestruck, of their remarkable display designs, will here upward-looking visitor informed about the be subjected to closer analysis.8 highlights of Swiss poster design, but they also experienced Swiss poster history as a self-contained, linear development. Towards Signifying value the exit, a contemporary section offered an alternative. Here, posters and objects For the MfGZ, the use of frames is not were attached to wire with metal clips, or lay primarily a curatorial decision. For conser­ there for the visitor to browse through, vation reasons, all objects from its collec- reminiscent of the display modes that can tions must be shown behind glass. Never- usually be found outside institutions, theless, or possibly because of this, the frame such as in studio shows or poster festivals.10 affects how the visitor understands the The decision to use a casual dis­play mode exhibition—it creates hierarchies and mean- for some of the contemporary posters even ing. By identifying objects as in need of served to enhance the special status of the protection, a certain value is attributed to collection’s items.11 [Figs. 31, 32] them. For the large-scale exhibition The framing policy of the MfGZ 100 Years of Swiss Graphic Design, the curators concerning the objects of its collection con- Karin Gimmi and Barbara Junod con- formed to standard institutional practice. sciously worked with diverse displays, while However, in an international context, most the exhibition was thematically struc­tured larger institutions only began to use frames and a great many objects were mounted to display posters systematically in around in frames or placed in glass vitrines. A red the early 1970s. The objects of permanent band overhead displayed 100 posters exhibitions were commonly framed before arranged chronologically—and even though this practice was later adopted for tempo- they were out of reach, they were all placed rary exhibitions.12 Interestingly, it appears in neat aluminum frames.9 The “frieze,” that poster frames from Zurich to New York as it was called by the museum itself, show- seem to conform to certain formal criteria, cased a history of Swiss poster design from for they comprise a discreet, almost invisible exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 94 design, preferably made of light metal. The particularly noticeable. Except for a scaffold- MfGZ nowadays uses exclusively light like architectural intervention in one aluminum frames by Lehni, a company with room, the display design limited itself to the connections to the international art and framed mounting of the exhibits and their design scene. The so-called “Lehni frame,” conscious, picture-gallery-like arrangement designed by Rudolf Lehni in 1976, is itself on the walls. As the exhibits were pre-­ a celebrated example of Swiss design and is sented in chronological order, visitors fol- available in every possible size—up to lowing the proposed circuit experienced Weltformat, the Swiss standard size for post- a linear history of posters that began in Paris ers. The Lehni family established them- at the end of the 19th century. Recent selves on the art and design scene early on. research has showed how this specific dis- Rudolf Lehni senior set up the workshop, play design supported an understanding and in 1932 he carried out Max Bill’s famous of the exhibition as a master narrative con- Well-Relief (Wave relief). Together with firming a canon previously established the designer Andreas Christen, Rudolf Lehni by the museum itself.15 The frames are thus junior produced the aluminum bookshelves an intrinsic aspect of the whole setting, for Max Bill’s section at the Expo 1964 in which was an important agent in framing the Lausanne. Inspired by this same bookshelf, exhibits as masterpieces, as artworks, Donald Judd designed a furniture collec- while simultaneously telling the history of tion during the 1980s that is still exclusively poster design. The institution decided to produced and sold by Lehni.13 It is an combine contemporary, lesser-known post- interesting act of affirmation that a Swiss ers with established masterpieces, and design museum should use a Swiss design as such changed the way they were perceived object to display its posters; exhibit and by the audience. The contemporary pop­ display thus concur. As a part of the narra- ular posters enter the essential circle of cul- tive itself, the Lehni-frame frames its tural heritage, and the masterpieces step content­ within the discourse to which the down from their pedestals and rub shoulders museum contributes. with their ephemeral, printed equivalents. The graphic designer Niklaus Troxler was at the time barely known outside Switzer­- The frame as institution land, but the inclusion of two posters of his in this exhibition most likely made a In 1988, Stuart Wrede curated the exhibition large contribution to his international break- The Modern Poster at MoMA, which can through.16 [Fig. 33] be considered exemplary in many respects.14 The use of frames in the exhibition is also exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 95

The institution as frame In fact, mock-up poster columns and walls were at the time (and as a matter of fact Another, earlier exhibition at MoMA entirely still are) nothing unusual in poster exhibi- focusing on poster design from Switzer­- tions. At that time, it was still very com-­ land offers a contrasting approach to the mon to show posters—mass-produced display modes discussed above that were printed matter—without any protective mostly related to conservation, protection, glass or frame. Nevertheless, looking at and value. In the exhibition Swiss Posters, MoMA’s exhibition history, we can see how overseen by Mildred Constantine, the exhib- certain posters were early on displayed its were either directly mounted on the in frames and within a white-cube setting. walls or in rectangular display elements, This was the case, for example, in an without the use of frames. The eye-catching exhibition about the famous French poster display architecture was discussed in the artist A.M. Cassandre in 1936.21 This press release: “The installation will simulate exhibition looked as if it were imitating an a Swiss street display, with 4 typical free- exhibition of paintings. When compared standing Swiss telephone boxes plastered to the Cassandre exhibition, it becomes with posters. Walls will show identical post- clear how the display of Swiss Posters did not ers side by side to make a repeat pattern present its exhibits as unique artworks, as it is done in Switzerland where standards nor did it try to establish a canon of poster in size and display are regulated.”17 Most of design. Instead, it showed them as part the approximately forty exhibits were recent of the popular culture of a far away, over- works and had been selected from the The seas country. The press reviews also reported Swiss Poster, a traveling show that had been about the exhibition as being a kind of organized in Switzerland by Pro Helvetia contemporary “period room” giving the and that toured through Europe, the USA, visi­tor “[…] a real feeling of Europe”22—only and South America from 1949 until 1952.18 lacking the bistro chairs and trees of a MoMA’s own poster collection provided a garden restaurant. number of exhibits.19 The exhibition design This way of framing (and the corre- was attempted to re-­contextualize the sponding absence of frames) shows how the exhibits in their natural habitat. Constantine institution understood the exhibition: as proba­­­bly got the idea for this original dis- a contemporary documentation of Swiss, or play design from browsing the catalog that at least European, poster design. Interest- accompanied the touring show: it contains ingly (or maybe typically), MoMA’s usual photographs of Swiss street scenes with masterpiece approach and personal cult come to poster hoardings, and presents the telephone the fore in the press release. Characterized booth as a characteristic landmark.20 not as simple, anonymous designers, the Fig. 31

Fig. 31 Installation view, 100 Jahre Schweizer Grafik / 100 Years of Swiss Graphic Design, Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, Feb. 10–Jun. 3, Fig. 32 2012.

Fig. 32 Installation view, 100 Jahre Schweizer Grafik / 100 Years of Swiss Graphic Design, Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, Feb. 10–Jun. 3, 2012.

Fig. 33 Installation view, The Mod- ern Poster, Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) New York, Jun. 6–Sep. 6, 1988.

Fig. 34 Installation view, Swiss Posters, Museum of Mod- ern Art (MoMA) New York, Jan. 30–Mar. 19, 1951. Fig. 33

Fig. 34 exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 98 artists are referred to as “modern Swiss mas- the presence or absence of a supposed ters of poster design,” and some of them detail of presentation, the frame, this sepa- are listed by name: Donald Brun, Hans Erni, ration becomes even more apparent. In Herbert Leupin, Richard Lohse, and Carlo addition, it reveals how these empty spaces Vivarelli.23 [Fig. 34] are then filled with new meaning. For example, an illustrative poster from the 1940s in the exhibition 100 Years of Swiss Issues and potentials Graphic Design not only stands for a specific stylistic tendency and a chapter of Switzer- The examples discussed here outline to what land’s political history, but also presents extent the use of the frame and the display the museum’s collection as something valu- design can provide information on how orga- able and comprehensive. The interplay nizers classify their exhibits: whether as of exhibition furniture, display architecture, highlights of design history, as an assessment and structure accordingly results in a of a contemporary phenomenon, as art- complex network of meanings that in turn works, or as insights into the popular culture forms a unique framework for exhibits. of a foreign country. However, the dis- In addition, the institution itself frames its cussed examples also raise many questions, exhibits in a certain context. As Ferguson and the transfer of graphic design into writes: “Exhibitions are publicly sanctioned the exhibition space reveals the spectrum of representations of identity, principally, problems that Bil’ak addresses. If an exhi­ but not exclusively, of the institutions that bition is regarded as a “strategic system represent them. They are narratives of representations,”24 then its framework which use art objects as elements in institu- seems to function as a visual code for value, tionalized stories that are promoted to whether intentionally or not.25 Of course, an audience.”26 Thus this cascade of framing the comparison to paintings, a recurring elements forms its own reference sys-­ topic in the history of graphic design, tems, which in turn influence the histo- becomes obvious. Is the decision to show a riography of the exhibited objects. As poster framed or not a question of whether early as 1976, the artist Brian O’Doherty it is considered to be art (or not)? observed in his famous essay “Inside Peter Bil’ak’s manifesto-like text points the White Cube” how art galleries con- out how graphic design in the exhibi­- structed the history of Modernism.27 In the tion space is detached from its former func­ present essay, I posit that the institu­- tion. Instead of advertising a product or tional influence on what we understand as announcing an event, the posters on display the canon of graphic design should not be suddenly refer to something else. By tracing underestimated either. exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 99

Nevertheless, there are also museums that 1 Bil’ak 2006: n.p. As Teal Triggs explains, Bil’ak’s text draws on seem to be aware of the authoritarian ges- Brian O’Doherty’s writings prob- ture of framing, have actively addressed the lematizing the impact of the problem of exhibiting in the past, and seemingly neutral gallery space, remain conscious today of the implications the White Cube, on historiogra- phy. See Triggs 2016: 18. of framing posters. In a conversation with 2 On this matter, see, for example, Clémence Imbert, Ada Stroeve, a curator at Ernst 1996: 111–135. the Stedelijk Museum Amsterdam, recounts 3 Imbert 2014: 91. 4 Imbert 2017: 12. that she did not want to use frames for 5 See Staniszewski 1998. For a posters, but was confronted with the need critical anthology about exhibi- to protect her exhibits. So in the 1970s, tions, see Greenberg, Ferguson & Nairne 1996. Meanwhile, a Stroeve conceived a system using Plexiglas whole discourse has developed in for the museum, which allowed her to various disciplines analyzing avoid actual frames and thus prevent any how “exhibitions create knowledge about the subjects they seek to comparison between posters and paintings, represent,” fostering a critical while still adhering to her institution’s attitude towards display design guidelines on the protection of its objects. and other institutional framing To this day, the Stedelijk often uses a light devices. See Moser 2010: 22. 6 The latest representative research protective system developed by Carolien on the subject has been con- Glazenburg in 2000 that tries to evoke the ducted by Clémence Imbert. In notion of a picture frame.28 However, her PhD dissertation, she ana- lyzed graphic design exhibitions exactly this need for protection seems to at the MoMA in New York, the communicate the same value system as Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam before. So, is perhaps the only solution we and the CCI/Centre Pompidou in Paris. See Imbert 2017. are left with to consciously address the 7 Lzicar & Unger 2016: 250. For implications of institutional power within another case study on that exhibitions themselves? matter, see also Imbert 2015: n.p. 8 However, the present essay is by no means a comprehensive study of the use of frames for poster exhibits and their impact on graphic design history. Rather it wishes to shift the focus on an often neglected and supposed “detail” of the presentation of posters and graphic design in general. 9 Press release, 100 Years of Swiss Graphic Design, Zürcher exhibition design exhibitions posters canonization museum 100

Hochschule der Künste, Archiv Modern Art in New York in 1936, ZHdk, GBA-2012-D01-004-003. as in: www.moma.org/calendar/ 10 Imbert 2014: 91. exhibitions/1805?locale=de 11 The frame as a signifier of value (accessed May 23, 2019). in different contexts is explored, 22 Press release, Swiss Posters, Cura- for example, in Duro 1996: torial Exhibition Files, 44–62. Exh. #467.2. The Museum of 12 The MoMA, for example, used Modern Art Archives, New York. frames from 1976 onwards for 23 Ibid. their permanent poster displays. 24 Ferguson 1996: 178. Imbert 2017: 410. 25 Imbert 2017: 416. 13 See “History,” in https://lehni. 26 On that matter, see Ferguson ch/en/company/history/ 1996: 175. (accessed Mar. 23, 2020). About 27 “The history of modernism is the Well-Relief’s relation to Bill’s intimately framed by this space graphic design, see Hollis 2006: [art gallery]; or rather the his­- 59. tory of modern art can be cor- 14 As current research shows, related with changes in that MoMA’s understanding of space and in the way we see it.” graphic design decisively influ- O’Doherty 1986 (1976): 14. enced design history, and the 28 Imbert 2017: 407. exhibition display has been iden- tified as an important element that revealed the museum’s con- cepts and also fostered a specific view on graphic design. Imbert 2015: n.p. 15 Imbert shows how MoMA’s authority regarding the interpre- tation of what is good and valuable should not be underesti- mated. See Imbert 2015: n.p. 16 Zeller 2017: 5–15. 17 Press release, Swiss Posters, Cura- torial Exhibition Files, Exh. #467.2. The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York. 18 This traveling exhibition is the focus of the PhD thesis of the present author. 19 Press release, Swiss Posters, Cura- torial Exhibition Files, Exh. #467.2. The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York. 20 Pro Helvetia 1950: n.p. 21 See the exhibition Posters by Cassandre at the Museum of DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 8

awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 101 Netzwerke/Réseaux/ After entering the museum and climbing a series of steps, visitors discovered a bird’s Networks eye view of the exhibition. [Fig. 36] Once they were there, it would have become clear that the platform on which they stood A Relaunch to Repo­ was a row of seats similar to those found in a sports hall or a stadium. The visual met- sition Federal Design aphors provided by Gabrielle Schmid and Promotion Cornelia Staffelbach’s scenography made connections between different arenas of competition—sports, games, and design awards—while also making clear how the different players were connected. The floor, Jonas Berthod covered with wooden panels of the same blue that is commonly found in sports halls, On the evening of October 18, 2002, the had a series of lines that displayed the Museum für Gestaltung Zürich opened its nominees’ networks by linking the different doors and welcomed visitors to the Swiss exhibits. They showed “who knew whom” Design Awards (SDA) exhibition. As people through themes such as education, awards, assembled for this annual event, they or institutions. When standing on top of were greeted by what was an unusual sight the installation, the visitors were invited to in the context of these ceremonies. Over take up a physical and metaphorical posi- the previous decade, these exhibitions had tion in order to assist in the contest taking offered a “white cube” display of awarded place in front of them. projects without curation, discourse, The exhibition furniture was made of or context. In 2002, however, visitors were colored structures such as high and low welcomed at the door by a large title tables, coffers, and gym espaliers that had announcing a theme for the show: Netzwerk / been designed to accommodate a wide Réseaux /Networks. [Fig. 35] This exhibition range of design artifacts, and which sug- was not just a presentation of the prize-­ gested movement thanks to their wheels winning projects, but also conte­ xtualized and handles. The networks displayed them by showing how they fitted into a seemed far from frozen: the exhibition also broader design network in Switzerland. To let visitors enter and expand them. This do so, the curation used three devices: an intention was communicated extensively in elaborate scenography, an extensive events the promotional material for the exhibition. program, and a complex catalog. For instance, the poster announced the awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 102 intention of the Swiss Federal Office of reveal was more implicit. By demystifying Culture (SFOC) to turn the exhibition into the networks, providing a context, and “a place where networking is practiced.” inviting visitors to take part in these con- [Fig. 37] nections, the SFOC took the position of An exhibition map gave a further point mediator in the network. This involvement of entry to these networks by providing was unprecedented for the SFOC, and an extensive list of all the nodes mentioned introduced a new approach to Federal design in the exhibition, along with their contact promotion, which was met in the main- details. These included schools, design stream press with unusually overwhelming awards, museums, foundations, and profes- approval.2 sional associations. At the center of the space, a room separated from the rest of the exhibition with floor-to-ceiling curtains A new era of design promotion offered comfortable seating [Fig. 38] and was used to host a series of events and The exhibition was opened by Patrizia debates called the Design Salon. Talks were Crivelli, who as the secretary of the SFOC’s organized around a wide range of topics Design Service was responsible for the SDA. including gender, marketing, and design as She spoke of it as the beginning of a new development aid. The extensive program era of design promotion.3 This relaunch was was organized by the curators in collabora- an attempt by the Federal Design Com­ tion with the HGKZ1 and aimed to bring mission4 to respond to ongoing criticism together a wide range of international actors concerning the awards’ relevance. In 1989, from the scene and beyond. They included worried that not enough designers were designers, representatives of the SFOC, applying, the SDA had already begun exhib- academics, teachers, and museum and gal- iting the works of winners outside Bern, lery directors, but also collectors, cura-­ and had begun publishing a catalog.5 This tors, journalists, and even a psychoanalyst. greater visibility led to increased scrutiny of The cultural mediation program not the awards in the specialist press, which only contributed to the discourse, but also was highly critical of the SDA in the 1990s. provided a meeting point to extend the Articles argued that the judging process networks. was opaque, and that the winning projects This exhibition led to a double reveal. were either safe choices or the work of The first was obvious: the curators made previous winners and established designers.6 visible and accessible the networks of Swiss The press also suggested that the SDA design by using their scenography, events did not reflect the whole scene, but instead program, and the catalog. But the second produced a random selection depending on awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 103 who had happened to present a project official criteria for choosing these designers that year; this implied that the best design- were not fully transparent: Crivelli simply ers were not being represented.7 More­- mentioned that the SFOC had “noticed over, the exhibitions were deemed too sim- their work.”12 What we do know is that they ple, for they failed to provide any context had all previously won competitions orga- to the pieces exhibited.8 In 1996, the spe- nized by the SFOC. cialist press’s opinion of the SDA was at its Promoting “good design” by commis- most critical. It argued that the awards sioning “good designers” might seem had become so irrelevant that they should tautological, but this idea was not always so be dissolved, or at least wholly rede­- self-evident. Many of the Most Beautiful fined.9 It is thus not surprising that in 1997, Swiss Books catalogs before 1998 were small on the occasion of the 80th anniversary brochures that looked more like admin­ of Federal design promotion, the Federal istrative documents than pieces of design. Design Commission began just such a pro- Similarly, the SDA catalogs before 2002 cess of redefinition.10 were no graphic feats either. They were From early on in this period of transi- rather plain, commemorative records listing tion—whose official purpose was to find the procedure, budgets, and winners. By new ways of supporting designers, but which choosing promising designers for these proj- was arguably also an attempt at saving ects, and giving them free rein to develop the SDA—the SFOC realized it needed to daring concepts (which were not always wel- turn itself from a distant, money-giving comed by the press,13 but certainly were insti­tution into one closer to the practice by the designers14), the Design Service gave of designers and at the center of the design itself a facelift. It now became more attrac- scene. One of the ways they identified tive to the scene to which it was trying to for repositioning the institution was to give appeal: it was young, cool, and on the rise. up-and-coming designers an increasing This demonstrated that the SFOC had number of commissions to help them launch understood the necessity of using the lan- their careers. After taking over the Most guage of design to reposition the institu- Beautiful Swiss Books competition in 1997, tion. By setting an example and becoming the SFOC shifted its focus to recognizing an “ideal” client, they enjoyed the bonus design, rather than technical aspects,11 and of being praised by the critics for their from 1998 onwards the design of its cata­- attempt to remain close to the practice of log was outsourced to up-and-coming prac- designers.15 titioners such as Gilles Gavillet, Cornel Another strategy for repositioning the Windlin, or NORM, who were all enjoying SDA at the center of things was to provide a moment of critical recognition. The a critical discourse on the design scene. awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 104

Indeed, no other institution offered anything every year: museums, but also applied art similar in Switzerland.16 To do so, the theme schools and galleries. The former approach of “networks” was chosen by the three had covered a wide range of cities across original curators of the 2002 exhibition: all the linguistic regions of Switzerland, but Crivelli; the director of the Museum für had the disadvantage of producing exhibi- Gestaltung, Erika Keil; and designer / jour- tions that were neither professional nor con- nalist / educator Ralf Michel, a member sistent. By contrast, the new strategy enlisted of the Swiss Design Association who was the patronage of two recognized institu- at the time preparing the launch of the tions and would be supervised by curators Swiss Design Network.17 Soon thereafter, who would work thematically. By institu- Keil left the museum, and Crivelli asked tionalizing the exhibition, the SFOC secured publisher Lars Müller to step in for the orga- a place for the SDA on the cultural agenda, nization of the 2002 SDA.18 The curators and cemented the gravi­tas of the event, hypothesized that there were informal “cre- which now became an actor participating in ative center s” in Switzerland organized the creation of a discourse on the Swiss as “shared offices, studio buildings, scenes,” design scene. and that these nodes—which were pre­ One more change also contributed to sumably interconnected—produced some the creation of a more complex discourse in of the most important Swiss design.19 the selection process. The categories in use Assuming that at least some of the winners so far by applicants—for example, fashion, to be awarded that year would be con- jewelry, industrial design, and so on—were nected to these creative centers, the SFOC replaced by two broad groups. Group A aimed to make their connections visible. comprised objects produced in a single edi- tion or small series, while group B encom- passed industrially or serially produced Reorganization objects. Although this might seem like a simple administrative reorganization, it had Apart from this new curatorial approach, significant consequences for the judging another change included a collaboration criteria. Instead of assessing objects within with two Swiss design museums, the Musée a single discipline, the jury was asked to de design et d’arts appliqués contempo- compare objects transversally. This led to rains (mudac) in Lausanne and the Museum tense discussions, but allowed them to für Gestaltung Zürich, which were to take into account new interdisciplinary prac- take turns hosting the yearly exhibition.20 tices that were increasingly becoming the Previously, the ad hoc traveling displays norm.21 From then on, the judging process had been hosted by different institutions would consider “dossiers” as a whole, awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 105 rather than focusing only on the artifact help build up designers’ networks, but it submitted for the award.22 This required a also needed to reclaim a position at the cen- positioning on the part of designers that ter of this network by becoming “an import- encouraged them to make submissions that ant moderator and initiator.”30 The SFOC were more professional instead of their aimed to portray itself as a mediator playing hitherto rather more vague approach.23 The an active role in connecting people and holistic selection also helped to sketch out promoting designers. No longer a distant a more detailed picture of the design scene. institution awarding large sums of money Previously, assessing projects within the to designers, it now claimed a role “as a node same discipline meant that the emphasis in the so-called ‘design network’” by was on “know-how”: technical skills, craft, adopting a proactive position on the scene.31 and constraints within the framework of the discipline. With the new categories, how- ever, this criterion no longer made sense. Echoing the design lifestyle Different disciplines were mixed, and thus an accent was put on the relevance, qual­ity, The exhibition, the related series of events, and originality of concepts and research.24 and the catalog all served to create and This can be read as a nod to the ongoing mediate a complex, layered discourse sur- redefinition of the profession as something rounding the awardees and, by extension, that belonged to the cultural sector rather the overall scene itself. They managed to than to the service industry—a tendency reposition the SDA at the center of the Swiss that had gained momentum in the 1990s.25 design scene, and succeeded in creating a The SFOC also wanted to help design- renewed sense of excitement that was largely ers broaden their networks. Prize-winning echoed in the national press. This may designers were offered three options: the have been helped by the provision of mat­ usual money prize (CHF 25,000), a stay in erial in press releases, discourses, and exhi- an atelier abroad, or an internship orga- bition ephemera, which contrasted with nized by the SFOC at a selection of interna- the absence of context in previous years. It tional design studios.26 The aim was to also reflected the SFOC’s newfound ability give designers more than financial support to capture the audience’s imagination by championing professional networking.27 through the curation and design of the exhi- The provision of internships was based bition, which contributed to redefining the on Crivelli’s research28 and addressed a real face of the institution and led to increased need: demand exceeded the number of recognition by practitioners.32 places available.29 The SFOC arguably had The network exhibited in 2002 was not a dual intention here. Not only did it want to restricted to purely professional nodes, but Fig. 35

Fig. 36 Fig. 35 The entrance of the 2002 exhibition with the back of the terraces (in green) and the staircase visible in the background.

Fig. 36 The view from the top of the steps.

Fig. 37 Poster for the 2002 Swiss Design Awards exhibition, Elektrosmog (graphic design), 2002.

Fig. 38 The space in the center of the exhibition. In the fore- ground, a laptop displayed the plan of the space.

Fig. 37

Fig. 38 awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 108 also included affinities, shared interests, The recognition by the SFOC of the “design collaborations, and informal meetings at lifestyle” in the Most Beautiful Swiss picnics, parties, club nights, and open­- Books and the SDA had led to an increased ings.33 This reflected the new organization promotion of small studios with a prac­- of small, recently founded studios, in ­tice rooted in the cultural field. They saw particular in graphic design. From the late winning these competitions as an opportu- 1990s onwards, these studios expressed a nity to become recognized and to fund general lack of interest in formal structures their practice, for winning could help them such as professional associations,34 prefer- to finance their studios, or sponsor self-­ ring informal networks instead.35 Designers’ initiated projects.40 From 1998 onwards, the friends were “all designers and all they projects commissioned by the SFOC [did] was talk about design.”36 They actively allowed particular designers to develop work wanted to create tightly knit design com- under conditions that were the exception munities; they shared studios, played foos- rather than the norm—with decent budgets ball together, and organized exhibitions and the leeway to develop strong graphic and parties.37 In books, they chose to be concepts. All the designers who were com- represented as anti-professionals: by mixing missioned by the SFOC went on to forge business and pleasure, blurring borders critically recognized careers, which suggests between professional and personal lives, that the SFOC was successful in its role they suggested that work and fun went hand of design promotion. However, it also led in hand.38 The SFOC’s all-encompassing to a somewhat predictive role played by definition gave institutional recognition to networks. Most of the designers then reap- a change in the profession: more than peared in the SFOC’s internal networks; a profession, design had become a lifestyle. although these were significant for design, These studios concentrated on proj­- they were not discussed in the 2002 exhi­ ects in the cultural field, which were often bition. For instance, those designers them- poorly paid but allowed them to develop selves sat on the Federal Design Com­ more experimental design languages. It is mission or on the jury for the Most Beautiful noteworthy in this regard that the only criti- Swiss Books. To be sure, juries can never cal review of the 2002 exhibition came be entirely impartial. However, an external in the specialist press in the form of a brief observer might wonder just how much of news item that laconically noted an absence an echo chamber these juries became. This of self-awareness in the prevalence of cul- predictivity points to the less visible and tural projects. It argued that the exhibition more passive role played by networks, one did not address why this “niche economy” to which the reorganization of the SDA was given so much weight in the SDA.39 actually contributed. Whether wittingly or awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 109 not, the internal networks accessed 1 Now called ZHdK. A series of actors were involved in the col- by designers within the institution allowed laboration: the Department of them to continue to award practices Cultural Studies in Art, Media close to their own that were located pre- and Design, the Institute for dominantly in the cultural sector, and Design and Art Theory, the Design and Art Theory cluster, run by designers who were in one way or and the Design Department. another part of their existing networks. 2 Beck 2002; Bergflödt 2002; Cerf The side effect of this was a feedback loop 2002a; Cerf 2002b; Eschbach 2002; WOZ 2002; Gasser 2002; of design promotion. It reduced the Kult 2002; Meier 2002; Schnei- breadth of practices awarded, and turned der 2002; Schöner Wohnen 2002; the SDA into a partially self-fulfilling Zürcher 2002; NZZ 2002. 3 Crivelli, Patrizia, “‘Swiss Design prophecy. 2002: Netzwerke—Réseaux—Net­ works’. Vernissage vom 18. Okto- ber 2002, 19:30 Uhr,” opening speech at Swiss Design 2002: Netzwerke—Réseaux—Networks, Zurich, Swiss Federal Office of Culture archives, October 18, 2002; Crivelli, Patrizia, and Ralf Michel, [untitled], press confer- ence at Swiss Design 2002: Netz­ werke—Réseaux—Networks, Zurich, Swiss Federal Office of Culture archives, 2002. 4 The Federal Design Commission (until 2001: Federal Commission of Applied Arts) is an extra- parliamentary body consisting of five members appointed directly by the Federal Council to advise on design promotion. They take decisions that the secretary of the Design Service executes, though in reality they work in close col- laboration. The Commission also acts as jury for the SDA, along with three invited experts. In 2002, the Commission members were Lorette Coen (cultural journalist and chair of the Com- mission), Ruth Grüninger (fashion designer), Luca Patocchi (gallerist), François Rappo awards networks profession exhibitions culture and commerce 110

(graphic and type designer), and 18. Oktober 2002, 19:30 Uhr,” 34 NORM 2017. Annette Schindler (art historian); opening speech at Swiss Design 35 Berthod 2019b; Bruggisser the experts were Marc Deggeller 2002: Netzwerke—Réseaux—Net­ & Fries 2000; Müller, Lars, Ralf (set designer, Berlin), Sabine works, Zurich, Swiss Federal Michel, and Patrizia Crivelli, Dreher (curator, Vienna), and Office of Culture archives, Octo- “Erste Gedanken zu Ausstellung Hermann Weizenegger (industrial ber 18, 2002; Crivelli, Patrizia, und Buch,” memo, Swiss Fed- designer, Berlin). and Ralf Michel, [untitled], press eral Office of Culture archives, 5 Lippuner & Buxcel 1989. conference at Swiss Design 2002: n.d. 6 Gantenbein 1992; 1994; 1995. Netz­werke—Réseaux—Networks, 36 Truniger 2018. 7 Gantenbein 1993; 1994; Locher Zurich, Swiss Federal Office of 37 Macháček 2004. 1996b. Culture archives, 2002. 38 Bruggisser & Fries 2000. 8 Jaunin 2001. 21 Michel 2001; Crivelli et al. 2002: 39 Hochparterre 2002. 9 Locher 1996b. 209; Kult 2002. 40 Gavillet 2017; NORM 2017. 10 Crivelli 1999. 22 Coen & Crivelli 2003: 9. 11 Guggenheimer 2004. 23 Locher 2002: 19. 12 Crivelli, Patrizia, and Ralf 24 Cerf 2002b. Michel, [untitled], press con­ 25 Berthod 2018a. ference at Swiss Design 2002: 26 There is no obvious link between Netz­werke—Réseaux—Networks, the studios at which the intern- Zurich, Swiss Federal Office of ships were offered in 2002 and Culture archives, members of the Federal Design 2002: 3. Commission. One of the experts, 13 Tribune de Genève 2001. Weizenegger, did offer an intern- 14 NORM 2017. ship that year. Since the experts 15 Locher 2002. were chosen by the Commission 16 Crivelli, Patrizia, “Briefing because they were recognized in Elektrosmog: Sinn und Zweck their field, we can only assume der Publikation,” Swiss Federal that studios were selected using Office of Culture archives, similar criteria. 2002. 27 Münch & Staub 2005. 17 Keil, Erika, “Kurze Über­sicht,” 28 Crivelli 2017. Zürcher Hochschule der Künste 29 Gasser 2002. This interest lasted ZHdK archive, AY-GAY-00009. for about a decade before fading; 18 Crivelli, Patrizia, “Vorbereitungs- the internships were subse- papier für die Feedbackrunde quently dropped. vom 2. Dezember 2002 in Wet- 30 Müller, Lars, Ralf Michel, and tingen,” memo, Swiss Federal Patrizia Crivelli, “Erste Gedan- Office of Culture archives, 2002; ken zu Ausstellung und Buch,” Steiner 2001. memo, Swiss Federal Office of 19 Müller, Lars, Ralf Michel, and Culture archives, n.d. Patrizia Crivelli, “Erste Gedan- 31 Crivelli 2002b. ken zu Ausstellung und Buch,” 32 Barandun & Zumstein 2017. memo, Swiss Federal Office of 33 Müller, Lars, Ralf Michel, and Culture archives, n.d. Patrizia Crivelli, “Erste Gedan- 20 Crivelli, Patrizia, “‘Swiss Design ken zu Ausstellung und Buch,” 2002: Netzwerke—Réseaux— memo, Swiss Federal Office of Networks.’ Vernissage vom Culture archives, n.d. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE030 9

historiography identity national label typography discourse 111 Neue Schweizer side-stream of writing styles, culminat-­ ing in the “Neue Schweizer Schulschrift Schulschrift (Hulliger)” of 1930.3 The script that Tschichold introduced to his canon under this informative, and Tracing Exchanges seemingly programmatic, name had been developed by the Basel art and writing between Modernist teacher Paul Hulliger, who had been lobby- Typography and ing for an overhaul of handwriting classes since 1919.4 In the early 1920s, not only did Swiss Handwriting he join the commission that was appointed to organize a script reform for his canton,5 but it was the style and the teaching method that he developed that were chosen to be Ueli Kaufmann introduced into Basel schools. They were presented to the public in his program­- In November 1934, the Typographische Monats­ matic publication Die neue Schrift in 1927.6 blätter (TM) published an offprint of its [Fig. 40] In the years thereafter, Hulliger leading article “Europäische Schriften aus held countless lectures and workshops all Zweitausend Jahren.”1 According to its across Switzerland, and published sev­eral author, Jan Tschichold, this richly illus- instructional books and articles in trade trated account, thirty pages long, provided journals and daily newspapers. His script, a canon that allowed the reader to develop officially called “Neue Schrift,” but com- an understanding for letterforms and monly referred to as “Hulligerschrift” or layout—an idea that was to become a topos “Baslerschrift,” gained a growing number in publications authored by Swiss typog­- of active supporters. In October 1927, raphers. On the last page, Tschichold reca- they came together in an association called pitulates his narrative in a genealogical Werkgemeinschaft für Schrifterneue­rung diagram. [Fig. 39] Starting with Roman in der Schweiz (WSS).7 This reform, how- capitals, his main lineage leads to Caro­ ever, was not accepted nationally, and lingian handwriting and seems to conclude heated debates about whether to adopt the with the Modernist’s favored printing Basel method continued throughout all type, the “Grotesk-Minusk­ el” from 1830.2 of German-­speaking Switzerland.8 In 1937, A staggered diagonal line, however, leads a council of several cantonal education to a rather conspicuous detail. It recon- directors decided that an adapted version nects the typographic sans serif with a short of the script, now called “Schweizer historiography identity national label typography discourse 112

Schul­schrift,” should be used on a national, is usually seen as a direct heir of the ideas or at least intercantonal, level.9 Having never and advances of the avant-garde, Bauhaus, been fully accepted, however, the method and New Typography.13 Its numerous con- was progressively replaced by a new stan- nections to contemporary discourses with dardized script based on the old English their own specific ruptures and continuities Roundhand.10 are often neglected.14 In recent years, cul- While the inclusion of a contemporary tural and literary studies,15 modern art his- style of handwriting for state schools in a tory,16 and even sociolinguistics17 have pro- canon of European letterforms at first seems ductively expanded their fields by analyzing rather odd, Tschichold had in fact writ-­ writing practices. ten an earlier article in TM in which he vehe-­ Following Tschichold’s hint, this essay, mently refuted the arguments of assorted therefore, explores the relationship between opponents of Hulliger, and concluded that school handwriting and Modernist typog­- his method was a clear, good, well-thought- raphy in Switzerland during the 1920s and out path to a much-needed renewal of 1930s. It traces mutual references and handwriting practices. So the “canoniza- exchanges of ideas, and similarities and dif- tion” of “Schweizer Schulschrift” through ferences in concepts and arguments, thereby its inclusion in Tschichold’s later “Euro- unearthing a discourse that addressed far päische Schriften” article should indeed be wider circles than a narrow field of progres- read within the context of the dispute sive professionals, that went far beyond surrounding it. Using his authority as a well- superficial aspects of design, and in which known expert typographer, and with the both the general public and experts nego­ weight of historiography, Tschichold was tiated fundamental political and ideological clearly attempting to convince his peers issues. The present essay aims to provide of the script reform’s validity, and to do his not just another facet of a more varied view part to sway public opinion.11 of the early history of Swiss graphic design, Even though handwriting has been a but also a new impetus for reassessing the major component of visual culture and the shortcomings of past and present historiog- everyday practice of laymen and design- raphies. ers throughout the 20th century,12 writing models and practices are almost entirely absent from design history—and particu- Of Tschichold and layouts larly from accounts of classical Modernism and Swiss graphic design and typography. There are further indications of a connec- By following the narrative propagated by its tion between Neue Schweizer Schul- protagonists, Swiss Modernist typography schrift and Modernist graphic design and historiography identity national label typography discourse 113 typography. Early in 1934, presumably Switzerland.21 There is, however, more than between the abovementioned TM articles by a personal angle to the connection. Tschichold, Hulliger published the first In the preface to the manual mentioned volume of his book Die Methode der neuen above, Hulliger further explained that he Handschrift.18 [Fig. 41] This in-depth manual hoped that the present book and the second was intended to instruct fellow teachers volume that was to follow soon after would in the everyday use of his method. The pref- spark an enthusiasm not only for good hand- ace, however, also reveals a personal rela- writing, but also for the art of good lay­- tionship between the script-reformer and out, and for exemplary graphic design in his defender. general.22 By introducing his peers to the intricacies of layout, he wished to heighten Finally, I would like to thank my dear the attention given to the appearance of all friend Jan Tschichold, the outstanding kinds of documents, from handwritten typographer who moved from Munich notes and lettering, to typescripts and every- to Basel, for his valuable advice on day printed matter. His goal was to have the printing of the present work. (End- a positive effect on visual culture as a whole. lich danke ich herzlich meinem lie-­ Consequently, a substantial part of the ben Freunde Jan Tschichold, dem her- first volume of Die Methode der neuen Hand­ vorragenden, von München nach Basel schrift was not dedicated to writing per se, übersiedelten Fachmann für Typogra- but to the appearance of handwritten docu- phie, für seine wertvolle Beratung beim ments—and to a depth that is usually found Druck der vorliegenden Arbeit.)19 only in typographic specialist discourse. Hulliger discussed white space, gutters, A footnote in Christopher Burke’s book margins, and line and letter spacing, and Active Literature: Jan Tschichold and the New pointed out that hierarchies should be Typography from 2007 provides some further set clearly, and that only a few, decidedly information. After fleeing from Munich different font sizes should be used. He due to them being prosecuted by the Nazi described axial arrangements as both histor- authorities, Tschichold, his wife Edith, ically outdated and incompatible with and their son Peter had found refuge with the nature of writing, and therefore as inef- Hulliger and his family in Basel in July ficient; instead, he called for asymmet-­ 1933.20 As a few letters between the two men ric layouts and for titles to be aligned to the reveal, Hulliger appears to have helped left.23 [Fig. 42] Tschichold in finding employment with the Hulliger’s definite instructions and their Allgemeine Gewerbeschule Basel—which functionalist and economic substantiation, was crucial for getting a residence permit in as well as his aim to educate a wider public, historiography identity national label typography discourse 114 are clearly reminiscent of Tschichold’s that this did not necessarily conform to many handbooks and their borrowings from a conservative/progressive dichotomy.29 engineers and economists such as Porst- [Fig. 44] mann or Taylor.24 And, not surprisingly, he But while even opponents of the Swiss closes this chapter with a quotation from script reform movement recognized the the designer’s handbook Typographische validity of some of its claims, they did not Entwurfstechnik that called for simplicity and agree with the reach of these arguments. clarity.25 A combined review of Hulliger’s Die Methode A few years earlier, some of Hulliger’s der neuen Handschrift and two of his arti­- companions had already drawn on cles defending himself against his critics was Tschi ­chold’s works. In the September 1930 published in Schweizer Schule later in the issue of Die Schrift, a supplement to the year, and it offered compliments on the clar- teach­ers’ journal Schweizerische Lehrerzeitung, ity of layout and structure, and the refresh- for example, the editor Paul von Moos ing inclusion of children’s drawings.30 How- wrote that the New Typography had estab- ever, the unnamed reviewer argues that lished more efficient layout practices that these positive facets of the book itself did should now guide students’ exercise books.26 not change anything about the method’s The same issue further contained a very fundamental­ flaws that critics had rightfully positive review of Die neue Typographie, which been pointing out. He explicitly addressed was recommended for its enlightening Hulliger’s references to Tschichold, and content and also for its appearance. The seemed to be answering the latter’s claim simple layout, clear hierarchies and struc- that psychologists and graphologists were free ture, confident handling of illustrations, to deal with the results of writing, but and the use of a plain and clean grotesque should refrain from claims about its prac- would make it a perfect example, it was tice and form;31 the reviewer thereby claimed, for up-to-date book design.27 And questioned the validity of Tschichold’s indeed, in the 1930s, all of the Swiss script expertise.32 reformers’ books appear to have adhered to a Modernist model.28 [Fig. 43] However, Question: Is it typography that has a it must be recognized that this was also special authority in the deeply layered a general tendency. Many of the teachers’ pedagogical concerns of the script journals in which we can trace the dis- reform? (Frage: Ist es die Typographie, course on the Swiss script reform changed die über die weitschichtig pädagogi- to a moderately Modernist appearance; schen Belange der Schriftreform etwas and the redesign of the Catholic teachers’ Besonderes zu sagen hat?)33 journal Schweizer Schule in 1934 indicates historiography identity national label typography discourse 115

Handwriting in school was an educational readability, trained students to become more endeavor, claimed the reviewer, and there- diligent and careful workers, and thereby fore had to be subordinated to the develop- had a considerable effect on everyday busi- ment of the individual child. Hulliger’s ness life.36 method was painstakingly detail-oriented The issues of function and identity, and and had an excessive focus on visual aspects. of the relationship between the state, Full of rules and regulations, he or she the economy, and education, as well as ideas pointed out, it was a fatherly, typically male about the individual, tradition, and prog- approach that lacked sensitivity and moth- ress, were even more profound in the discus- erly understanding.34 sion of letterforms. A major point of con- Hulliger’s supporters, Tschichold among tention was the script itself. them, denounced this criticism as fanati- cally self-centered. They argued that an obe- dience to certain rules was simply essen-­ Of letterforms and Renner tial to both learning and education, as well as to the functioning of society as a whole. Hulliger’s call for an overhaul of writing prac- None of the benefits of a modern welfare tices was by no means unusual at the time. state could have been established without a In fact, there was a consensus across the certain number of standards and regula- entire German-speaking world that writing tions, and without giving up some degree practices needed to be reformed. Various of freedom or individuality. And this sides, from teachers to trade unions and was the realm, they said, within which the intellectuals, lamented about a decline in the script reform needed to be judged.35 In quality of handwriting, which in turn was order to prove that the validity of these interpreted as Kulturzerfall (cultural decay). aspects was as widely understood as it was Most parties agreed that the issue stemmed true, the WSS in 1934 published a bro­ from less practice due to a reduction of chure that contained a few short, program- writing lessons in school, and the introduc- matic essays, and around thirty excerpts tion of typewriters to offices, and that it of statements by experts from various was aggravated by the coexistence of Anti- spheres—school authorities, parents, and qua and Fraktur forms.37 The style, tools, representatives from trade and industry, and methods on which a reform should be as well as some doctors, attorneys, and based, however, were highly disputed. people from the cultural field. While none Authorities from various popular fields, such of them explicitly referred to the field of as pedagogy, medicine, psychology, and graphic design, many highlighted the fact especially graphology, along with represen- that the new method fostered clarity and tatives of business and trade associations, Fig. 39 Fig. 39 Tschichold’s account of the development of “Euro­pean letterforms,” including Hulliger’s new handwriting style.

Fig. 40 The cover of Hulliger’s pro- grammatic Die neue Schrift that introduced the Basel script reform to a wider audience.

Fig. 41 The cover of Hulliger’s instructive Die Methode der neuen Handschrift. Fig. 40 Fig. 42 A spread of Die Methode der neuen Handschrift showing Hulliger’s detailed layout instructions.

Fig. 41

Fig. 42 Fig. 43 The clearly Modernist cover of Die Hulligerschrift.

Fig. 44 A spread of the freshly redesigned Catholic teach- ers’ journal Schweizer Schule showing a wider adoption of Modernist principles at the time.

Fig. 45 Hulliger’s illustration of the “Urformen der Schrift,” the basic letterforms of the Latin alphabet.

Fig. 44 Fig. 43

Fig. 45 historiography identity national label typography discourse 120 voiced their diverse arguments for more per- movement is gradually drying up under sonal, national, international, or universal the corrosive influences of graphology. scripts based on either Gothic or Roman The Swiss script reform received a strong forms.38 impetus from the new typography that In an article in the April 1932 edition of came to us from Germany with Futura, the German magazine Schrift und Schreiben, which was first adopted at the trade Hulliger recounted the success story of schools of Basel and Zurich (Ex. 2), his own approach. Although he explicitly where these impulses were immediately described it as “die Schriftreform der put into practice. (Paul Renner in Schweiz” (the script reform of Switzerland), München, der Schöpfer der Futura, he made it clear that he had no intention dieser wahrhaft europäischen Schrift of creating a national style. Instead, he unserer Zeit, hat mit vollem Recht aimed for a truly contemporary script deter- die Fraktur mit den absterbenden alten mined only by its dual function of enabling Kleidertrachten verglichen. Mit dem both writing and reading. And like all Festhalten an der der Fraktur entspre- important modern developments in art and chenden Deutschschrift ist nach culture, he argued that this needed to be meinem Dafürhalten sowohl die deut- an “europäisch-amerikanische Angelegen- sche wie die österreichische Schrift­ heit,” a European-American, or simply reform in eine Sackgasse des Denkens international affair. Based on these claims, und Gestaltens geraten, in der unter and referring to Paul Renner and New den zersetzenden Einflüssen der Gra- Typography, Hulliger heavily criticized con- phologie die einst starke Bewegung temporaneous proposals from Germany nach und nach versandet. Die Schweizer and Austria for their reluctance to let go of Schriftreform hat von der mit der their blackletter heritage.39 Futura aus Deutschland zu uns gekom- menen, an den Gewerbeschulen von Paul Renner in Munich, the creator of Basel und Zürich zuerst aufgenomme- Futura, this truly European typeface nen neuen Typographie starke Anregun- of our time, has quite rightly compared gen empfangen (Bsp. 2) und hat diese Fraktur with the waning of old folk Anregungen sofort in die Praxis umge- costumes. By clinging to the German setzt.)40 handwriting that corresponds to Fraktur, I believe that both the German In contrast to his contemporaries, Hulliger and the Austrian script reforms have claimed that his new writing style was reached a dead end in their thinking and deliberately neither Roman nor blackletter, design, in which this once strong not cluttered by symbolic relics of the past, historiography identity national label typography discourse 121 but a truly contemporary style based on the Germany.45 In the chapter “Deutsche Schrift most legible Roman and Carolingian und Rechtschreibung,” Renner indeed models.41 [Fig. 45] Hulliger’s account of his praises the excellence of Hulliger’s method, adoption of German avant-garde ideas emphasizing their shared concern with through the mediation of Renner’s typeface function and legibility and their common Futura and the Basel and Zurich trade historical models, and he closes by schools fits perfectly into the established encouraging his fellow citizens to imple- graphic design histories. The above quo­ ment Hulliger’s reform.46 tation, however, also shows that he strategi- Various articles in Swiss and German cally used this story of origin to substan­ journals and newspapers show that only tiate his own claims of universality. His way two months later, on November 16, 1932, reconciled handwriting with modernity. Hulliger spoke before a Munich audience.47 These ideas were perfectly in line with the The Münchner Bund and the Arbeits- contemporaneous program of the Schwei- gemeinschaft für buchgewerbliche Fort­ zer Werkbund and he not only enjoyed bildung in München had organized an the early support of some of its more prom- exhibition on the Swiss script reform, and inent members,42 but also joined the invited the public to his photo lecture association himself in 1924.43 However, there and an ensuing evening of discussions. A appear to be barely any references to the couple of the press reviews prove that association in Hulliger’s work. the issue was not taken lightly. The attend- In Germany, both the reform and the ees included the Ministerialrat responsible above narrative found fertile ground. for education in the state of Bavaria with his The October 1932 issue of the WSS-edited staff, the Munich Oberstadtschuldirektor, Die Schrift contained an article in which the city’s entire board of education, and the Hulliger reviewed Renner’s book Mechani­ Oberstudiendirektor of the Graphische Berufs- sierte Graphik that had appeared two schule, Paul Renner himself.48 Another years earlier. After once more introducing report on Hulliger’s Munich presentation the author as the creator of Futura and by the design theorist Hans Eckstein, reiterating the typeface’s importance in the published in the Swiss journal Das Werk a design of his recent publications,44 he few months later, made it clear that there praised the book as being deeply penetrat- was a political sense of urgency to the ing, rich, and captivating. In a seemingly matter. Right-wing ideologues had success­ incidental manner, he then remarked on a fully connected letterforms to “romantic-­ surprising fact: in the text of the book, nationalist” ideas, and blackletter was on the influential Renner called for the adoption its way back into everyday life. At the of Hulliger’s writing style and methods in same time, Bavarian schools were about to historiography identity national label typography discourse 122 introduce the so-called Sütterlin-Schrift, relevance at the time, it is fitting that a focus which was of Prussian origin.49 To progres- on education should reveal further under­ sive Germans, Hulliger might have appeared lying connections between Hulliger’s reform as a beacon of light, offering much-desired and Modernist graphic design and typog­ support from outside. And even though raphy. These went beyond the direct refer- Renner’s earlier reference to Hulliger did not ences and interactions of its main prota­ display the same urgency, it seems to have gonists in the early 1930s, and beyond the been an indication of similar sentiments. shared ideas of a “new age” and its impli­ In Switzerland, however, some perceived cations for layouts and letterforms. In Hulliger’s rationalist, universal claims and an article published in the German maga- the detailed method he provided as a threat. zine Die Form in February 1929,52 Renner Using a terminology commonly ascribed addressed the question as to why he still saw to the radical ends of the political spectrum, the need to teach handwriting at art schools. they accused his reform of attempting a In line with ideas that Hulliger had been Gleichschaltung of Switzerland and its peo-­ disseminating since his first publication in ple (this “enforced conformity” was a 1919,53 Renner argued that practical work phrase associated with Nazi politics), of had value which theoretical knowledge trying to eradicate both personal and could not replicate. The hands-on experi- regional identities, and denounced Hulliger ence of writing, he argued, provided himself as a “Kulturbolschewist,” a “cul- students with unparalleled opportunities tural Bolshevist.”50 When faced with simi- for embodied knowledge and for self- lar accusations, Renner wrote a vigorous awareness, which he saw as fundamental to defense of Modernism and a critique of Nazi the individual’s development and to soci-­ cultural policies entitled Kulturbolschewis­ ety as a whole. In their activities as writing mus? which, owing to the circumstances of teachers, both men referred not only to the time, had to be published in Switzer- the canonized script reformers and design- land.51 This link to major movements in ers Edward Johnston and Rudolf von design and architecture had major political Larisch,54 but also on a more fundamen­tal implications. It is important to note, how- level to the theories of the Munich school ever, that various articles in teachers’ reformer Georg Kerschensteiner.55 These journals reveal that such accusations were practical, pedagogical aspects left their also leveled at other parts of the school mark on education in the German-speaking reform movement that were not concerned world, but with its tendency to perceive with design at all. Modernist design as a merely visual, some- Leaving aside the formal and symbolic what isolated phenomenon, design history aspects of scripts and their political has barely paid any attention to this yet. historiography identity national label typography discourse 123

Conclusion However, it is imperative that a history of Swiss graphic design, indeed of any design, This essay has shown how the two discourses should now pay due attention to these of school handwriting and Modernist typog- social aspects. raphy had fundamental overlaps. Even 1 Tschichold 1934. though Hulliger’s script reform efforts left 2 Tschichold 1934: n.p. last page. many traces in newspapers, magazines, The lowercase sans serif letters books, and particularly in teachers’ journals, were originally dated 1820. A corrigendum in the December they have not received any attention from issue, however, revises it to 1830. design history yet. A close reading of these TM 1934: 402. sources, however, shows that protagonists­ 3 This loosely translates to “new Swiss handwriting for public from both fields explicitly referred to each schools (Hulliger).” The new style other, and that they shared and adapted is portrayed as crowning a devel- each other’s ideas, concepts, and arguments. opment starting with the “Ita- lique der französ. Antiqua (1780)” These overlaps of the Swiss script reform or French Old Face Italic, lead- and Modernist typography went far beyond ing to the “Lat. Schreibschrift visual aspects of design. A general audi- (Anglaise) (1800)” or English ence and experts from various fields negoti- Roundhand. 4 Hulliger 1932a: 97. ated fundamental political and ideological 5 In Switzerland, education is aspects of what they conceived as a mod- largely the domain of the individ- ern society. They fought over personal, pro- ual cantons rather than the fed- eral government, and therefore fessional, and national identities, and rather diverse. Handwriting over the relationship between the individual, instruction is not unified to this the state, and the economy. Looking to day. 6 Hulliger 1927. Even though Die gain an upper hand in this highly charged neue Schrift has generally been discourse, Hulliger and his companions, as attributed to Hulliger, this publi- well as Renner, Tschichold, and their peers, cation contains several contri­ butions by other members of the simultaneously bolstered and exploited commission. Two years earlier, each other’s reputation. Design history, a shortened version of the book however, has thus far ignored this wealth of had been presented to the coun- sources simply because they do not con- cil for education. It was descrip- tively titled Die Neugestaltung form to the established borders of the disci- des Schriftunterrichts an den Basel-­ pline. According to the above analysis, it Städtischen Schulen: Bericht und has ignored the importance of an educa- Anträge vom Erziehungsrat des Kan­ tons Basel-Stadt gewählten Studien­ tional component to which the protagonists kommission an die Erziehungsbehörden at the time themselves explicitly referred. (The reform of the teaching of historiography identity national label typography discourse 124

handwriting at schools in Basel- 11 Tschichold 1933a: 436. The same Kommunikation of 1988, and City: Report and proposals to article also appeared in the Schrift of 1993. See Gumbrecht the educational authorities by the December 1933 issue of Die Schrift, & Pfeiffer 1988; 1993. commission elected by the a WSS-edited supplement to 16 Susanne Strätling’s Die Hand am Education Council of the Canton the teachers’ journal Schweizerische Werk: Poetik der Poiesis in der rus­ of Basel-City) and already Lehrerzeitung. See Tschichold sischen Avantgarde from 2017 pro- announced the release of the full 1933b. vides an in-depth discussion of version for the general public. 12 It was a large part of basic educa- handwriting practices within the See Hulliger 1925: 35. tion, and left traces on all sorts Russian avant-garde. See 7 The declared goal of the WSS of artifacts, from private and Strätling 2017. was a reform of handwriting business correspondence to notes, 17 While sociolinguistics had long practices at Swiss primary and manuscripts, many other doc­ neglected the function of graphic secondary schools. In order uments, designers’ and artists’ elements of scripts, the past to engage with a wider public, it sketches, and even finished works. decade appears to show that this organized workshops and 13 This mono-linear narrative is is now a growing field. Sebba courses, lectures on writing and pervasive in Swiss practitioner- 2009: 35; Spitzmüller 2012: 255– its reform, competitions among historians’ publications, such as 257. its members, and exhibitions; in Josef Müller-Brockmann’s 18 Hulliger 1934. The preface is it also issued publications, col- A History of Visual Communication dated February 1934, and a review lected calligraphic examples, of 1971, Roger Chatelain’s La of the book was published in established a library of works on Typographie Suisse: Du Bauhaus à June of the same year. writing, organized propaganda Paris of 2008, and to a certain See Schweizer Schule 1934. in newspapers, magazines, and extent even in Richard Hollis’s 19 Hulliger 1934: 2. other popular media, and lob- Swiss Graphic Design of 2006. It 20 Burke 2007: 259. bied with authorities and corpo- was established by the new typog- 21 Bibliothek für Gestaltung Basel rations. See von Moos 1927: 369; raphers, most prominently Jan BGB: PH11.18. von Moos 1930: 5. By 1934, the Tschichold, and later affirmed by 22 Hulliger 1934: 2. association had over 600 mem- academics. Meer 2015: 9–23. 23 Hulliger 1934: 19–25. bers organized in eight regional See Hollis 2006; Chatelain 2008; 24 See Grütter 2019. divisions. WSS 1934: n.p. Müller-Brockmann 1971; 25 Hulliger 1934: 24–25. For the 8 The discussions can be followed Tschichold 1987 (1928). original context, see Tschichold best in the journals of teachers’ 14 Based on an analysis of trade 1932: 11. associations, e.g. Berner Schulblatt, journals, design historian Julia 26 von Moos 1930: 17–18. Schweizer Schule, Schweizerische Meer has recently argued that 27 Brunner 1930: 20. Lehrerinnenzeitung, Schweizer Leh­ the modernization of advertising 28 See Reinhart & Hulliger 1932; rerzeitung, Archiv für das Schweizeri­ and typography had not started Hulliger 1934; WSS 1934; Hull- sche Unterrichtswesen, Jahresbericht with the avant-garde, but several iger 1936. des Bündnerischen Lehrervereins, decades earlier, and that the New 29 The editorial of the newly rede- etc. Mentions in regional and Typography had an array of signed Schweizer Schule explains national newspapers, such as the sources and parallels. Meer 2015: that it was indeed an adaptation prestigious NZZ, prove that there 273–275. to the expectations of the reader- was wide interest in the dispute. 15 A number of essays by scholars ship. See Muff 1934: 1. For an account with a slight from various fields related to the 30 The article is simply signed with anti-Hulliger bent, see Greuter topic can be found, for example, the abbreviation “Ib.”. See 1945. in two works edited by Hans Schweizer Schule 1934: 550. A likely 9 Müller 1937: 44–49. Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Lud- author appears to be the Bern 10 Greuter 1945: 14. wig Pfeiffer, Materialität der teacher Jakob Huber, one of the historiography identity national label typography discourse 125

authors explicitly addressed in intricate. As the German-speaking 49 Eckstein 1933: xli. By the time the Tschichold’s defense of Hulliger’s majority of this multilingual article was finally published, reform. Interestingly, the country at times showed German the Nazi party had already seized December 1933 issue of Die Schrift sympathies, Antiqua was argu- power. that contained a reprint of the ably seen as a symbol of national 50 For an explicit reference to such TM article also featured two open independence and cohesion. See accusations and a defense of letters in which Huber and WSS Boser & Brühwiler 2017. Hulliger and other reformers, see member Adolf Rüegg exchanged 40 Hulliger 1932a: 99. Berner Schulblatt 1931: 201–203. criticism. Tschichold 1933a: 435; 41 Hulliger 1932a: 99. For a brief 51 Renner 1932. For an explicit Tschichold 1933b: 63; Huber illustrated account on the devel- explanation of the relationship 1933a; Huber 1933b; Rüegg 1933. opment of Hulliger’s handwriting between Hulliger’s script reform 31 See Tschichold 1933a: 435. style and his teaching method, and school reform, see Hulliger 32 Schweizer Schule 1934: 546–547. see “Handwriting Instructions,” 1930. 33 Schweizer Schule 1934: 547. in the volume Visual Arguments. 52 Renner 1929. 34 See, for example, Tschichold 42 Herrmann Kienzle, for example, 53 Hulliger 1919. 1933a: 434–435; Berner Schulblatt led the cantonal script reform 54 See Burke 1998: 21; Hulliger 1931: 201–202. commission. See Kommission für 1932a: 97. 35 See Rüegg 1933b: 49; WSS 1934; die Neugestaltung des Schreibun- 55 See Burke 1998: 56. For Hulli­ and particularly Tschichold terrichtes 1925: 5. ger’s own explanation of the rela- 1933a: 434–435; Tschichold 43 Bignens 2008: 110. tionship between script reform, 1933b: 61. 44 He referred to his own Grosser school reform, and society, see 36 WSS 1934: 27–42. technischer Lehrgang from 1931, and Hulliger 1925; 1930. For a discus- 37 For an analysis of this phenome- to the second and third parts of sion of Kerschensteiner and his non of German “biglyphism,” the new Basel primer Z’Basel an theories, see Gonon 2002: 121– see Spitzmüller & Bunčić 2016. mym Rhy that he designed. See 155. For insights into the complex 38 The best sources to follow vari- Hulliger 1931; Graf 1931. The Basel nature of the school reform ous positions on different reform primer received a fair amount of movement in the late 19th and methods within Switzerland, positive attention for its design, early 20th centuries, see Her- once more, appear to be the such as in an article in the German mann & Oelkers 1994: 541–547. array of teachers’ journals such journal Die Form and in a report as Berner Schulblatt, Schweizer on Hulliger’s Munich lecture by Schule, Schweizerische Lehrerinnen­ the German design theorist Hans zeitung, Schweizer Lehrerzeitung, Eckstein in Das Werk. See Die and Archiv für das Schweizerische Form 1933: 286; Eckstein 1933: xli. Unterrichtswesen, Jahresbericht des 45 Hulliger 1932b: 26. Bündnerischen Lehrervereins. 46 Renner 1930: 64–68. 39 Hulliger 1932a: 97–99. It seems 47 Bibliothek für Gestaltung Basel: worth noting that, around the PH13.09.h. turn of the century, blackletter 48 Newspaper clippings, Bibliothek type and related writing styles für Gestaltung Basel: were commonly called “Deutsche PH13.09.h.1. A short comment in Schrift.” While this völkisch or Hulliger’s review of Die neue pan-German connotation made Typographie published in Die Schrift it a favorite among nationalists in in October 1933 reveals that it Germany, the relationship was on this occasion that Hull- between script and national iden- iger first met Tschichold. Hulliger tity in Switzerland was more 1933: 51. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 10

historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 126

work from the late 1970s onwards, but were Popular Culture also in line with the trend towards recog­ nizing everyday experience as a site of dis- cursive production that had begun with How the Museum für the so-called cultural turn, and had there­ Gestaltung Zürich after become established in the field of cultural studies. There, popular culture is Promoted the Everyday understood as “part of power relations in Graphic Design [that] always bears traces of the constant struggle between domination and subor­ dination, between power and various forms of resistance to it or evasions of it, between military strategy and guerrilla tactics.”2 Robert Lzicar Between 1980 and 2000, the Museum für Gestaltung Zürich became recognized as When I came to the Hochschule für Gestal- a key place in Switzerland where these rela- tung und Kunst Zürich in 2003 for an tions were renegotiated for the field of exchange semester in the Visual Communi- design: cation diploma course, I was too late to see with my own eyes one of the exhibitions No other place presents popular design discussed below. However, perhaps I would in such a continuous, coherent way, not have become interested in Swiss graphic no other research center documents one design at all if these exhibitions had not of Heller’s favorite topics, thE aesthet­ taken place, as they significantly influenced icization of everyday life, in such a vivid the way graphic design was practiced and and illuminating way. (Kein anderer reflected upon in Switzerland. The present Ort stellt derart kontinuierlich das essay is about how the Kunstgewerbe­ Design des Alltags vor und in Zusam- museum der Stadt Zürich (later the Museum menhänge, keine Forschungsstelle für Gestaltung Zürich), especially through belegt eines von Hellers Lieblings­ its curators Margit Weinberg Staber themen, die Ästhetisierung des Alltags, (1976–1984) and Martin Heller (1985–1998), so eindringlich und einleuchtend.)3 expanded the reference system of graphic design from the professional to the everyday.1 However, as this quotation also implies, the By doing so, they were following the attempts by Weinberg Staber and her suc- example of those Swiss graphic designers cessor Heller were crowned with very differ- who dealt with popular culture in their ent degrees of success. While Weinberg historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 127

Staber’s contributions to the discourse on aging his archive in Zurich.6 It is therefore Swiss graphic design remained rather not surprising that she had a close rela­ unnoticed, Heller is regarded today as an tionship with concrete art and the Zurich important advocate of graphic design as Concretists (Zürcher Konkreten), which a popular phenomenon in Switzerland. The is also evident from her publications.7 Never- following questions thus arise: How did theless, Weinberg Staber distinguished the Museum für Gestaltung Zürich present herself at the Kunstgewerbemuseum Zürich graphic design as an everyday practice to as a specialist in questions of popular cul- its visitors? What methods did its curators ture.8 In the field of visual communication, use to establish and disseminate their views she conceived exhibitions on a broad on graphic design? How did they shape spectrum of topics, such as San Francisco the discourse and the canon of Swiss graphic Rock Poster Art: Plakate 1965 bis 1971 (San design? And what is the significance of Francisco Rock Poster Art: Posters 1965 to their contributions from today’s perspective? 1971) (Dec. 26, 1977–Feb. 5, 1978), Push The following attempt to answer these Pin Studios aus New York (Push Pin Studios questions is based on an understanding that from New York) (Oct. 24–Dec. 13, 1981), exhibitions “have not just reflected what Grapus: ein Grafiker-Kollektiv aus Frankreich has been occurring, but have been active in (Grapus: A graphic designer collective expressing a curatorial point of view,” as from France) (May 8–Jul. 4, 1982), and her the graphic design historian Teal Triggs has most widely acclaimed exhibition, Werbe- put it.4 ­stil 1930–1940: Die alltägliche Bildersprache eines Jahrzehnts (Advertising style 1930–1940: The everyday imagery of a decade) (Sep. 12– With different eyes Nov. 15, 1981). Despite her Modernist background, one Long before Weinberg Staber took up her cannot accuse Weinberg Staber of having position as curator at the Kunstgewerbe­ limited herself to this perspective as a cura- museum Zürich in 1976, she had obtained tor. This is clear from her introduction her diploma at the Hochschule für Gestal- to the exhibition Werbestil 1930–1940: Die all­ tung (HfG) Ulm as the first-ever gradu-­ tägliche Bildersprache eines Jahrzehnts, where ate of its Abteilung Information (Informa- she said she did not want to project the wish- tion Department) under the direction of ful thinking of the Modernists into the Max Bense in 1958.5 During her studies, she consciousness of the beholder once again, got to know the then director of the HfG but instead aimed to present a holistic Ulm, Max Bill, for whom she worked after picture of Gebrauchsgrafik (commercial art) graduating as an editorial assistant, man- from the elitist to the trivial, and from the historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 128 progressive to the conservative, with all Basel in 1985, and it represented the then intermediate fluctuations in taste.9 How- widespread belief in the free creativity of ever, despite an appreciation of Weinberg children.11 Before that, he trained as a draw- Staber’s efforts to bring together popular ing teacher at the Kunstgewerbeschule and fine art, an internal conflict about the Basel (Basel School of Arts and Crafts) and museum’s independence from the Kunst- gave lessons in order to finance his second gewerbeschule Zürich (Zurich School of degree in art history, ethnology and Euro- Arts and Crafts) culminated in her resigna- pean folklore. It is therefore not surprising tion in 1984.10 that Heller’s approach to graphic design Heller curated his first exhibition at the was different from that of his predecessor. Kunstgewerbemuseum Zürich before his The Kunstgewerbemuseum belonged appointment as its director, working as an to the Kunstgewerbeschule Zürich, and external curator in collaboration with in 1985, the director of the latter, Hansjörg Claudia Cattaneo. Mit anderen Augen (With Budliger, offered Heller a position as a different eyes) (Kunstgewerbemuseum der permanent curator at the former, on condi­­ Stadt Zürich, Nov. 18, 1982–Jan. 23, 1983) tion that he first complete his university presented new approaches in art education studies.12 One of Heller’s first assignments and highlighted the influence of chil-­ required him to set up an exhibition entit­led dren’s drawings on the visual arts. Before 50 Jahre Schweizerische Winterhilfe (50 years this, Heller had been commissioned by of Swiss Winter Aid) for the poster awards the museum to prepare the Internationale of the charitable organization Schweize­ Institut für das Studium der Jugend­ rische Winterhilfe (Museum für Gestaltung zeichnung (International Institute for the Zürich, Oct. 25–Dec. 7, 1986). In contr­ ast Study of Youth Drawing) collection for to its conventional framework, this exhibi- an exhibition. This collection had been tion included documentary photographs founded in 1932 as a department of the and poster designs that had been rejected by Pestalozzianum in Zurich and documented the juries of the time. In that way, the the reform project “Neues Zeichnen” display shifted the visitor’s focus from the (New Drawing) in Switzerland. In an inter- design of the posters to their historical con- view with the present writer, Heller text and the principle of competition explained that this exhibition overlapped with which the designers were confronted. with his licentiate thesis Zur Kunst der Heller’s approach was not to show post­- gebrannten Kinder: Kindlicher Primitivismus ers as self-contained works of art, but to use 1940–1960 (On the art of burned children: them to communicate socio-cultural Childlike primitivism 1940–1960), developments to the Swiss public, and to which he submitted to the University of discuss the selection process of the historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 129 competition. This exhibition can serve as the “bad” taste of those who are always an example of Heller’s understanding also the addressees of professional design.16 of exhibiting as an independent cultural This statement could easily be applied technique comparable to writing, for it to several well-known modern Swiss graphic entailed acquiring new knowledge through designers who displayed their dogmatic research and mediating it in the form of professionalism at the Kunstgewerbemu- an exhibition.13 On the other hand, however, seum Zürich in exhibitions such as his exhibition also offered a critical exam- Konstruktive Grafik (Constructive graphic ination of design competitions, a subject design) (Mar. 8–Apr. 6, 1958). that he revisited in one of his later exhibi- Heller deepened his exploration of pop- tions. [Fig. 46] ular culture in graphic design in the exhi­ After only a few months, Hansjörg bition Anschläge: Plakatsprache Zürich 1978– Budliger commissioned Heller to design 1988 ([Anschläge17]: Poster language [in] larger exhibition projects, with the free­­- Zurich 1978–1988) (Museum für Gestaltung dom to pursue his own ideas in them. The Zürich, Aug. 31–Oct. 23, 1988), which he press release for the exhibition Herzblut: curated with Alain Marendaz. This exhibi- Populäre Gestaltung aus der Schweiz (Life- tion was a continuation of earlier presen­ blood: Popular design from Switzerland) tations of the museum’s collections, but the (Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, Sep. 2– title itself marks a subversive change of Nov. 8, 1987) opens with the question: How perspective. By deliberately mixing adver- does a museum of design come to occupy tising and subculture, one of the aims itself with hobby works by amateurs? It is of the exhibition was to review the Zurich one of various exhibitions and texts in youth movement of the 1980s and to which Heller explored the phenomena of show how its visual language was appropri- folk art and popular design.14 It opened ated by the mainstream.18 [Fig. 47] In this the doors of the Museum für Gestaltung way, the exhibition documented an essential Zürich to questions that were also dis- aspect of urban culture and made visible cussed within cultural studies, where popu- Zurich’s development during the previous lar art is regarded as “part of the every­- ten years.19 By considering graphic design day, not distanced from it.”15 By presenting as part of the urban space and as something the works of amateur designers from that mirrors socio-cultural developments, Switzerland, the exhibition was explicitly the exhibition extended the discourse on aimed at confronting the visitor with graphic design into popular culture. In retro- different values, prejudices, cultural hierar- spect, Heller described this approach as chies, and insights, but also with the arro- visual anthropology in which social patterns gance of those who speak disparagingly of manifest themselves.20 It made it possible to Fig. 46

Fig. 47 Fig. 48

Fig. 46 Installation view, 50 Jahre Schweizerische Winterhilfe, Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, Oct. 25–Dec. 7, 1986.

Fig. 47 Installation view, Anschläge: Plakatsprache Zürich 1978–1988, Museum für Fig. 49 Gestaltung Zürich, Aug. 31–Oct. 23, 1988.

Fig. 48 Installation view, Die 99 schlechtesten Plakate – prämiert weil jenseits, Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, Nov. 23, 1994– Jan. 15, 1995.

Fig. 49 Cornel Windlin (design), cover of Universal: Für fast alle und alles, 22 × 24 cm, 1996. historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 132 understand graphic design not only as a cre- press to issue a harsh critique of Heller and ative achievement, but also as social expres- his exhibition.23 Because Heller claims sion.21 At the same time, this approach that the reception of an exhibition interests enabled Heller to use design to introduce him more than actually making it,24 we may new subjects into the design discourse. assume that he deliberately provoked this The boldness of the Museum für Gestal- controversy about the supposedly absent tung Zürich in questioning traditional ambition of the poster designs he exhibited. values and norms in Swiss graphic design did In this way, the exhibition managed to not escape criticism from the established make the discourse on design accessible to design scene. Heller’s examination of evalu- a broad public, while at the same time ation standards in Swiss graphic design holding up a mirror to the established design culminated in the exhibition Die 99 schlech­ scene. It was one of a series of contribu- testen Plakate – prämiert weil jenseits (The tions in which Heller criticized the lack of 99 worst posters—awarded because beyond proper discourse, the dominance of capi- [good and evil]) (Museum für Gestal- talist ways of thinking, and a resultant indif- tung Zürich, Nov. 23, 1994–Jan. 15, 1995), ference in Swiss graphic design at the time.25 which resulted in a public controversy. This exhibition presented ninety-nine post- ers on the floor of the gallery of the museum For almost everyone so that the exhibition visitor looked down on them, as is common practice when judg- Even before his appointment as the head ing posters in competitions. [Fig. 48] In curator of the Museum für Gestaltung addition, the visitors, as the “addressees” of Zürich in 1990, Heller attached great impor- the posters, were invited to contribute tance to visual communication for his their opinion­ by selecting the worst one. In exhibitions—such as leaflets, publications, the accom­panying publication, Heller posters, and invitation cards. He selected justified his deliberately subjective choice of the graphic designers himself, and moni- each poster and questioned the selec­tion tored their design processes as their client. criteria of the national poster award Die bes- Furthermore, to make the museum’s new ten Schweizer Plakate des Jahres (The direction visible to the outside and to Best Swiss Posters of the Year), once again appeal to a younger audience, Heller com- putting “good taste” up for discussion.22 missioned aspiring graphic designers to Surprisingly, the selection also included create the printed matter for his various award-winning posters by renowned design- exhibitions. When selecting the designers, ers from other competitions. As expected, it was essential to Heller that they under- some of the designers featured took to the stood themselves as authors:26 historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 133

A whole series of younger Swiss design- Heller recast visual communication at ers has succeeded in the last ten or fif- the Museum für Gestaltung Zürich in line teen years in developing their own forms with his interpretation of the graphic of expression. In our climate of increas- designer as author by regularly collaborat- ing indistinguishability between high ing with a small group of selected graphic art and popular culture, however, this designers, and promoting their careers has hardly resulted in any extensive by doing so. While the posters for Heller’s claims to power such as was the case exhibitions at the beginning of his time with the “good form” utopias. In any at the museum were designed by various case, graphic design isn’t going to make graphic designers—including Hans-Rudolf for better people anymore. The design- Lutz, Ruedi Wyss, Anne Hoffmann, Roli ers of the new generation define them- Fischbacher, Hanna Williamson-Koller, and selves less as ser­vice-providers or others—this process is most obvious in educators and more as graphic authors. the case of Cornel Windlin. What many of Their work often involves uneconomic these practitioners have in common is efforts, quite evident in the finished that they dealt with popular culture in their results, which oppose any common work, whether in Lutz’s title pages for expediency. (Eine ganze Reihe jüngerer the Typographische Monatsblätter (TM) in 1977, Schweizer Gestalterinnen und Gestal- or Wyss’s preference for the copying ter hat es in den letzten zehn, fünfzehn machine as a design tool for his jazz post- Jahren geschafft, eigene Ausdrucks­ ers. However, it was Windlin who had formen zu entwickeln. Im Klima zu- previously attracted attention with his post- nehmender Ununterscheidbarkeit von ers and flyers for the Rote Fabrik cultur­ al Hoch- und Populärkultur erwachsen center in Zurich. Heller issued him with a daraus allerdings kaum flächendeckende large number of commissions from the Macht­an­sprüche, wie sie noch die museum, starting with the visual communi- “Gute Form”-Utopien auszeichneten. cation for the exhibition Zeit­reise: Bilder Ohnehin macht Grafik längst keine Maschinen Rätsel (Time travel: Pictures besseren Menschen mehr. Die Gestalter machines riddles) (Mar. 3–May 2, 1993), der neuen Generation definieren sich and ending with the poster for Heller’s last deshalb weniger als Dienstleister oder exhibition at the Museum für Gestaltung Erzieher denn als grafische Autoren. Zürich, Die Schweizer Autobahn (The Swiss Ihre Arbeit forciert einen oft unökono- highway) (Mar. 6–May 9, 1999). mischen, im fertigen Resultat durchaus As an exemplary product of his col­ offen ablesbaren Aufwand, der sich laboration with Windlin, Heller refers to jedem üblichen Zweckdenken querlegt.)27 the publication that accompanied the historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 134 exhibition Universal: Für fast alle und alles partner of clients who are prepared to revise (Universal: For almost everyone and every- their ideas whenever necessary.32 thing) (Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, Heller’s appreciation of Windlin was not Oct. 30, 1996–Jan. 5, 1997).28 Windlin was without an impact. A considerable num­- given a great deal of conceptual freedom, ber of the graphic designers mentioned here and created a picture and textbook that tells are now part of the canon of Swiss graphic the stories behind “Universal” in its own design. Windlin’s later works, especially for visually attractive way.29 [Fig. 49] This book the Schauspielhaus Zürich, received sev- was awarded a prize as one of the Most eral awards including the Eidgenössischer Beautiful Swiss Books of 1996, for the rea- Preis für Design (Swiss Federal Design son that it managed to bring together the Award) in the category “market” in 2011, and diversity of the extensive exhibition material the 2007 Swiss Grand Award for Design of through its innovative and playful, but the Swiss Federal Office of CultureSFOC ( ), also precise design and typographical imple- which is given to renowned designers and mentation.30 Windlin is mentioned as co- design offices that contribute significantly editor of the book, which in itself highlights to the reputation of Swiss design on a the importance that Heller attached to national and international level. That was the role of the designer in the creation of the first year that the prize was awarded publications. (under its then name “DESIGNER 2007”).33 Windlin was also mentioned in several Heller’s assessment of Windlin is echoed articles by Heller. This is particularly in the press release for the award, according relevant in “Grafik in der Schweiz: Ein zer- to which the designer both belonged to streuter Blick aufs Ganze” (Graphic design the great traditions of his country and had in Switzerland: a fragmented view of the also vigorously renewed the fundamentals whole), in which Heller criticizes the status of Swiss graphic design.34 It is thus evident of graphic design in Switzerland at the that the Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, time. Besides presenting two of Windlin’s and above all its curator and later director works as examples—among them the Heller, had a significant influence on invitation for the exhibition Zeitreise: Bilder the historiography of Swiss graphic design. Maschinen Rätsel—Heller mentions him together with thirteen designers and agen- cies who, according to him, have managed Questions of taste to establish themselves as graphic design authors and thus taken over the legacy of the The museum succeeded in reframing former avant-garde.31 In a later article, graphic design as a popular phenomenon in Heller even praised Windlin as the dream contrast to the common view of it as a historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 135 professional service. However, how did its such as Taste: An Exhibition about Values in exhibitions differ from others of the Design in 1983.37 This exhibition was aimed time that shaped the presentation of graphic at helping to “understand more clearly design, such as The Graphic Language of why we value certain qualities in design” and Neville Brody, which was held in 1988 at the thus takes up a topic similar to that of the Twentieth Century Gallery of the Victoria exhibition Herzblut: Populäre Gestaltung aus der and Albert Museum in London? According Schweiz at the Museum für Gestaltung to Triggs, that exhibition can be under-­ Zürich.38 And just like Bayley fought against stood as “a classic—perhaps the first exam- established structures in the museum sec-­ ple of male, white designer as ‘star,’” and tor, and especially at the Victoria and Albert it became a model for further “exhibitions Museum, by addressing “popular culture [that] have built upon the status of the head-on,”39 Heller’s exhibitions and publica- individual graphic designer whose work is tions challenged the legitimacy of the dis- highly visible within popular culture.” tance between high and low culture. Further- However, despite Heller’s support for indi- more, the approaches of Heller and Bayley vidual designers, he was apparently not seem to be similar in their understanding of interested in any form of monographic exhibition-making as a form of writing. reappraisal, nor any resultant “heroization,” The exhibitions in the Boilerhouse were thus as Triggs called it.35 “like three-dimensional magazine arti-­ As Heller stated in his interview, he felt cles, and appear to have been written into that his exhibitions were related to those existence like texts,” as the design historian of Stephen Bayley, the curator of the Boiler- Alice Twemlow observes.40 house Project in London. Initiated by The phenomena of writing and author- the Conran Foundation, which later also ship played an increasingly important role founded the Design Museum in London, in the international discourse on graphic the Boilerhouse Project was accommodated design from the early 1990s onwards. How- in former boiler houses of the Victoria ever, while the texts of Michael Rock and and Albert Museum between 1982 and 1986. Rick Poynor are often regarded as the start- As such, it “was to be a testing ground ing point for the transfer of the concept of for what a permanent design museum might authorship to graphic design,41 Heller’s con- be” by “exploring the relationships between tributions have so far been largely ignored design, industry and commerce.”36 Rather in this historiography, probably because his like Heller’s concept for the Museum für texts often appeared in national media and Gestaltung Zürich, the Boilerhouse Proj­ect in German. Heller expanded the concept was “concerned mainly with ‘designs from of Grafik (graphic design) in Switzerland by the real world’” by presenting exhibitions introducing authorship as an alternative historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 136 model, and supported it as a postmodern Success stories alternative to the then-dominant func­- t ­ional understanding of graphic design. At With the rise of the designer to become a the same time, new practices emerged popular profession and a way of life for that attempted to break away from the Mod- a new generation, the Museum für Gestal- ernist job profile of the graphic designer tung Zürich positioned itself as a place as a service provider. It was these practi- where current phenomena were negotiated, tioners who, after the success of “konstruk- grievances were addressed, and new forms tive Gebrauchsgrafik,” once again drew of mediation were tested. It developed into the attention of the international design a central hub of an extensive network of scene to Switzerland and attracted young practitioners and theoreticians who did not students like myself to Switzerland. feel addressed by the discourses produced However, from today’s perspective, in traditional media and associations, and Heller was incorrect in believing that graphic did so without exclud­ing a wider audience. authorship only took limited account of In retrospect, this successful development of stylistic issues and would therefore be more the museum since the crisis described at resistant to formalism than functional the beginning of this article can be attributed Modernism. Furthermore, Heller could not to Heller’s direction:44 have foreseen that the “self-confident graphic designer” he proclaimed, who works Within the space of a decade, he has mostly for the cultural sector and has to taken the Zurich Museum for Design cross-finance her or his uneconomical effort with its collections of posters, graphics, through secondary jobs,42 would first and design, along with its branch in become a desirable status for a succeeding the Museum Bellerive, and with twenty-­ generation of graphic designers, then six exhibitions and just as many books later a self-exploitative model for the neo- he has turned it into the place in Swit- liberal creative industry.43 The conse- zerland where people engage and reflect quences of this in the education of graphic on design and architecture. (Er hat designers are still evident today, espe­- innert eines Jahrzehnts das Museum für cially in higher education courses, which Gestaltung Zürich mit seinen Samm- are either engaged in constantly pro­- lungen für Plakate, Grafik und Design ducing new “graphic design personalities,” und seiner Filiale im Museum Belle­- or stuck trying to expand the relevance rive mit 26 Ausstellungen und ebenso of graphic design as a reflective practice. vielen Büchern zu dem Platz der Schweiz gemacht, wo über Design und Architektur nachgedacht wird.)45 historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 137

Heller’s ability to establish networks, his of the museum in 1998. Weinberg Staber also vision for the Museum für Gestaltung made a career in the cultural sector after Zürich, and his leadership skills, are con- her time as curator at the Museum für sidered important factors in this. He not Gestaltung Zürich, but in contrast to Heller, only installed new graphic designers as con- popular culture no longer played a role tractors to the museum and promoted for her. In 1986, she became involved as a their work by featuring it in exhibitions and founding member of the Stiftung für kon- articles, but also established an entire net- krete, konstruktive und konzeptuelle work of regular collaborators. To name but Kunst (Foundation for Concrete, Construc- a few: Claude Lichtenstein joined Heller tive and Conceptual Art), which runs the at the museum from the very beginning, as Museum Haus Konstruktiv in Zurich. She curator for architecture and design. From became the first director of this Museum 1987 onwards, Heller worked almost exclu- in 1987, and stayed there until 1993. Through sively with Tristan Kobler on exhibition her exhibitions and catalogs, Weinberg design. He repeatedly published catalogs for Staber positioned herself as a leading expert the Museum with Walter Keller at Scalo- for concrete and constructive art in Swit- Verlag or with Lars Müller, who designed the zerland, and was appointed an honorary publication for his very first exhibition, member by the Foundation Board in 2017 Mit anderen Augen. Christina Reble supported in recognition of her contribution to Heller in the editing and production of his the successful establishment of the Museum books, starting in 1988. In matters of intel- Haus Konstruktiv.47 lectual dialogue and the develop­ment of An assessment of Weinberg Staber’s new theories, Heller was often supported by work for the Museum für Gestaltung André Vladimir Heiz as co-author. Further- Zürich not only raises questions from today’s more, Heller knew how to make use of perspective, but also led to controversy professional and public media such as daily in her own day. For example, in an article newspapers, radio, and television, as his commenting on her resignation, she was list of publications impressively proves.46 blamed for causing the museum to lose Finally, it came as no surprise that the suc- momentum, the argument being that her cess story of the Museum für Gestaltung strength lay in scholarship, not in cre­- Zürich under the direction of Heller did not ative work.48 A letter from the “Präsident remain hidden from outsiders. Accord-­ des Lehrerkonvents der Kunstgewerbe- ingly, Heller was in 1999 appointed the artis- schule Zürich” (President of the Teachers’ tic director of the Swiss National Exhibi- Convention of the Kunstgewerbeschule tion Expo.01 (later Expo.02), and for that Zürich) understandably complained that reason resigned from his position as director the article in question exploited Weinberg historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 138

Staber’s resignation as an opportunity to 1 The Kunstgewerbemuseum der Stadt Zürich was renamed the construct a problem that lacked any fatual Museum für Gestaltung Zürich 49 basis. Whether the criticism of her work in 1986. was unjustified or not, what remains is 2 Fiske 1989: 19. an image of a curator who could not have 3 Julier 1998: 10–15. 4 Triggs 2016: 40–41. been more different from Heller. A brief 5 Oswald, Wachsmann & Kellner ­ analy­sis of the documentation of Weinberg 2015. Staber’s exhibitions reveals that, despite 6 Jahresbericht 2017: 10. 7 See Staber 1960: 19. her obvi­ous efforts to question the then-­ 8 Müller 1984: 39. dominant Modernist interpretations of 9 Exhibition text, Werbestil design, the display and design of her exhi- 1930–1940, Zürcher Hochschule der Künste ZHdK Archive, bitions followed the conventions of the GBA-1981-D08-001. time. Did she truly fail to find an attractive 10 Gasser 1984: 26. form to convey the popular in graphic 11 Heller 1985: n.p. 12 Heller 2013. Robert Lzicar and design? Or is it because of the male- Amanda Unger interviewed dominated reception in her field that she Martin Heller as part of the has hardly ever figured in histories of research project “Mapping Swiss Swiss graphic design? Weinberg Staber’s Graphic Design History: Darstel- lungsformen von Grafikdesign- impact on Swiss graphic design has yet to geschichte in der Schweiz” (Pre- be investigated. sentation forms of graphic design history in Switzerland), which was financed by the Bern Univer- sity of Applied Sciences in 2012–2013. 13 Heller 2013. 14 See Heller 1997b. 15 Fiske 1992: 154. 16 Press review, Herzblut: Populäre Gestaltung aus der Schweiz, Museum für Gestaltung Zürich 1987, Zürcher Hochschule der Künste ZHdK Archive, GBA-1987-D07-502. 17 Anschläge is an untranslatable wordplay, as in German it can mean both billboards and attacks. 18 Heller 2013. 19 Exhibition documentation Anschläge: Plakatsprache in Zürich: 1978–1988: Eine Ausstellung im Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, historiography exhibitions canonization museum networks 139

1988, Zürcher Hochschule der 35 Triggs 2016: 23–24. Künste ZHdK Archive, GBA- 36 Wilson 2016: 23 1988-D11-400. 37 Ibid. 20 Heller 2013. 38 Bayley & Cliff 1983: 11. 21 See Heller & Heiz 1996: 15–18. 39 Twemlow 2017: 168–169. 22 Heller 1995: 48. For a discussion 40 Twemlow 2017: 167. of the first decade of the Swiss 41 Barnes 2012: 3. Poster Award, see “Die besten 42 Heller 1993: 29–30. Plakate / Les meilleures affiches,” 43 See Julier 1998. in the present volume. 44 See Gantenbein 1999b. A sup- 23 Fischer 1994: 26–30. posed increase in the number 24 Heller 2013. of visitors during Heller’s tenure 25 See Heller 1991: 50–53. at the Museum für Gestaltung 26 Heller 2013. Zürich, as suggested in the arti- 27 Heller 1993: 29. For a summary cle, cannot be confirmed by the of the discourse on “the designer documentation in the ZHdK as author” in the English litera- Archive. ture, see Barnes 2012: 4–5. 45 Julier 1998: 11–12. 28 Heller & Museum für Gestaltung 46 Document Publikationen Martin Zürich 1996. Heller: Stand 25.11.1996, Zürcher 29 Exhibition documentation, Uni­ Hochschule der Künste ZHdK versal: Für fast alle und alles, Archive. Museum für Gestaltung Zürich 47 Jahresbericht 2017. 1996, Zürcher Hochschule der 48 Müller 1984: 39. Künste, ZHdK Archive. 49 Eberhard 1984: n.p. 30 Fischer 2004: 119. 31 Heller 1993: 28–29. 32 Heller 1997a: 50. 33 Federal Office of Culture, “Swiss Design Awards 2015, Swiss Grand Award for Design 2015, 16–21 June 2015, Messezentrum Basel, Hall 4.0,” 2015, https:// www.bak.admin.ch/dam/bak/de/ dokumente/kulturfoerderung- design/publikationen/swiss_ design_awards2015-pressdocu- mentation.pdf.download.pdf/ swiss_design_awards2015-press- documentation.pdf (accessed Mar. 27, 2020). 34 Federal Office of Culture, Press release, Preis DESIGNER 2007, https://www.admin.ch/gov/ de/start/dokumentation/medien- mitteilungen.msg-id-15157.html (accessed Mar. 27, 2020). DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 11

printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 140

photographs show posters for cultural events, Schweizer Graphik such as a typographic poster by Walter Käch for the recent exhibition Die Schrift at the Kunstgewerbemuseum Zürich or an Curating Switzerland artist’s poster by Ferdinand Hodler advertis- as a Graphic Design ing an exhibition of his paintings at the Kunsthalle Bern. Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 Nation in 1925 im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr was curated by the Kunstgewerbemuseum Zürich, and was accompanied by an illustrated brochure. From this, we learn that the exhibition Roland Früh, Ueli Kaufmann, showed not only posters, but also prints Robert Lzicar, Sara Zeller made with various techniques, some of them dating back to the mid-18th century.3 Along the walls and wooden pillars of the Moreover, the exhibition was part of Die large sky-lit exhibition hall, mobile pan-­ schöne Schweiz (Beautiful Switzerland), which ­els formed booths onto which posters of also included another exhi­bition entitled slightly varying sizes were directly mounted.1 Modernes Verkehrswesen (Modern tourism) Each panel accommodated one poster in that was put together by the Schweizerische an orderly sequence, with similar spacing. Verkehrszentrale (Swiss Tourism Office). Part of the hall was completely taken up by This section displayed an array of printed a large rug with a table and chairs on it matter, photographs, and dioramas of Swit- and a flower bouquet placed on top of the zerland’s tourist industry.4 The overall former, providing the exhibition space exhibition Die schöne Schweiz had been jointly with a salon-like atmosphere. Judging from organized by the Schweizerische Zentral­ its title alone, Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 stelle für das Ausstellungs­wesen (Swiss Cen- im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr (Swiss print- tral Office for Exhibitions) and the Schweiz- ing from 1730–1925 in service of traveling erische Verkehrszentrale, two state-financed and tourism), one might have expected an organizations.5 Since its founding in 1908, exhibition of printed matter for the Swiss the Schweizerische Zentralstelle für das Aus­- tourism industry.2 However, as the installa- stellungswesen was subordinate to the tion shots indicate, the exhibition that Federal Department of Economic Affairs6 took place from September 25 to October 10, and was responsible for organizing Switzer- 1925 at the Haus des Werkbundes in land’s presence at international trade fairs.7 Frankfurt am Main was not just limited to Thus, Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 tourism advertisements. In fact, the im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr shows an printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 141 interesting conglomeration of different As this quotation shows, the interest of the actors pursuing different interests, which in authorities was focused entirely on tour­- turn prompts us to question the aims of ism. The exhibition in 1925 took place at a the exhibition. It also seems striking that an difficult time for tourism in Switzerland. exhibition held abroad in 1925 should so The outbreak of World War I in 1914 was confidently use the national label “Schwei- followed by an unstable economic situation zer Graphik.” How is this to be under- in Europe over the following years, and stood? And how does it relate to today’s the so-called golden age of tourism had end- understanding of Swiss graphic design ed.10 Economic crises led to state interven- and typography? By focusing on these ques- tion. The government supported the tour- tions, the present essay will subject this ism industry, not least through loans and a largely forgotten exhibition to a close analy- reduction in the cost of public transport. sis. [Figs. 50, 51] An initiative by hoteliers led to the establish- ment of the Nationale Vereinigung zur Förderung des Reiseverkehrs in 1917, which Tourism as a catalyst for poster design in 1919 was renamed Schweizerische Verkehrszentrale and was intended to give The exhibition in Frankfurt had been dis- the sector a further economic boost and cussed in the session of the Federal Council to bundle individual interests on a national of July 31, 1925, indicating that it was ac- level.11 The tourism sector had been a corded a certain importance by the federal stimulating factor for Switzerland’s printing authorities. Furthermore, the Federal Coun- and graphic industry, and it now benefitted cil decided that the Swiss Consul based in from governmental support and from the Frankfurt had to be present at the opening establishment of a national tourism associ- as an official representative of the Govern- ation. Tourism posters were commissioned ment.8 The minutes of the meeting record regularly, and poster competitions were the government’s interest in the exhibition: sponsored.12

The exhibition’s primary purpose is to draw the attention of the very wealthy The graphic industry in international regions around Frankfurt to Swit­- exhibitions z ­erland. (Die Ausstellung bezweckt in erster Linie, die Aufmerksamkeit However, as already noted in the intro­ der Frankfurt umgebenden, sehr wohl­ duction, the exhibits in Schweizer Graphik habenden Länderstrecken auf die 1730–1925 im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr Schweiz zu lenken.)9 were not just related to tourism, as there printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 142 was a diverse selection of other posters on industrial exhibition in the tradition of ear- display. The content of these exhibits ranged lier world fairs that had been held since from advertisements for services to cult­ural the end of the war. Here, the Zentralstelle events, and was designed by artists­ who were für das Ausstellungswesen was respon-­ among the most famous in these genres at si­ble for the organization of the Swiss pavil- the time, such as Cuno Amiet, Otto Baum- ion, while numerous actors and stakeholders berger, Augusto Giacometti, Ferdinand participated in the realization of the exhi­ Hodler, Otto Morach, Walter Käch, and bition, including representatives of the SWB.17 Ernst Keller.13 The exhibition thus seems The official catalog for the Swiss pavilion to have been intended as a historical over- in Paris explicitly lists the “Arts graphiques view of Swiss graphic production up to the appliqués,” meaning lithography, letter- present day. press, and intaglio printing, as one of three In September 1924, just one year before industrial sectors alongside the textile Frankfurt, a very similar selection of post­ industry and the watch and jewelry indus- ers had been shown at the exhibition tries. It seems surprising that the graphic Schweizer Kunst und Kunstgewerbe at Liljevalchs industry appears so prominently in this Konsthall in Stockholm.14 As part of a representative exhibition, as the other two Swedish-Swiss exchange the exhibition in outperformed the graphic industry by Stockholm had been initiated by Alfred far in terms of employment numbers and Altherr senior in his dual function as a key export volume.18 [Figs. 52, 53] figure and founder of the Schweizeri-­ scher Werkbund (SWB) and as director of the Kunstgewerbeschule and its museum Rooted in Swiss craft tradition in Zurich.15 Moreover, that exhibition had been the first test of the cooperation In Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 im Dienste von between the Werkbund and the Schweizeri- Reise und Verkehr, the exhibited prints sche Zentralstelle für das Ausstellungs­ were understood as intrinsically connected wesen that had been recommended in a to the tourist industry by the organizers. decree in 1919 regarding the organization of As the images in the brochure show, they exhibitions abroad.16 represent typical Swiss motifs such as char- Only a few months before the exhibition acteristic landscapes or a couple in tradi- in Frankfurt opened, Switzerland also took tional costume.19 One of the texts attributes part in the Exposition internationale des the development of these prints to the arts décoratifs et industriels in Paris, which demand for pictorial souvenirs on the part lasted from April 28 to October 25, 1925 of tourists: and was the first large-scale international printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 143

[It was] the enthusiasm for Switzerland these black-and-white sheets and hand- of that time, which grew out of intel­ colored engravings, the production lectual and cultural preconditions, that of which developed from beginnings made possible the development and that often served purely artistic pur- flourishing of Swiss craftwork in the poses, and became a flourishing tourist second half of the 18th century and industry that was cleverly exploited around the turn of the [present] century. for business as demand increased. (Den Little Switzerland would hardly have heutigen getrennten Dienst der been able to make such a stately branch Ansichtskarte, des illustrierten Hotel- of art flourish as it did at that time if prospektes und des Verkehrsplakates there had not been an encompassing verfahren zu jener Zeit alle diese European interest in it. ([Es war] Schwarz-Weissblätter und handkolo- die Schweizbegeisterung jener Zeit, die rierten Stiche, deren Herstellung, aus geistig-kulturellen Vorbedingung­ en aus vielfach der reinen Kunst dienen- erwachse, eine Entwicklung und Blüte den Anfängen sich entwickelnd, der Schweizer Kleinkunst in der zweiten mit der steigenden Nachfrage zu einem Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts und um geschäftsmässig klug ausgenützten, die Jahrhundertwende überhaupt erst blühenden Fremdenindustriezweig ermöglichte. Die kleine Schweiz hätte wurde.)22 nämlich wohl kaum einen so stattlichen Kunstzweig zum Blühen bringen kön- Welti talks about the so-called vedutas, col- nen, wie ihn jene Zeit präsentiert, wenn ored etchings that appeared in the middle nicht ein umfassendes europäisches of the 18th century at the time when there Interesse dafür vorhanden gewesen was an increase in Alpine tourism. The wäre.)20 imagery of the vedutas, geared to customers’ wishes, was produced by the so-called The author Jakob Rudolf Welti describes Kleinmeister and their assistants using the the production of these prints as a reaction division of labor and serial production. to a Europe-wide interest in which they Owing to these pre-industrial production functioned as travel souvenirs, postcards, methods and their explicitly economic and advertising leaflets all at the same orientation, it does not seem entirely unrea- time.21 sonable from today’s perspective to locate them close to graphic design.23 The imagery Today’s separate genres of postcards, of these engravings also played an import- illustrated hotel brochures and tourism ant role in the construction of Swiss iden- posters were all served in those days by tity and its image as an Alpine nation.24 Fig. 50 Fig. 50 Installation view, Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr, Haus des Werkbundes in Frankfurt am Main, Sep. 25–Oct. 10, 1925.

Fig. 51 Installation view, Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr, Haus des Werkbundes in Frankfurt am Main, Sep. 25–Oct. 10, 1925.

Fig. 51 Fig. 52 Emile Cardinaux, “Sommer Fig. 52 in der Schweiz,” 1921, poster for the Schweizeri- sche Verkehrszentrale, in Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr, Haus des Werkbunds Frankfurt a. Main, 1925, p. 23.

Fig. 53 Installation view, Schweizer Kunst und Kunstgewerbe, Sep. 1924, Liljevalchs Konsthall, in Kunstgewerbemuseum Zürich (ed.), Schweizer Kunst und Kunstgewerbe von der Aus- stellung in Stockholm, Kunst- gewerbemuseum Zürich, 1925, p. 5.

Fig. 54 Johann Ulrich Schellen- berg, Winterthur 1709–1795, Neftenbach Aussicht auf Töss und Kyburg, colored engrav- ing, in Schweizer Graphik 1730–1925 im Dienste von Reise und Verkehr, Haus des Werk- bunds Frankfurt a. Main, 1925, p. 4. Fig. 53

Fig. 54 printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 148

However, by leading modern tourism adver- new technical possibilities of photomontage tising back to the image production of and photolithography, which were emerg­- the 18th century, Welti relates the traditional ing at the same time, to inferior “aids.” Thus, craft to the technical advancements in the it does not come as a surprise that the printing industry in the spirit of the SWB. exhibition did not include avantgarde exper- Furthermore, he considers Swiss tourism iments. [Fig. 54] advertising as a specifically Swiss artistic phenomenon that evolved of its own accord without any stimulation from outside. The beginning of national representation Another text about lithographed post- through graphic design? ers and the promotion of tourism within the exhibition catalog of Schweizer Graphik A special Swiss issue of the Leipzig journal by Alfred Altherr senior further develops Archiv für Buchgewerbe und Gebrauchsgr­ aphik what this reference to tradition means in from 1929 noted that the posters at the exhi- stylistic terms: bition in Stockholm had attracted a lot of attention: The successes that led to the develop- ment of artistic, original lithography I will never forget the blatant amaze- mainly occurred because they deliber- ment with which the Stockholm public ately refrained from using photogra-­ looked at the poster section of the phy. If it had succumbed to this danger, Swiss exhibition set up by Alfred Altherr we would have poor artistic results in in the summer of 1924. Really, it was this field. (Die Erfolge, die der Entwick- the heyday of the Swiss poster, and even lung der künstlerischen Original­ though the Scandinavians themselves lithographie beschieden waren, sind in had very respectable achievements to der Hauptsache dem Umstand zu show for themselves, as became clear in verdanken, dass sie bewusst darauf ver- Paris a year later, they gladly recog­- zichtet hat, sich der Photographie als nized the primacy of the Swiss poster, Hilfsmittel zu bedienen. Wäre sie dieser which at the time was undoubtedly Gefahr erlegen, so wären wir arm an the best in all of Europe. (Ich werde nie künstlerischen Ergebnissen auf diesem vergessen, mit welchem unverhohle­- Gebiete.)25 nen Staunen das Stockholmer Publikum im Sommer 1924 auf der schweizeri- In his text, Altherr attributes the interna- schen Ausstellung, die Alfred Altherr tional success of Swiss posters exclusively to eingerichtet hatte, die Abteilung der the so-called artist poster and degrades the Plakate betrachtete. Wirklich, es war printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 149

damals die Zeit der Hochblüte des tourism advertising and thus the graphic schweizerischen Plakats, und obschon industry must also have experienced a die Skandinaven, wie sich ein Jahr boom. When the Schweizerische Verkehrs­ später in Paris deutlich zeigte, selber zentrale was founded in 1917, one of its sehr respektable Leistungen aufzu­ tasks was to promote tourism advertise- weisen hatten, so anerkannten sie gerne ments, and so graphic design came into the den Vorrang des schweizerischen focus of a state-funded organization. As Plakates, welches damals fraglos das Matthieu Gillabert writes, the Schweizeri- beste in ganz Europa war.)26 sche Verkehrszentrale can be regarded as the first government-funded organization to We should bear in mind that the author of have decisively spread a certain image this article, Josef Gantner, was not an of Switzerland abroad. At that time, this observer from abroad. As a former board visual representation of the nation was member of the SWB and editor of the based exclusively on economic factors.29 magazine Das Werk, he had the same inter- Nevertheless, the exhibitions in Stockholm ests as one of the parties involved in the and Frankfurt show that the selection organization of the exhibition.27 Neverthe- of the imagery cannot be traced back to the less, the fact that this German magazine Schweizerische Verkehrszentrale alone, devoted a special issue exclusively to the but must rather have been made through Swiss graphic industry shows just how much the intentions of all the actors involved. interest it generated outside Switzerland. The posters themselves actually seem to The involvement of the SWB in the offi- have been the common denominator of cial exhibition activities of Switzerland the economic and cultural actors involved. abroad in 1924 led to a paradigm shift in this By depicting the cultural life of the coun­- field, and also to a kind of arranged marriage try, they also advertised Switzerland as an between culture and economics. Although attractive tourist destination. They show the various actors involved naturally pur- picturesque tourist destinations, and at the sued different agendas, they must have seen same time advertise the skills of Swiss mutual benefits from each other’s partici- artists. Whatever the motive, they are also pation.28 As the exhibition in Frankfurt tes- proof of the skill and technical progress tifies, the graphic industry was situated of the country’s printing industry. right in the middle of all this. How can this Already in 1924 and 1925 there seems be explained? to have been a certain consensus about As we have seen, the posters offer a pos- what kind of images should be shown under sible explanation. Given the state support the label “Swiss.” In all three exhibitions for the tourism sector in the interwar period, mentioned here, the list of poster artists was printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 150 roughly the same, including Cuno Amiet, He criticizes the genealogy of Swiss tour­- Otto Baumberger, Emile Cardinaux, ism advertising that was propagated in Augusto Giacometti, and Ferdinand Hodler. Frankfurt, which supposedly derived from The representatives of the SWB who the vedutas.33 In his opinion, however, it were probably responsible for the selection is precisely this “chumming up” to tourism of the works thereby also demonstrate a that made Swiss advertising fall behind certain understanding of art. As Alfred the developments that took place in the Altherr senior stated in the Frankfurt exhi- major German cities. bition brochure, the lithographic poster was better off without “succumbing” to avant-garde art and design tendencies.30 Interestingly, it was the figurative painting of these same artists that in the 1940s would be made into a specifically national, Swiss branch of painting, while the avant- garde was denied the label “Swiss.”31 However, Gantner’s article from 1929 also shows that Altherr’s approach had not met with the approval of everyone on the design scene.

Switzerland does everything it can to attract the foreigner, but for the most part it does so in a completely outdated way, and herein lies the point where Swiss tourism advertising could learn from the advertising of German cities […]. (Die Schweiz tut alles, den Fremden anzulocken, aber sie tut es zum grössten Teil in einer völlig veralteten Weise, und hier liegt der Punkt, wo die schweizerische Verkehrsreklame von der Reklame der deutschen Grossstädte lernen könnte […].)32 printing industry advertisement exhibitions national label historiography 151

1 Schweizer Graphik 1925: 26. 10 Tissot 2014: n.p. 26 Gantner 1929: 6. 2 The term “Graphik” or “Grafik” 11 Nowadays Schweiz Tourismus. 27 The art historian Joseph Gantner is highly ambiguous and can See Tissot 2014: n.p.; Richter had been an editor for Das Werk designate any output from the 2014c: 43. from 1923 to 1927. See Caviezel- printing industry as posters, 12 Richter 2014c: 43. Rüegg 2005: n.p. In 1923 he also engravings, books, or smaller 13 See, for example, Margadant became secretary (Schriftführer) printed matter for advertising 1983: 23–27. and in 1925 director (Geschäfts­ purposes. By analyzing the 14 Swiss arts and crafts; it showed führer) of the SWB. See Gnägi, exhibition from 1925, the pres­ent paintings, sculptures, ceramics, Nicolai & Wohlwend Piai 2013: text also aims to discuss this stained-glass painting, metal- 418. ambiguity. work, textiles, books, prints, and 28 Münch 1997: 98. 3 Schweizer Graphik 1925: 6–8. posters. Kunstgewerbemuseum 29 Gillabert 2013: 162–163. 4 The annual report of the Zürich 1924: 11–28. 30 Altherr 1925: 19. Schweizerische Verkehrszentrale 15 In 1922, an exhibition of Swedish 31 Kadelbach 2010: 128–129. lists its exhibits as photographs, applied arts had already been 32 Gantner 1929: 8. dioramas, leaflets, and posters. held in Zurich as part of this 33 Gantner 1929: 8–9. See Nationale Vereinigung zur exchange. See Kunstgewerbe­ Förderung des Reiseverkehrs museum Zürich 1925: 2. 1925: 12. The SWB was founded on the 5 Zehnder 2016: n.p. initiative of Alfred Altherr 6 Today: The Federal Department senior, who returned to Switzer- of Economic Affairs, Education land in 1912 as a member of and Research (EAER). the Deutscher Werkbund (DWB) 7 In 1927 it would be merged with and with teaching experience other Swiss trade organizations from Germany. After his return, to form the Schweizerische he became director of the Kunst- Zentrale für Handelsförderung gewerbeschule Zürich. Until (OSEC). See Münch 1997: 98; the 1930s he was an important Gillabert 2013: 163 (see especially member of the SWB board, footnote 522). where he held various offices. See 8 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, Zumstein 2013b: 419. E81#1000/1134#242*, “Schwei- 16 Münch 1997: 98. zer Graphik 1730–1925 im 17 However, the short-term organi- Dienste von Reise und Verkehr,” zation and large-scale participa- in Frankfurt /Main 1925, tion led to conflicts of interest. 20.07.1925–31.07.1925, Auszug See Münch 1997: 98; Wohlwend aus dem Protokoll der Sitzung Piai 2013b: 119; Debluë 2015: des Schweizerischen Bundesrates 229–231. 31.07.1925. 18 Tschudin 2019: n.p. 9 Swiss Federal Archive SFA, 19 Schweizer Graphik 1925: 4, 9, 13, 17. E81#1000/1134#242*, “Schweizer 20 Welti 1925: 9. Graphik 1730–1925 im Dienste 21 Ibid. von Reise und Verkehr,” in Frank- 22 Ibid. furt/Main 1925, 20.07.1925– 23 Nyffenegger 2016: 139–141. 31.07.1925, Auszug aus dem Pro- 24 See, for example, Marchal 1992: tokoll der Sitzung des Schweize- 37–49. rischen Bundesrates 31.07.1925. 25 Altherr 1925: 19. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 12

training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 152

Originally, this reform was a counter-­ Sonderstellung movement to industrialization, through which a decline in crafts had become apparent. The most influential of these Debating the Status counter-­movements was the Arts & Crafts of Graphic Design Movement of the 1890s, which began in England and included social reform plans Education at the in addition to a reform of the crafts. Its Kunstgewerbeschule aim was to counter loveless, industrial, mass production by means of products that Zürich expressed uniqueness and inherent beauty. Decades later, the representatives of refined design, based on good craftsman- ship that resisted excessive decoration Rudolf Barmettler, Jonas Niedermann and automation, organized themselves into various national or regional associa­- tions such as Deutscher Werkbund or later Whoever wished to train as a graphic Schweizer Werkbund.3 They believed designer in Switzerland up to the 1980s had that a better apprenticeship was part and two options: to embark on an apprentice- parcel of an appropriate education, and ship as a graphic designer in a commercial by this they meant that craftsmanship had to enterprise, or to study in the Fachklasse be complemented by an artistic school Grafik (Graphic Design Class) at one of the education, with in-school workshops.4 As a arts and crafts schools.1 This duality of result, workshops based on this model training types goes back to the first half of were established in various schools in the the 20th century, when the profession Netherlands, France, and Germany. was split into two differentiated tracks, and Basel and Zurich also followed the example their emergence was not without rivalry. of arts and crafts reform schools such as The core of the conflict was an ongoing Düssel­dorf, Berlin, Weimar, and Munich.5 dispute between the “commercials”—the Since then, there have been compet­ing tradesmen—and the “artists.” These demands when training as a graphic design- often heated discussions had their origins er, with craftsmanship on the one hand in the Europe-wide debates on arts and and artistic expression on the other. This crafts reform, and the associated emergence essay uses the example of Zurich to trace of training workshops at the arts and the debates on the establishment and crafts schools at the turn of the century.2 rec o­ gnition of the Fachklasse Grafik in training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 153

Switzerland in relation to vocational train- and Crafts School. The school workshop ing, as documented in archival material concept, originally conceived for fur­ther from the Kunstgewerbeschule Zürich and education, became a Fachschule (Fach- the Gewerbeschule Zürich, the local klasse) and was integrated into the Gewer- professional associations,6 and the city and beschule Zürich. As understandable as Canton of Zurich. this step was at that time, this reorganization devalued the school workshop concept and led to public confusion about the actual Negotiating two options for graphic function of the school. design training in Zurich As early as 1916, Altherr stated that a certain dualism was noticeable in the When Alfred Altherr took over the manage- expansion of the workshops. Because of the ment of the Kunstgewerbeschule and shortage of students (master craftsmen Gewerbemuseum Zürich in 1912, he had and junior craftsmen), school apprentices come from Berlin and brought with him in arts and crafts were trained in Zurich the ideas of the German Werkbund.7 Shortly between 1912 and 1920.11 However, this con- after taking up his post, he stated that tradicted the 1916 regulation that stipulated the workshop, introduced by his predeces- that the school’s task was to further edu- sor Jules de Praetere, had moved too far cate pupils only after they had completed an in an “artistic” direction, even into “kitsch.”8 apprenticeship.12 This contradiction soon Consequently, he redefined the tasks and led to an unwelcome competition between goals of the school: after graduating from apprenticeships in the Fachklassen and the school, graduates should not only practical apprenticeships. As a result, diffi- become artists but also be able to meet the culties arose with the trade associations, needs of industry and advertising. Further- which did not want to recognize the Fach- more, Altherr promised that the school’s klasse as a form of apprenticeship; there artistic direction would lead master crafts- were thus arguments in 1916 with the Verein men, junior craftsmen, and apprentices Schweizerischer Lithographiebesitzer to develop exemplary craftsmanship.9 There- (VSLB) (Association of Swiss Lithography fore, in 1916, he initiated a reorganization Owners) and the Schweizerischer Litho­ of the Kunstgewerbeschule Zürich.10 But graphenbund (SLB) (Swiss Lithography instead of setting up its own design school Association). Apprentices who had com- for the applied arts, a “Hochschule für pleted their apprenticeships in the Fach- angewandte Kunst” as was done later in klasse were subsequently no longer allowed Vienna, Altherr took another step towards to be employed by the companies affili­- craftsmanship with his concept of an Arts ated to the VSLB; those who were already training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 154 thus employed were immediately dis- independence from economic constraints missed.13 In spite of this decision, the Arts was a major concern. He wanted qual- and Crafts Department of the Gewerbe­ ity work to emerge in the Fachklassen, “to schule Zürich continued to train graphic stimulate thinking and feeling in the best design apprentices in the Fachklasse.14 possible way.”20 This could not be learned Graduates of the Fachklasse Grafik were in a restless business, he claimed.21 Entry called freie (freelance) graphic designers into the Fachklassen was not open to every- after their training.15 Given these circum- one—there was a tough selection process. stances and the lack of external recogni- Even today (2020), there is a qualifying exam tion, the school tried to revise the profile of in the foundation course and a subse­- its Fachklasse. It established a Sonderstellung quent exam in the Fachklasse that students (special status) in industrial vocational have to pass. training, which was also not welcomed by In 1939, there was a change of directors the aforementioned associations. at the school, due to age restrictions. The main goal of the four-year appren- The new director, Johannes Itten, strove to ticeship training in a private company emphasize “künstlerisch-schöpferischen (master craftsman apprenticeship) is above Entwurfsfähigkeit” (artistic-creative design all the “Besitz der zur Ausübung des Beru- ability).22 According to Itten, the curricu- fes nötigen Fähigkeiten und Kenntnisse” lum of the Fachklasse should be worked out (possession of skills and knowledg­ e neces- systematically and according to pedagogical sary for the practice of the profession).16 methodologies, following basic, scientific/ The five-year training in the Fachklassen artistic principles, which was not possible in (includ­ing the foundation course and vocational apprenticeships.23 He propa- entrance exam), on the other hand, also gated the concept of the “allergrösste Indivi- focuses on independence in creative dualisierung des Lehrenden und des Ler- work, the quality of execution, and the devel- nenden” (greatest individualization of the opment of new fields of activity.17 The stu- teacher and the pupil). This would be a dent in the Fachklasse is to be fostered in pedagogical prerequisite for promising work such a way that he is able to solve the versa- in creative teaching.24 This insistence on tile tasks of practice, and should do so teaching and artistic freedom aroused dis- tech­nically and artistically as flawlessly as trust. Did this mean artistic overconfi- possible.18 Furthermore, the “Stärkung dence instead of “usability”—visual self-­ der Urteilskraft und die Pflege des guten realization instead of graphic design for Geschmacks” (strengthening of judg- commercial use? ment and the cultivation of good taste) was of utmost importance.19 For Altherr, training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 155

The debate on “Sonderstellung” and on the other side were Berchtold von certification Grünigen as the representative of the Ver- band Schweizerischer Grafiker VSG( ) Skepticism about the orientation of the (Swiss Graphic Design Association), Fachklasse also became noticeable in the the Swiss Werkbund (SWB), and head of debate about the certification of this the apprentice classes of the Arts and training path that started in August 1940. Crafts Department of the Gewerbeschule For the development of graphic design Zürich, plus Johannes Itten as director of education in Switzerland, this debate was the Gewerbeschule Zürich.27 of momentous significance (with one spe- At its core, the dispute revolved around cific meeting having a crucial impact), and the question of whether the diploma its consequences remain valid today. The exams held at the Arts and Crafts Depart- description of a meeting between Johannes ment of the Gewerbeschule Zürich could Itten, the then director of the Gewerbe­ legally be equated with the apprenticeship schule Zürich, and representatives of the exams held by the canton. Itten overcon­ federal and cantonal authorities, illustrates fidently assumed that the Gewerbeschule how education was negotiated based on could determine its own certification and, legal, political, and professional motives.25 like his predecessors, he cited the school’s Itten’s predecessors had established the relevance and special status in the voca- Fachklasse Grafik as a parallel voca­tional tional education system as his justification. training pathway since the 1920s, yet there To Itten’s surprise, none of those was no recognized certification for it. Direc- present questioned the special status of the tor Itten hoped to strengthen the “Son­ Fachklassen. The crux of the discussion derstellung,” or “special status” of the Fach- seemed to be certification. Itten criticized klasse as a form of training, but also the fact that the diplomas of the Fach­ wanted to anchor its certification in law.26 klassen were not recognized by the federal At a decisive meeting in August 1940, government and the canton. Georg Gilg, all the authorities involved were present: the the representative of the KIGA, rejected the Bundesamt für Industrie, Gewerbe und Sonderstellung certification. But he sug- Arbeit (BIGA) (Federal Office for Industry, gested that instead of a separate diploma, Trade and Labor), represented by Arnold the Fachklasse students should receive Schwander; and the Amt für Industrie, the regular Swiss Federal Certificate as a Gewerbe und Arbeit des Kantons Zürich qualification. This proposal seemed (KIGA) (Office for Industry, Trade and pragmatic and feasible, but it was clearly Labor of the Canton of Zurich), represented not what Itten had hoped for. Gilg, how- by Georg Gilg and Dr. Ernst Zaugg. Sitting ever, seemed to have general doubts about training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 156 arts and crafts education. As a representative cantonal requirements of the individual of the Canton of Zurich, he demanded professions and be approved by the KIGA that the existing cantonal teaching program and the BIGA.29 In addition, the train-­ be adhered to. Itten tried to convince those ing relationship had to be regulated by an present that the Fachklassen knew best apprenticeship contract. As a result, the how to define and carry out their final exams Gewerbeschule Zürich developed a corre- themselves. Berchtold von Grünigen, as sponding regulation for the Fachklasse representative of the VSG and the SWB, Grafik. This regulation was regarded as shared Itten’s opinion, and when the author- mandatory until the 1980s, although it ities demanded that the graduation pro- already caused discomfort to the VSG cesses at the Fachklassen should be overseen and the SWB. The associations were of the by external experts, he complained about opinion that any regulation of training such demands that would clearly curtail the should be rejected. According to them, a independence of the Fachklassen. graphic designer is an independent artist As one outcome of this debate, Itten whose impulses must emerge from the free, had to come to terms with certification by spiritual development of his personality.30 means of the Swiss Federal Certificate for And from today’s perspective, this opinion the Fachklassen, and with having examiners is even more stridently upheld: the teacher, drawn from the ranks of the professional who is himself an artist, can only give associations. his best if he feels free. The two associations made an unequivocal plea for freedom in teaching.31 The compromise This phobia of regulations on the part of some associations and designers was also The negotiations with the federal govern- a result of the zeitgeist. In October 1945, ment and the canton resulted in an order the SWB emphasized explicitly that its atti- from the Volkswirtschaftsdirektion des tude was backed by a “Angst vor Gleich- Kantons Zürich (Department of Economic schaltung” (fear of enforced conformity).32 Affairs of the Canton of Zurich) that There were perceptible influences, they acknowledged the Sonderstellung of the claimed, that were inhibiting creative devel- Fachklassen and agreed on a separate, opment. Furthermore, the advantage final exam. The latter was now legally equi­ of having been spared from war, unlike the valent to the final cantonal apprentice­- neighboring countries, was in danger of ship exams.28 It was important for this “spe- being lost.33 The demands of the sponsors cial status” that the curricula and examina- (the BIGA and the KIGA), however, were tion plans should meet the minimum understandable from today’s point of view. training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 157

As late as November 1945, Director Itten many pupils had no idea that any work ought tried to regain territory he believed he to be based on reproducibility. It should had lost. He emphasized the link with the be noted that no businessman had ever spo- SWB and demanded that the experts ken to students to develop a brief from supervising examinations should be elected a sales perspective. He concluded that the by the examination commission on the link between advertising professionals, basis of proposals from the school super­ prospective businessmen, and the teachers visory commission and the SWB. He of the Fachklasse Grafik ought to become insisted that the experts themselves should more active.35 Nine years later, none other be members of the SWB and, if possi­- than advertising legend Adolf Wirz spoke ble, of the professional association (VSG) up, the then president of the Bund Schweize- in charge.34 rischer Reklameberater (BSR) (Swiss Clearly, this raised certain questions: Association of Advertising Consultants). His Would the idealistic support of the arts and concern was that young graphic designers crafts schools by the SWB and VSG—the should engage in practice with the correct emphasis on artistic and didactic freedom mindset. Wirz wrote that he would wel- as well as a resistance to any regulations— come it if pupils were made aware of the real sooner or later lead to methodical arbitrari- task of the Gebrauchsgrafiker (commercial ness, to an interchangeability of learning graphic designer).36 contents, subjects, and tasks? Was there not a real danger at this point that the Fach- klasse Grafik would drift into the realm of Conclusion free arts and alienate itself from practice? Was there not the danger of a certain crony- In retrospect, Director Itten’s persistent ism if school directors, department heads, “struggle” for the special status and certifica- faculty members, and external jurors were tion of the Fachklasse Grafik was under- members of the same professional asso­ standable. What he subsequently achieved ciations? On the other hand, were the “com- became the standard throughout Switzer- mercial” trade associations at that time land—to the present day. These negotiations really the “devils”? led to a coexistence of Fachklasse and In 1947, the cold shower came promptly. practical apprenticeship in graphic design The representatives of advertising and training that is unique in Europe. A the industry—the “commercials”—were graphic designer’s training is based on an enraged. The criticism came from the “artistic,” conceptual orientation (Fach- Zürcher Werbeklub (Zurich Advertising klasse) on the one hand, and an advertising, Club). Paul O. Althaus remarked that service-related, craftsmanship-based training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 158 orientation (apprenticeship in practice) on exist anywhere in Switzerland. On the con- the other. The constant rivalry between trary, project teaching and workshop teach- these two forms of training has long proved ing, with basic and advanced subjects, to be very productive. Each has had to are still the standard in our curricula. This compete with the other for clients in the model has proven to be very successful marketplace, and the complementarity when compared to tertiary training abroad. and overlap involved have contributed to It is notable here that the curricula in Bach- the high quality of Swiss graphic design elor studies in visual communication and training. graphic design are still largely based on the However, the constant call for freedom Fachklassen model. of teaching and artistic expression, which has been characterized by a certain ideal- ism, proved to be something of a “boomer- ang.” The problems it brings were also exemplified by the criticism leveled by rep- resentatives of advertising and industry in the postwar years. When too much “art” and too many “concepts” are involved, the labor market tends to get bypassed. In a positive sense, regulation by the authorities also means that teaching concepts and curricula must be developed and disciplines and professional profiles reconsidered. This ensures that teaching can keep pace with the development of technology and with new tasks in practice, while at the same time opening up new fields of activity. About forty years ago, however, a new, academic training path for graphic designers opened up via the higher education col­- leges of the schools of design. Its importance further increased some twenty years ago when this training attained university status (at the Universities of Applied Arts). Pure lectures and self-study, although com- mon at universities abroad, do not really training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 159

1 Today there are four different 8 See “Timetables,” in the volume office), “Entwurf eines Regle- training paths in Switzerland: the Visual Arguments. ments über die Ausbildung des academic path at a university of 9 Altherr 1916c: 14. Graphikers in der graphischen applied sciences and arts; the path 10 Budliger 1978: 97. Fachklasse der Gewerbeschule I via further education after com- 11 In the winter and summer semes- der Stadt Zürich,” annex, no. 5. pleting an apprenticeship at the ter of 1928–1929, for instance, Zurich: June 8, 1938. Zürcher Colleges of Higher Education; the there were twice as many school Hochschule der Künste, Archiv Fachklasse Grafik; and that of an apprentices as assistant and mas- ZHdK, AY-VCB-00001. apprenticeship within a company. ter craftsmen in the Fachklassen. 17 Steiner, Heinrich. Letter of the 2 von Grünigen 1943: 261. See Altherr 1929: 5. Ortsgruppe Zürich (Zurich local 3 “[Der Werkbund strebte] die 12 Zentralschulpflege der Stadt group) of the Verband Schwei­ Veredelung der gewerblichen Zürich. Verordnung über die zerischer Grafiker VSG to the Arbeit im Zusammenwirken von Organisation der Gewerbeschule Volkswirtschaftsdirektion des Kunst, Industrie und Handwerk und des Kunstgewerbemuseums Kantons Zürich. Zurich: Septem- durch Erziehung, Aufklärung Zürich. Zurich: April 27, 1932. ber 12, 1945. Zürcher Hoch­- und Stellungnahme zu künstler- Zürcher Hochschule der Künste, schule der Künste, Archiv ZHdK, isch und volkswirtschaftlichen Archiv ZHdK, AB-UAE-00002. AB-UAE-00002. praktischen Fragen” (Zumstein 13 Budliger 1978: 110. 18 Gewerbeschule Zürich. Memo- 2013b: 63). The social reform 14 Gewerbeschule Zürich. Minutes randum on the decision of the plans on the other hand were of the Supervisory Commission Teachers’ Conference of the Arts dropped. See Kruft 1977: 29. of the Gewerbeschule Zürich. and Crafts Department of the 4 Frauenfelder 1938: 62. The Zurich: December 12, 1917. Gewerbeschule Zürich. Zurich: Prussian Ministry of Trade and Stadtarchiv Zürich, V.H.c.121. April 28, 1938. Stadtarchiv Commerce had issued a decisive 15 These trained apprentices—freie Zürich, V.H.c.121.:7.1. “Lehrwerkstatt-Erlass” (Training Graphiker—could later only work 19 See Keller, Ernst. Letter to the Workshop Decree) in 1906, as either a freelancer or an inde- kant. Industrie- und Gewerbe­ which defined training workshops pendent graphic designer, as they amt (cantonal industry and trade as common components of had no right to be employed by office), “Entwurf eines Regle- education. See Maciuika 2006: the contracting companies. It also ments über die Ausbildung des 120–131. led to misunderstandings, for the Graphikers in der graphischen 5 The director of the Kunstgewer- lithography trade and related Fachklasse der Gewerbeschule I beschule Zürich and the Gewer- professions in Switzerland under- der Stadt Zürich,” annex, no. 5. bemuseum Zürich, Jules de stood the term Graphiker (graphic Zurich: June 8, 1938. Zürcher Praetere, advocated the school designer) to mean Zeichner-Litho­ Hochschule der Künste, Archiv workshop concept. See de graph (draftsman-­lithographer). ZHdK, AY-VCB-00001. Praetere 1908: 19. Later there was See Keller, Ernst. Letter to the 20 Kienzle 1929: 22. a lively exchange among the kant. Industrie- und Gewerbeamt 21 Altherr 1924: 7. reform schools. Highly respected (cantonal industry and trade 22 Gewerbeschule Zürich. Minutes designers came to teach in office), “Ausbildung des of the Supervisory Commission Switzerland in the 1920s GRAFIKERS in der grafischen of the Gewerbeschule Zürich. (e.g. Fritz Helmuth Ehmcke). Kunstanstalt,” annex, no. 1. Zurich: June 27, 1941. Stadtarchiv 6 The Swiss Werkbund (SWB) and Zurich: June 8, 1938. Zürcher Zürich, V.H.c.121.:2.1.3.1. the Verband Schweizerischer Hochschule der Künste, Archiv 23 Ibid. Grafiker (VSG). ZHdK, AY-VCB-00001. 24 Itten 1939: 14. 7 Altherr was a co-founder of the 16 Keller, Ernst. Letter to the kant. 25 See “Training,” in the volume SWB in 1913. See Bignens 2008: Industrie- und Gewerbeamt Multiple Voices. 13–18. (cantonal industry and trade 26 Federal Act on Vocational training education policy schools associations Arts and Crafts 160

Training, June 26, 1930, 876. See the Gewerbeschule Zürich. “Legal Documents,” in the Zurich: December 4, 1945. volume Visual Arguments. Stadtarchiv Zürich, 27 Gewerbeschule Zürich. Minutes V.H.c.121.:2.1.3.1. of the Arts and Crafts Depart- 35 Kunstgewerbeschule Zürich. ment of the Gewerbeschule Minutes of the Supervisory Zürich. Zurich: August 21, 1940. Section I of the Kunstgewerbe­ Stadtarchiv Zürich, schule Zürich. Zurich: Febru­- V.H.c.121.:3.1.2. ary 18, 1947. Stadtarchiv Zürich, 28 Gewerbeschule Zürich. Minutes V.H.c.121.:2.1.3.1. of the Supervisory Commission 36 Wirz, Adolf. President of the of the Gewerbeschule Zürich. Bund Schweizerischer Reklame- Zurich: April 29, 1944. Stadt­ berater (BSR) (Swiss Associa­- archiv Zürich, V.H.c.121.:2.1.3.1. tion of Advertising Consultants) 29 Volkswirtschaftsdirektion des in a letter to Hans Fischli, direc- Kantons. Order of the Volks­ tor of the Kunstgewerbeschule wirtschaftsdirektion des Kantons Zürich. Zurich: February 24, Zürich “Verfügung: Fachklasse 1956. Zürcher Hochschule der gilt als Lehre.” Zurich: 1944. Künste, Archiv ZHdK, Stadtarchiv Zürich, V.H.c.121.:7.3. AY-VCB-00001. 30 Steiner, Heinrich. Letter of the Ortsgruppe Zürich (Zurich local group) of the Verband Schweizeri- scher Grafiker VSG to the Volks­ wirtschaftsdirektion des Kantons Zürich. Zurich: September 12, 1945. Zürcher Hochschule der Künste, Archiv ZHdK, ABUAE- 00002. 31 Swiss Werkbund. Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Swiss Werkbund SWB. Zurich: Sep- tember 13, 1945. SWB-Archives. 32 Swiss Werkbund (signed by Rich- ard Bühler and Egidius Streiff). Letter to KIGA, Zurich, as well as to the Gewerbeinspektorat Basel-­Stadt (Trade Inspectorate of the Canton Basel-City). Zurich: October 5, 1945. Zürcher Hochschule der Künste, Archiv ZHdK, AB-UAE-00002. See “Letter of Correspondence,” in the volume Visual Arguments. 33 Ibid. 34 Gewerbeschule Zürich. Minutes of the Supervisory Section I of DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 13

national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 161 The Basel School A school model for graphic design A catalyst for the use of the term “school” in the Swiss graphic design and typogra- Deconstructing Labels phy discourse was the implementation of of Swiss Graphic Fachklassen für Graphik, full-time graphic design classes at public arts and crafts Design Education schools in the early 20th century. The Fach­ klassen were introduced in addition to the prevailing educational model of the appren- ticeship in the printing workshop of a Sarah Klein, Sandra Bischler graphic artist or lithographer.2 Alfred Altherr senior, director of the Kunstgewerbe­- The term “school” has been applied ambig- schule Zürich, ventured as early as 1916 to uously in the context of Swiss graphic make the optimistic, but false, predic­tion design history. In addition to being used lit- that school education might even replace erally to designate an educational institu- apprenticeships in the near future.3 However, tion, it has also denoted a style affiliation or over the following decades, this new a common formative mindset in order to model had to assert itself primarily against simplify­ the attribution of certain creative skeptical tradespeople. For example, in phenomena. In combination with local 1929, and thus more than one decade after attributes, such as, for example, “Basel,” the implementation of Fachklassen, a “Zurich,” or even “Swiss,” the term has proponent of the school model still noted served to describe complex phenomena of a lack of recognition, both among cer­- graphic design and typography.1 However, tain professionals and among the general the equation of the term “school” with population.4 “style” can inevitably only represent a con- The strategy of the educational institu- traction of institutional reality that con- tions—above all the Kunstgewerbeschule ceals a multitude of influences and view- Zürich and the Allgemeine Gewerbeschule points. This becomes evident when taking a (AGS) Basel—was to equate the term closer look at which actors used the term “school” with notions of excellence, quality, “school” in connection with graphic design and progress, and to anchor it as a catch- and typography during the first half of word for a specific educational philosophy. the 20th century, at the ways in which they During the 1940s, when Swiss graphic used it, and not least at the various motives design education was undergoing the behind it. decisive steps of its legalization process, the national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 162 arts and crafts schools intensified their hängt die Schule mit ihrer konsequen- demarcation efforts. For example, Hermann ten Ausbildung zur Qualität in den Kienzle, director of AGS Basel, wrote in Wolken einer Idealvorstellung, die nach 1941: ihrer Ansicht in der Praxis Lügen gestraft wird.)6 A student leaving school […] should have at least experienced what can He responded to these accusations with the be the highest achievements in his or argument that the schools would pro­- her profession. This awakening and duce “open-minded designers of new solu- refinement of a conscience for the qual- tions by which they enrich and fertilize ity of his or her work is the best thing practice” (aufgeschlossene Gestalter neuer that a school can give to its students for Lösungen, mit denen sie die Praxis berei- their own practice. (Der Schüler, chern und befruchten).7 der die Schule verlässt, soll wenigstens The two schools in Zurich and Basel […] erlebt haben, was in seinem Beruf considered themselves as innovators höchste Leistung sein kann. Diese and persistent promoters of “neue schwei­ Weckung und Verfeinerung des Gewis- zerische Graphik” (new Swiss graphic sens für die Qualität seiner Arbeit ist design)8—which emphasized their impor- das Beste, was die Schule dem Schüler tance not only for the profession itself, in die Praxis mitgeben kann.)5 but also for the cultural prestige of the nation. According to this narrative, it was However, it was precisely the transferability primarily the school model that estab-­ of this quality into practice that was lished Swiss graphic design’s great interna- doubted by the trade itself. In an article in tional reputation.9 the magazine Das Werk, Berchtold von Grünigen, a teacher at the Kunstgewerbe­ schule Zürich, discussed the accusations Swiss quality that the school model was unworldly and lacked practical relevance: In the discourse on graphic design and typography, other educational institutions For them [the graphic design practi- also claimed a leading role in the devel­ tioners], the school, with its consis-­ opment of a national “quality” in the pro- tent training to achieve quality, is float- fession. The question as to just what this ing in the clouds of an ideal that in specific quality was, and where it originated their view is proved wrong in practice. from, was a matter of controversial debate. (Für sie [die Grafiker, Anm. d. V.] In the case of “Swiss” typography, this is national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 163 reflected in trade journals, such as the fort- wrote, for the application of the traditional­ nightly Helvetische Typographia or the “healthy, original and down-to-earth forms” monthly Typographische Monatsblätter (TM), (gesunden, ursprünglichen und boden­ both published by the Schweizerischer ständigen Formen”). The second direction, Typo­graphenbund (Swiss Typographers’ however, he described as sober, functional, Association). Apart from the schools in lifeless typography that “is misused to Basel and Zurich, institutions in Aarau, create the most impossible aesthetic manip- Bern, Biel / Bienne, Lucerne, and St. Gallen ulations by means of constructivist specula- also presented themselves or criticized tions with blocks, groups, planes and each other. The authors regularly linked spaces […]” (die durch konstruktivistische regional or national attributions with Spekulationen mit Blöcken, Gruppen, stereotypes of styles, which took on a polit- Flächen und Räumen […] zu den unmög- ical dimension—especially in the context lichsten ästhetischen Manipulationen of World War II and Switzerland’s Geistige missbraucht [wird])12 and had no potential Landesverteidigung (Spiritual national to last. Hausammann declared the St. Gal- defense).10 len typography as the more sustainable An example of this is the heated debate direction, and claimed that it had spread about the St. Gallen Fachschule für Buch- over the country to become “Swiss” typog- drucker (School of Printing) in the 1940s that raphy. The same argument was made by was started by an article in Helvetische the author using the pen name “boe” in the Typographia about supplements in TM, and Helvetische Typographia, namely that for a that led to a discussion in these maga­zines long time these approaches hadn’t been about the style or “way” of the St. Gallen “St. Gallen ways” anymore, for this typog- school and the origins of “Swiss” typogra- raphy had long since become “Swiss.”13 phy. In Helvetische Typographia in 1943, an Both Hausammann and “boe” linked a anonymous author wrote that, in particu- regional school to specific stylistic quali­ties lar, no “fascist supplements and St. Gallen and declared these to have gone national. ‘ways’”11 were desired in TM, and thus he But this very “Swissness” in typography was wanted to exclude the St. Gallen School of controversial. Emil Ruder, a typography Printing from the typographic discourse. teacher at AGS Basel and a sharp critic of An attempt to defend the St. Gallen typog- St. Gallen typography, asked bluntly “What raphy was made by the graphic designer particularly Swiss traits does this typogra- Hausammann in an article in TM in 1944. phy have?” (Was für besonders schweize­ He described it as one of two major direc- rische Züge weist diese Typographie auf?)14 tions in Swiss typography. The St. Gal-­ and immediately delivered a statement len School of Printing could take credit, he about what he considered to be genuinely national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 164

Swiss, namely: “a pronounced sense for during World War II. It was an idealistic honesty of work and material” (ausgespro- point of view for sure, since in the prac­ chene[r] Sinn für Ehrlichkeit der Arbeit titioner’s minds the regional characteristics und des Materials).15 The editors of TM also were very prominent, and there was a disagreed with Hausammann’s arguments: major disagreement not only about where typographic “Swissness” originated from, The claim that the Fachschule für Buch­ but also about what it embodied in the drucker embodies the expression of first place, and if it could or could not be Swiss typography seems very daring to attributed to specific educational institu- us. What is certain is that something tions. After the end of the war, the Swiss- like a home style is cultivated in it, which, German typographer Kurt Huber wrote like all home styles, has a strong local in TM that the idea of such a synthesis was color and, in addition, seems to consti- not yet fulfilled, and he insisted on the tute a minimization of higher values. existence of regional or, rather, language- (Der Anspruch, dass die St. Galler Fach- specific differences. schule für Buchdrucker den Aus­druck der schweizerischen Typographie verkör- As rich in diversity as is the work of pere, erscheint uns sehr gewagt. Sicher the Swiss-German typographers in the ist, dass in ihr so etwas wie “Heimat­- French-speaking part of the country, stil” gepflegt wird, der, wie aller Heimat­ their quests and strivings are still met stil, starkes Lokalkolorit aufweist und with fierce resistance. […] This requires hier ausserdem noch wie eine Vernied- that we know the French-speaking lichung höherer Werte wirkt.)16 Swiss and his typography better. (So reich an Vielfalt auch das Schaffen der Deutschsch­ weizer Typographen im Welschland ist, ihr Suchen und Stre­- A Swiss synthesis ­ben stösst immer noch auf harten Wider- stand. […] Das verlangt, dass wir den The editors of TM did not link “Swiss” Welschen und seine Typographie näher typog­raphy to a certain institution, but kennen.)18 described it as a “happy synthesis of the German-speaking and the French-speaking” Comparable national stereotypes of style (glückliche Synthese von Deutsch und and taste in graphic design and typog­- Welsch).17 Their emphasis on shared values ra ­phy dominated the discussion even when across language boundaries can be read it came to assessing schools and training as a statement in favor of national cohesion opportunities in neighboring countries. national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 165

A supposed understanding of allegedly design that are related on the one hand, country-specific biases was employed but show many differences on the other. in advertising particular training opportu- Besides being a shortcut for naming the All- nities abroad, or to warn against them. gemeine Gewerbeschule Basel, the term For example, in 1935, in a summary on train- “Basel School” as a means of stylistic attri- ing possibilities in Paris, potential Swiss bution was used early on to describe a designers were advised to avoid the “offi­- formal phenomenon in poster design that cial French taste.”19 As one of the few came to a head in the early 1940s, mainly exceptions, the newly opened school by in Basel, which was led by graphic design- A.M. Cassandre was recommended, ers such as Niklaus Stoecklin, Fritz Bühler, because it was “perhaps closest to us in its Peter Birkhäuser, and Herbert Leupin, tastes” (uns in ihren geschmacklichen who created hyperrealistic representations Ansichten vielleicht am nächsten).20 of products. The “Basler Schule” in These attempts to summarize stylistic poster design was already characterized by phenomena using language-specific contemporaries as an “überspitzter or site-specific categories are so evident Naturalismus” (exaggerated naturalism).21 because it was common to play them off against each other. Educational institu- The Basel graphic designers have devel- tions in France, Italy, Germany, and oped their own style of the highest Switzerland used such categories in connec- concision and impact, which is rightly tion with the term “school” in order to highly regarded, both in terms of situate themselves more clearly, although technical skill and in terms of its unmis- this represented an all-too-uniform pic-­ takable effect. […] The Basel poster ture that collapses into its constituent parts is a proven brand. (Die Basler Graphiker on closer inspection. haben einen eigenen Stil von höchs­- ter Prägnanz und Schlagkraft entwickelt, der zu Recht hoch eingeschätzt wird, Filed under: “Basel School, the” sowohl was das technische Können, als auch was die unübersehbare Wir- When we return to the regional Swiss dis- kung betrifft. […] Das Basler Plakat ist course, we find a remarkable example of eine bewährte Marke.)22 this ambivalent, sometimes misleading use of the term “school” and the transfor­ However, the tremendous popularity of mation process to which it was subject: the this style was also already being criticized, “Basel School” or “Basler Schule.” This as it implied “the danger of stereotypical designates several approaches in graphic sterility, of the routine recipe, the solidified national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 166 formula” (die Gefahr einer stereotypen further differentiate the overall construct of Sterilität, des routinierten Rezepts, der “Swiss Style” graphic design and typog­ erstarrten Formel).23 raphy. According to this narrative, “Zurich” Several of the designers working in this stands for constructive graphic design, manner were trained at AGS Basel in closely bound to the concrete art movement the Fachklasse für Graphik, therefore the and the magazine Neue Grafik.26 “Basel” link between the “Basler Schule” and stands for a more “undogmatic”27 attitude the AGS Basel seems evident. Indeed, in and is usually employed in close connec­tion the 1940s and before that, naturalistic to the educational approach at AGS Basel, drawing and product representations and especially during the 1950s and 1960s, under the technical skills for hand-drawn lithog- teachers such as graphic designer Armin raphy were all part of the Basel curricu­- Hofmann and typographer Emil Ruder.28 lum. However, they coexisted with other, “Basel school” here has been trans- more abstract, geometric, photographic, formed from its initial meaning, a heteroge- typographic, and calligraphic or even theo- nous educational institution—AGS Basel— retical courses, given by different teachers into yet another, distinctive graphic design without any clearly defined formal doc- approach. This neglects the diversity of trine.24 That is to say, even though some of the AGS graphic design curriculum, as well the protagonists of hyperrealistic poster as its course structure: the Fachklasse für design had been trained at AGS, the emer- Graphik, as well as the typography and type- gence of the “Basler Schule” as a style setting courses, the courses for graphic phenomenon in the 1930s and 1940s can design apprentices, and later the so-called just as well be connected to the work of Weiterbildung (Advanced Class for Graphic Basel-based graphic design studios, to influ- Design) from 1968 onwards can hardly be ences from the art world25—and to the generalized as a homogeneous “school” or great popularity of these posters with cli- “approach.” ents and the public. There are overlaps As a tradition, the AGS Basel itself between the school as an institution and the did not originally propagate a “style,” but school as a style, but they are not congruent. combined different design philosophies. Their origins can be traced back as far as the 1930s, during the directorship of Hermann A term with a new meaning Kienzle (director from 1916 to 1944), who introduced several new approaches to In a totally different sense, the terms “Basel graphic design and typography educa­tion, School (of design),” “Basler Schule,” or creating the basis for a graphic design class the “Basel approach” have also been used to that was not shaped by just one teacher, national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 167 but by a variety of progressive as well as tra- role in the promotion of the Basel graphic ditional actors and their courses.29 design education, whereas other teachers In the late 1940s, these educational play a minor role in the school’s narrative.33 contrasts were even conceptually anchored As this essay has argued, the term in the program of the graphic design class.30 “school,” supplemented by regional or Berchtold von Grünigen was appointed national attributions, has a long history of in 1932 to be the new director, after having transformation and reinterpretation and been active in Zurich.31 He apparently was strategically used by different actors— adapted his school’s graphic design program institutions, designers, critics, and design according to the graphic design land- historians—according to their specific scape he found in Basel upon his arrival. He interests. If we are to achieve a new histo- believed that the school, besides its role in riography of Swiss graphic design and actively promoting progressive approaches, its education, clarifying and revisiting criti- should not lose contact with professional cal terms such as “Basel school” can pro- practice. In Basel at this time, this meant vide a starting point for us to question out- contact with the world of mainly one-­ dated narratives related to “styles” and man studios with a commercial orientation, “schools” as a major classification system. and strong local connections and support. It was in the late 1950s that the method- ically structured courses by Armin Hof- mann, in cooperation with Emil Ruder’s typography courses, became increasingly recognized on an international stage thanks in part to articles in trade magazines, books, exhibitions, and teaching activities abroad.32 It was also the heyday of the “Swiss Style”—and the intense publica­- ­tion activity of its protagonists in the late 1950s and 1960s indicates that the motto “pub­lish or perish” also applied back then to graphic design and education. “Teacher­- authors” such as Armin Hofmann, Emil Ruder, and later Wolfgang Weingart, who formulated their methodology and thereby made it accessible to a large audience, naturally came to play a more dominant national label self-promotion schools canonization historiography 168

1 “School” here has to be understood 17 TM 1944: Editorial. as a stylistic term, influenced by 18 Huber 1947. art historiography and its “history 19 TM 1935: 238. of style”—which was intertwined 20 TM 1935: 239. with notions of nationalism. See 21 Oeri 1946a: n.p. Locher 1996a: 291. 22 Ibid. 2 On the foundation of Fachklassen 23 Oeri 1946b: 237. see “Timetables,” in the volume 24 In 1941, for example, there were Visual Arguments, and “Sonderstel- courses in: Zeichen und Marken lung,” in the present volume. (Hermann Eidenbenz), Schrift Apprentices also attended the und ihre Anwendung (T[h]eo trade schools for supplementary Ballmer), Graphisches Entwerfen courses one day a week. (Paul Kammüller), Modezeichnen 3 See Altherr 1916c: 135. (Julia Eble), Typographie (Jan 4 The art historian Walter Tschichold and Karl Becker), Hugelshofer even remarked that Lithographie (Werner Koch), this regrettable lack of recognition Werbelehre (Fritz Bühler). See and impact would drive the most Allgemeine Gewerbeschule Basel talented and progressive graduates 1941a: 18. to emigrate to more “insightful” 25 As for interactions with art, see, countries. See Hugelshofer 1929: for example, poster designer 58. Niklaus Stoecklin’s work as a 5 Allgemeine Gewerbeschule Basel painter of “Neue Sachlichkeit,” 1941c: 13. the “New Objectivity.” 6 von Grünigen 1938: 64. 26 See Hollis 2006: 206. 7 von Grünigen 1943: 263. 27 Richter 2014a: 38. 8 Berchtold von Grünigen, Letter to 28 See Hollis 2006: 215. Dr. P. Tschudi, Sep. 5, 1945, 29 See “Teaching Material,” in the Staats­archiv Basel-Stadt, DI-REG volume Visual Arguments. 5a 2-7-3 (2) 8. 30 See “Student Work,” in the vol- 9 See Allgemeine Gewerbeschule ume Visual Arguments. Basel 1941c: 17. 31 See Wanner 1965: n.p. 10 See, for example, Reinhardt 2013. 32 E.g. Hofmann 1958; 1965; Ruder 11 Helvetische Typographia 1943a: 3. 1944; Contemporary Arts Center 12 Ibid. 1957. 13 Helvetische Typographia 1943b. 33 Lesser known AGS teachers 14 Ruder 1944. (1930s–1960s) are, for example: 15 Ibid. Peter von Arx, Theo Ballmer, Karl 16 TM 1944: Editorial. Heimatstil was Becker, Walter Bodmer, Robert a term often used to describe a Büchler, Fritz Bühler, Julia Eble, modestly modern, folkloristic Theo Eble, Hermann Eidenbenz, architecture which was used for André Gürtler, Andreas His, Paul some pavilions at the Swiss Kammüller, Ernst Keiser, Lenz National Exhibition 1939. About Klotz, Manfred Maier, Christian the development and specific use Mengelt, Rolf Rappaz, Numa Rick, of the term, see Crettaz-Stürzel Alfred Soder, Gustav Stettler, Max 2015, n.p. Sulzbachner, Mary Vieira. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 14

historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 169

on the right.4 [Fig. 55] An overview of Swiss Unfamiliar Writing designers’ publications reveals that this is Forms not an isolated case. While these books are rarely ever dedicated to the workings of any script other than the Latin, they repeat- Instances of Various edly show images of various writing sys- tems.5 As most Western graphic designers, Scripts in Swiss arguably, have little functional know-­ Graphic Designers’ ledge of further scripts, this focus on what is known and used in the authors’ every­- Publications day work might not be too surprising. With the same thought in mind, however, the fact that examples of different scripts are commonly shown is all the more striking. Ueli Kaufmann If these designers’ publications are seen within the context of Modernism or moder- In 1967, the influential Basel designer and nity and viewed from a postcolonial perspec- educator Emil Ruder published his only tive, these findings are not negligible. Ideas book: Typography: A Manual of Design.1 It is a of Western modernity developed vis-à-vis revised, fleshed-out version of the author’s the conception of a non-Western other, and earlier Typographische Monatsblätter (TM) often in diametrical opposition to it, as has articles and the catalog of an exhibition of been observed in Edward Said’s highly influ- the same name, and it proposes a system- ential Orientalism from 1978 and in his Cul­ atic approach to design practice and teach- ture and Imperialism from 1993, as well as in ing. Owing to both its form and its con-­ Stuart Hall’s “The West and the Rest” from tent, it has been called the quintessence of 1992, or Henrique Dussel’s “Eurocentrism Swiss graphic design,2 and is sold and and Modernity” from 1993.6 And those celebrated to this day.3 Even though the pub- depictions, as the abovementioned scholars lication firmly focuses on Latin script point out, are far from neutral. They gener- typography, a double-page spread in the ate “knowledge” about an “other” that is second chapter entitled “Function and often proposed and received as scientific form” shows seven images of scripts from fact.7 Embedded in a cultural, academic, or various cultures, places, and eras. Next professional discourse, these assumptions to Hebrew, Devanagari, Runic, Sabaean, and then take on a life of their own, and can two Cuneiform inscriptions on the left, it therefore hardly be separated from political features a large image of Arabic calligraphy and socio-economic realities and intentions. historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 170

As the approaches that Swiss graphic design- would be for anybody lucky enough not ers presented in their publications have to be able to read it!10 spread alongside corporate culture world- wide,8 and to this day still exert consider- By limiting an observer to strictly visual per- able influence on teaching and practice,9 it ception, he states, an indecipherable writ- seems appropriate to take a closer look ing system would stimulate an appreciation at instances of various scripts in those books. of its inherent formal qualities.11 But rather By investigating a few selected examples, than explaining this phenomenon any this article will discuss the portrayal of further, Ruder simply leaves things there. these “others,” the roles the portrayals play Through the juxtaposition of several simi- within the respective narratives, relations larly materialized, but structurally and to common ideas and schools of thought, formally diverse scripts, he aims to kindle a and problematic aspects such as claims comparison of letterforms and patterns, of superiority or the misrepresentation and similarities and differences, both in the indi- denigration of various writing systems. vidual systems and across them, and in so doing wants to steer the reader towards a purely visual exploration of his own exam- Ruder’s defamiliarization and ples. While this invitation to adopt a strictly the dangers of ignorance formal approach to signs takes up just a single spread, it embodies the core of In Emil Ruder’s didactic book Typography, Ruder’s message and method. In the book’s the inclusion of images of various writ­- introduction, this staunch Modernist ing systems as described above does not stay declares his discontent with the status quo unaddressed. He notes the time and place of contemporary graphic design. Modern­ist of origin of his examples, and offers a brief typography appears to be omnipresent, he statement on how they should be inter- writes, but all too often it is seen as a strict preted: set of rules, rather than an adaptive method for addressing ever-changing prob- Unfamiliar writing forms hold an appeal lems. As a result, it has grown rigid. To for us even if we cannot read them; be truly modern, he says, typographers will we enjoy them as formal patterns com- have to keep finding new visual solutions parable to a work of art. If we could for the task at hand.12 In order to do so, they read them, we should automatically will need to wean themselves away from lose interest in them as form. On seeing their habitual manner of seeing and doing. Broadway lit up at night, Chesterton It is in this vein, thus Ruder, that the said: What an enchanted garden that familiar Latin typography should be treated historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 171 like the examples of presumably unfamiliar In the course of his book, Ruder offers a set scripts: purely as form. of parameters—largely based on the Although he supported his thesis with a physical characteristics of wood and metal quotation from G.K. Chesterton, Ruder type—along which visual explorations omitted to mention that the same book by should be oriented. [Fig. 56] Even though Chesterton also explicitly warned about he briefly acknowledges that the dissemina- superficially judging cultural artifacts. With- tion of phototypesetting technology at out a functional knowledge of a system, this time relieved typography of many of its writes Chesterton, signs could easily be mis- previous restrictions,15 he does not fur-­ interpreted as something known to the ther explore its use. Despite proclaiming the observer. He goes on to exemplify this with primacy of the paradigm of “being in seemingly similar characters from the time,” he asks his readers instead to submit Greek and Latin alphabets. While Ruder to the constraints of a moribund technology. refrains from claiming anything about This resistance cannot be explained the inscriptions that he shows, his method only by habits acquired through many years indeed has implications for approaches of experience as a craftsman in a specific to other writing systems. After establishing environment; it should also be seen as being the primacy of the visual, he explains in line with a long-standing Western bias. that, in typography, form cannot be sepa- Since the early days of printing with mov- rated from the means and processes of able type, this technology had been lauded production. In order to fully uncover the as the key to scientific progress, to moder- craft’s visual potential, designers need nity. While this view first developed around to embrace its technological constraints.13 the early printing trade, it was soon echoed in literature and historiography.16 When It is the intention of this book to bring Ruder wrote Typography, the centrality of the home to the typographer that perhaps letterpress was still very much reflected in it is precisely the restriction of the influential theories on printing, media, and means at his disposal and the practical history, such as in Marshall McLuhan’s aims he has to fulfill that make the highly influential The Gutenberg Galaxy.17 charm of his craft. It is hoped that the The formally non-restrictive technology of book will elicit those strict and inher- lithography, however, did not properly ent laws of the craft of typography fit these neat narratives and was long treated which wields such influence in deter- as printing history’s stepchild,18 even mining the visual aspect of our world after it had become the most widely used today.14 pro­cess with the advent of phototype- setting and offset printing. But whereas the Fig. 55

Fig. 56 Fig. 55 Juxtaposition of vari-­ ous scripts in Ruder’s Typography.

Fig. 56 A perfect illustration of Ruder’s understanding of the innate material restrictions of typography.

Fig. 57 Examples of the Chinese script, one of Tschichold’s new favorite topics, used as a “pre-history” for his subsequent history of the Latin script. Fig. 57 Fig. 58 Examples of Arabic and Persian writing, used as a “pre-history” for Tschi­ chold’s subsequent history of the Latin script.

Fig. 59 An example of Arabic writ- ing in Kufic style and corresponding texts from Tschichold’s Geschichte der Schrift in Bildern, used as a basis for a newspaper advertisement for pens; see Fig. 58.

Fig. 60 Fig. 58 An example of the Mayan writing system and corre- sponding texts from Tschichold’s Geschichte der Schrift in Bildern, used as a basis for a newspaper adver- tisement for pens. Fig. 59 Fig. 60 historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 174 typographer’s outdated “universal rules” in of a universal script that was stripped of this new environment were still acceptable everything “particularistic” or “national”: for the Latin script—which had developed in close relation with the letterpress for five The emphatically national, exclusivist centuries—it was exactly the elimination of character of fraktur—but also of the these restrictions that were so promising equivalent national scripts of other peo- for the representation of other widely used ples, for example of the Russians or scripts such as Arabic or Devanagari. the Chinese—contradicts present-da­ y With photocomposition, mechanical set- transnational bonds between people ting also now allowed for their more faith- and will bring about the inevitable elim- ful rendition.19 ination of those scripts. To keep to this While Ruder refrained from any bold script is a step backwards. Latin script claims about the various examples of is the international script of the future. scripts that he shows, it is the Eurocentric (Der betont nationale, partikularisti- foundations of his approach and its biases, sche Charakter der Fraktur, aber auch as well as his strictly visual approach to der entsprechenden Nationalschriften typography and letterforms, that have impli- anderer Völker, zum Beispiel des Russi- cations on attitudes towards writing sys- schen oder Chinesischen, widerspricht tems other than the Latin.20 Many works by den heutigen übernationalen Bindungen his peers display the traces of similar der Völker und zwingt zu ihrer unab- ideas, though often without his carefulness wendbaren Beseitigung. An ihr festzu- or reservations. halten ist Rückschritt. Die lateinische Schrift ist die internationale Schrift der Zukunft.)22 Tschichold’s temporalization and the persistence of backwardness Tschichold’s demands were clearly a reac- tion to the challenges of contemporary In his classic manual Die neue Typographie politics and to the ethno-nationalist rhetoric from 1928,21 the young Jan Tschichold wrote surrounding blackletter type and related of the dawn of a new era. After the tur­moil forms of handwriting in German-speaking of World War I, the new era was “supra­ areas at the time. He adopted a common national” and marked by a sense of collec- position that saw Roman letterforms as anti-­ tivity. The ultimate goal now, thus Tschi­ nationalist, enlightened, scientific, funda- chold, was the well-being of humanity as a mentally neutral, and progressive.23 whole. In this vein, and like many of his Even though Tschichold’s position was contemporaries, he called for the adoption solely based on Central and Western historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 175

European typographic and cultural history the Latin script, his narrative begins with and experience, he did not hesitate to more than twenty images outside it. [Figs. 57, extrapolate this position to encompass the 58] This was no coincidence, and the world. Based on the idea of linear prog­- author’s thoroughness did not remain ress, of a single and inevitable line of devel- uncommented upon. opment combining technological, cultur­ al, and moral aspects, he characterized all The interspersed examples of scripts other scripts as backward, and called for from foreign cultures are intended to their abolition. With just a few words, and show how meaningful, beautiful forms with a claim that such a stop would be have developed as a result of techni­- to the benefit of all of humanity, he removed cal and optical necessities. (Die einge- the right to exist from many different writ- streuten Beispiele von Schriften ing cultures. Tschi­chold’s arguments exem- fremder Kulturen sollen darlegen, wie plify how the conception of progress allows sich aus technischen und optischen an elite to progressively assign itself edu­ Notwendigkeiten sinnvolle und schöne cational and leadership tasks. This is gener- Formen entwickelt haben.)27 ally undertaken by those who conceive themselves as superior to others, who either Tschichold expresses his appreciation for the perceive themselves to be ahead, or feel visual and artistic quality of Chinese, Japa- compelled to catch up with others in order nese, and Arabic scripts and assures his to over­take them.24 And it also shows that readers that all these cultures demons­ trated such a narrative can be effective on several a concern for virtuous forms—a shared levels—from a local or small-scale profes- and seemingly universal value—that was sional discourse to the valorization of cul- expressed through their specific materials­ tures and international claims of supremacy. and cultural circumstances.28 As is evident from his many later publi- Despite this change of opinion about cations, Tschichold became increasingly the value of scripts and their diversity, how- conservative and revised his opinions of the ever, Tschichold reverts to declaring all but value of tradition and various writing sys- the Latin to be backward. He arranges vari- tems over the next decades. In 1941, he first ous historical and contemporary writing published his Geschichte der Schrift in systems into an evolutionary narrative, based Bildern.25 It is addressed to amateurs and is on assumed levels of functional abstrac- a short, expressly non-scientific treatise tion. He thereby leads his readers from cave intended to promote a sensibility towards paintings and unstandardized mnemonic good letterforms by showing an array of signs to pictograms, ideograms, and finally to historical examples.26 Despite its focus on phonograms. And the culmination of this historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 176 teleological development is naturally the In yet another one of Tschichold’s books, “Europäische Lautschrift,” the European his popular Erfreuliche Drucksachen durch gute phonetic alphabet.29 Whether knowingly or Typographie of 1960, he summarizes these not, Tschichold adopts an approach that ideas in a short passage of almost frighten- already had a long and problematic history. ing clarity. Such claims for the superior rationality of an alphabetical writing system were rooted The occidental letterforms, with which in the European Renaissance discourse on the age of Homer erected an immortal both language and letterforms, were arguably monument to itself, are hardly less inge- related to proto-nationalism and Christian nious than the invention of the pho- universalism, and were also perfectly aligned netic alphabet itself. Compared with with colonial interests, with a Eurocentric the Graeco-Roman, all the other historiography, and with European claims scripts of the world, even those Hebrew to power. This view of the Latin script as the and Arabic letters that are related to peak of development in writing was never our own, are unclear and less memora- uncontested—various Enlightenment think- ble. The spiritual and economic suprem- ers, for example, believed that the universal acy of the Western peoples, nourished system they propagated needed to be of by Mediterranean culture, is due in a pictographic nature, which was an ideal no small part to the formal nobility of they saw best represented either in the the Graeco-Roman script. (Die For­- Chinese script or in Egyptian hieroglyphs.30 men der abendländischen Buchstaben, Nevertheless, it was this connectivity to real- mit denen das Zeitalter Homers sich world claims of supremacy, imperialism, ein unvergängliches Denkmal errichtet and colonialism, that made this notion of hat, sind kaum weniger genial als die the primacy of Latin script so prevalent, Erfindung der Lautzeichenschrift selbst. long-lived, and consequential.31 While Tschi­ Mit der griechisch-römischen ver­ chold slightly relativizes his own views by glichen, sind alle übrigen Schriften der pointing out that certain languages—such Welt, sogar die mit den unseren ver- as Chinese—would best be written non- wandten hebräischen und arabischen phonographically, he reinforces his claims Buchstaben, undeutlich und weniger for the functional superiority of the Latin einprägsam. Die geistige und wirtschaft- script by connecting them to its visual liche Vorherrschaft der von der Mit­ appearance. Because the Graeco-Latin let- telmeerkultur genährten westlichen Völ- ters are based on elemental opposites—on ker ist nicht zuletzt dem Formen- circle, square, and triangle—they were sim- adel der griechisch-römischen Schrift ply the most readable.32 zu danken.)33 historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 177

Evidently, even in the second half of the to underpin their main arguments. Emil 20th century, these narratives were still con- Ruder displayed a degree of respect and care, nected to claims for the intellectual, polit­ neither glorifying nor disdaining his exam- ical, and economic supremacy of the West- ples, but instead merely describing how they ern world. The reception of Tschichold’s might encourage the uninitiated to engage books suggests that these narratives seam- in a comparative exploration of visual qual- lessly connected to a discourse that went far ities—which he saw as the essence of truly beyond the boundaries of the specialized modern typography. Nevertheless, his insis- field of graphic design. In the 1950s, for tence on embracing the restrictions of example, fragments from his Geschichte der letterpress printing revealed a bias that was Schrift appeared in a series of advertise- already outdated at the time, and which ments that juxtaposed Western modernity was at best overly restrictive when dealing and non-Western “backwardness” in order with a wide variety of scripts. In Tschi­ to sell simple pens.34 [Figs. 59, 60] And chold’s case, these prejudices were exagger- the influence of these concepts was not lim- ated to the extreme. In his early work, his ited to Switzerland and the world of the experience of German biscriptality led him Latin script, for they had an impact on the to demand the abandonment of all writing perceptions of different scripts in differ­- systems and styles that did not correspond ent cultures that we find in later publications to the Franco-English model of Roman type. by other Swiss designers.35 Despite reveal- His later publications show how he revised ing insufficient knowledge of other writing his opinion and now attributed artistic value systems and script cultures, these narratives to different writing cultures. Nonetheless, have proven to be long-lasting and remain his historiography still revealed real-world influential to this day.36 claims to superiority for the West that were explicitly connected to functional and visual aspects of the Latin script. In the under­ Conclusion current of Swiss graphic design and typog- raphy, with its narratives of progress, these The above close reading of books by Emil images of non-Latin, distinctly “other” Ruder and Jan Tschichold reveals that scripts with their corresponding self-images Swiss graphic design also embraced univer- were seamlessly linked with other disci- sal aspirations of modernity with a clearly plines and discourses. This in turn enabled Eurocentric slant. Despite the focus on Latin them to be disseminated, and preserved script typography, other writing systems and prolonged their impact. played a not inconsiderable role in the nar- ratives of both authors, for they were used historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 178

1 Ruder 1967. an Arabic typeface design course For particularly interesting essay 2 This sentiment is explicitly at the Institute for Studies and collections, see Grube, Kogge expressed, for example, in the Research on Arabization (IERA) & Krämer 2005; Strätling & Witte foreword to the second edition in Rabat, Morocco between 1981 2006; Cancik-Kirschbaum, in English by Charles Bigelow and 1983. Even though Hunziker Krämer & Totzke 2012. This and reiterated by Robin Kinross’s did not belong to the illustrious change in perspective has also insightful, contemporary cri- group of Swiss practitioners who led to reconsiderations of histori- tique. See Kinross 1984: 147. were writing eagerly and were cal European engagement with 3 Richard Hollis writes that the widely received, his essay has “unreadable” letterforms, with publication was positively received recently resurfaced. Being among scripts other than the Latin, such by design educators worldwide. very few published early sources as, for example, Andrea Hollis 2006: 256. Hilary Kenna on Arabic typeface design in a Polaschegg’s work on Goethe’s emphasized the ongoing impor- European language, it has been occupation with Arabic script. tance of Ruder’s Typography and cited by both designers and See Polaschegg 2005. recalled that the book had so far academics. See Hunziker 1985; 12 In a review of Ruder’s Typography, been published in nine languages, Balius 2013; Nemeth 2017. Robin Kinross points out that ref- was in its seventh edition, and 6 See Said 1979 (1978); Said 1994 erences to a “spirit of the time” was still being widely used and (1993); Hall 1992; Dussel 1993. were rather common among Swiss referenced in education and 7 Fabian 1983: 17–18. graphic designers, and he sug- practice. Kenna 2010: 35. 8 Drucker & McVarish 2013 gests that on closer inspection, 4 Ruder 1967: 40–41. (2009): 247–254. more problematic aspects could 5 Images and examples displaying 9 Kenna 2010: 1. emerge. See Kinross 1984: 150. various scripts appear to be par- 10 Ruder 1967: 40. In Chesterton’s A particular similarity to Ruder’s ticularly common in program- original it reads: “What a glori- position can be detected in the matic books by leading designers. ous garden of wonders this would programmatic works of Karl They seem to be mainly used to be, to anyone who was lucky Gerstner. Both Basel designers support the author’s argument by enough to be unable to read.” not only shared a fundamental claiming that its validity could See Chesterton 1922: 33. belief in constant adaptation also be observed in far-away cul- 11 In recent years, the layered poten- as modernity’s key principle, but tures—either because it had tial of scripts far beyond the rep- also proposed a methodical been present before, because it resentation of spoken language approach to solving this issue. would accord to a universal prin- has received growing attention. For a discussion of Gerstner and ciple, or simply because the Under the term Schriftbildlichkeit, Kutter’s historical arguments author’s position had already or “notational iconicity,” vari­- for the necessity of continuous found fertile ground elsewhere. ous scholars have addressed change as stated in Die neue Grafik See Müller-Brockmann 1971; notational systems with regards in 1959, see “Cave Paintings,” in Müller-Brockmann & Yoshikawa to material, functional, discur- the present volume. 1971; Müller-Brockmann 1981; sive, performative, and iconic 13 Ruder 1967: 5. Antonio Hernan- Gerstner 2007 (1963); Lutz 1987; aspects, as well as their changing dez describes this position as Frutiger 1989 (1978); 2003; 2005; relations, and have tried to an awareness for feedback pro- NORM 2002; Tschichold 1941; breach the dichotomy between cesses between printing or 1952. The foremost exception, text and image that long guided production and design. Robin which engages with a non-Latin Western conceptions of writing. Kinross describes Ruder’s stance script on a deeper level, is a spe- Krämer & Totzke 2012: 13–29. “for craft values as applied to cial issue of Typographische Monats­ For an informative explanation industrial production” as being blätter from 1985 in which Hans- and an overview of different in line with a more general Swiss Jürg Hunziker recounts teaching approaches, see Krämer 2014. tendency towards “near perfect historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 179

technique.” See Hernandez 1971: author went into exile in Switzer- “typeface.” In the introduction, 10; Kinross 1984: 148. land, the manual can be consid- Tschichold explains the word in 14 Ruder 1967: 5. ered as one of the key texts for the its widest meaning, as consciously 15 Ruder 1967: 64. Swiss discourse around Modern- fixed signs with a meaning. He 16 See Vervliet 1977: 12–17. ist typography. Many later publi- adds that real writing was based 17 Further influential instances of cations explicitly referred to it or on conventions and exclusively the centrality of letterpress print- were built on a similar narrative. accessible to insiders. In the con- ing in historical theories can be 22 Tschichold 1987 (1928): 77. In text of Tschichold’s book, Schrift found, for example, in Elizabeth pointing to changing demands might best be translated as “let- Eisenstein’s weighty The Printing induced by new media and new terform.” Press as an Agent of Change, or reading habits, however, Tschi­ 27 Tschichold 1941: 6. Benedict Anderson’s Imagined chold called for an even more 28 Tschichold 1941: 6. This line of Communities. See McLuhan 1962; reduced, impersonal appearance thought is characteristic of most Eisenstein 2005 (1979); Ander- that supposedly only sans serif of Tschichold’s work. In his son 2006 (1983). types could provide. Meisterbuch der Schrift from 1952, 18 See Twyman 1990: 10, 15–16, 126. 23 For a description of the concepts for example, he contrasts bad, 19 For a detailed description of the of rationality and universality deficient, or wild letterforms that impact of photocomposition in relation to letterforms from the dominate everyday life with on Bengali type, see Ross 1988: Renaissance to the Enlighten- desirable, masterful, genuinely 336–363; and for a similar evalu- ment, see de Looze 2016: 67–82, beautiful shapes. Showing a title ation regarding Arabic type, 102–117; Drucker 1995: 159–166. page of a Chinese book as an see Nemeth 2017: 170–283. Both For an in-depth analysis of the example of excellent brush letter- Bengali and Arabic typography long-standing debates on the ing, he argues that an “equilib- benefitted from the flexible posi- relationship between the German rium and harmony of all parts” tioning of vowels, much improved language and letterforms, the ought to be the aspiration of kerning possibilities, and the so-called “Schriftstreit” or lettering masters of all cultures. extension of character sets. For a “Antiqua-Fraktur Debatten,” see See Tschichold 1952: 15–17. more contemporary source on Hartmann 1998; Killius 1999. 29 Tschichold 1941: 6–8. the positive effects of computing For insights into the rhetoric 30 See Neis 2018; Weststijn 2010; de and photocomposition on print- surrounding “Latin” and “Ger- Looze 2016: 83–101. ing in the Arabic script with a man” type and handwriting, see 31 See Mignolo 1995; Rojinsky slight bend towards advertising, Shaw & Bain 1998: 12–13; Will- 2010; Cortez 2016; Sánchez see Tracy 1975. berg 1998: 42; Mirsky 1998: 6–8. 2016. 20 According to the linguist and type 24 See Koselleck 1975: 400. 32 Tschichold 1941: 8. software manufacturer Thomas 25 Tschichold 1941. Evidence for a 33 Tschichold 1960: 28–29. Milo, these biases are not only changing perspective can already 34 In 1956, the major Swiss news­ reflected in the design of type- be found in Tschichold’s TM paper Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ) faces, but also have a fundamen- article “Europäische Schriften contained a series of advertise- tal effect on the design of machin- aus Zweitausend Jahren” from ments for the American pen ery and software involved in all 1934, discussed in my essay manufacturer Paper Mate. Each processes. For a discussion of “Neue Schweizer Schulschrift” iteration showed an example of Milo’s own efforts to create a in the present volume. a script taken from Tschichold’s system rendering the Arabic script 26 Tschichold 1941: 5–6. The Ger- Geschichte der Schrift in Bildern— independent of these biases, see man term Schrift encompasses depicting the Mayan script, the Nemeth 2017: 410–434. a multitude of English meanings Chinese script, the Arabic script 21 Even though Die neue Typographie from “writing system” and in its Kufi style, and pictographs was written years before the “script” to “handwriting” and of the Native American Crow historiography canonization Modernism typography publications 180

tribe—and a comment loosely based on the same source. With a seemingly shallow understand- ing of the topic, but based on the designer’s Eurocentric proclama- tions, these adverts argued that a formal comparison of the depicted letterings with contem- porary handwriting would reveal an astonishing progress that was directly linked to the tools used. Modern life in all its economic and cultural aspects would not be possible without a pen that allowed for quick, effortless writ- ing. As the most modern of them all, the Paper Mate was the key to progress. Just like Tschichold’s book, the advertisement simply uses scripts of other cultures to substantiate Modernist claims of primacy. See NZZ 1956a; 1956b; 1956c; 1956d. 35 In the two books published by Adrian Frutiger in his later years, for example, he describes his experiences with Indian scripts and his work on a Modernist Devanagari typeface. Even though Frutiger appears to have had a great interest in Indian culture and history, his concept clearly shows traces of arguments simi- lar to those of both Ruder and Tschichold. Based on merely visual characteristics, he com- pared the existing Devanagari type to Latin type from the 15th century. In order to resolve the perceived backwardness of the former, he molded the Indian script after the European. Frutiger 2003: 126–132; 2005: 42–47; see Singh 2016. 36 See Izadpanah 2018: 114–115; Milo 2011: n.p. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 15

profession practice associations France identity 181

generic term for it was part of this process, Visualiste to which the rise of “visualiste” testifies.

Defining a New Job The Rencontres internationales de Lure Title within Graphic The Rencontres internationales de Lure (inter- Design in France national meetings of Lure) were held annually from 1952 onwards in the village of Lure in southern France. These offered a site where the status and role of the graphic Constance Delamadeleine designer were discussed, along with the possible names for the profession. The Ren­ “Visualiste” is a job title coined in the mid- contres were founded by Jean Garcia, Robert 1960s in France. Although Larousse’s Ranc, and Maximilien Vox, and their main Dictionary, one of the most comprehensive, goal was to “[…] élaborer collectivement une popular repositories of the French lan- doctrine vivante du graphisme Internatio- guage, did not include this term, it made its nal, susceptible de donner une âme aux révo- way orally within the design community lutions techniques qui se préparent dans and beyond. By the first half of the 20th cen- le domaine des procédés. […]” (collectively tury, graphic design had emerged as a new develop a living doctrine of International activity in Western countries.1 Evolving at graphic design and to give a soul to the the intersections of different disciplines such forthcoming technical revolutions).3 The as advertising, fine arts, illustration, print- Rencontres developed into a professional ing, and typography, the terms used for this association in 1957, the Association des com- activity varied over time and were some- pagnons de Lure, and its annual meeting times multiple in nature.2 In France, the still serves as a platform of exchange where names for it oscillated between affichiste ideas and knowledge can be shared between (poster maker), artiste graphique (graphic art- professionals active in the fields of adver­ ist), maquettiste, and “visualiste.” In the tising, graphic design, printing, and typog- 1950s, a growing professional consciousness raphy. In addition, its steering committee emerged among graphic designers who has regularly invited person­alities from artis- were actively engaged to carve out a profes- tic and scientific disciplines including sional status for their activity by explor-­ architecture, psychosociology, semiology, ing their professional field and defining its and sociology to discuss topics related boundaries. Finding and defining a new to communication. In order to give these Fig. 61 Fig. 62 Fig. 63

Fig. 61 Fig. 64 View of the second Studio Hollenstein, ca. 1960.

Fig. 62 Studio Hollenstein’s employees at work, ca. 1960.

Fig. 63 View of the typesetting department of the Studio Hollenstein, ca. 1960.

Fig. 64 Albert Boton, photograph of Albert Hollenstein in dis- cussion with Josef Müller- Brockmann during the Ren­ contres de Lure, 1965. profession practice associations France identity 184 meetings an international scope, foreign dele- Forging and spreading the term gations were soon introduced, and practi- tioners from Western countries were invited The concept of “visualism” was formulated to give lectures, such as the Swiss Josef by the French graphic designer Roger Müller-Brockmann and the American Aaron Excoffon 1910( –1983) in 1963 during a meet- Burns. In their formative years, the meet- ing in Lure, in the same year that he ings were dominated by discussions around assumed the presidency of the association.9 terminology. Although the term graphiste In his new function, Excoffon developed was initially suggested as a generic term, it a cross-disciplinary program that reflected was not approved by the members of the his concept of “visualism” and merged association.4 The annual report for the year “advertising, photography, and audiovisu- 1954 mentions different terms in several al.”10 “Visualism” emerged first and fore- languages, from Grafiker and maquettiste to most as a means of differentiation from the craftsman, thereby bearing witness to a movement Graphie Latine that developed lengthy battle of ideas about appropriate in France from 1950 to 1965. This latter terminology.5 [Fig. 64] As Marina Emma- movement was led by one the founders of nouil writes in her doctoral thesis: “the the Rencontres internationales de Lure, translation of foreign terms can introduce Maximilien Vox (1894–1974), and defended a complexity to the meaning, function and traditional conception of graphic design purpose of design in a local context.”6 The that was in opposition to “avantgarde move- international dimension of this meeting ments of modern design.”11 Excoffon had could help to explain why there was so much a different vision from that of the members difficulty in defining a French term for of the Graphie Latine. He defined graphic graphic design. But this semantic blur is not design as an activity oriented on images and exclusive to graphic design.7 A similar the audiovisual, and less on types and example can be found in the field of indus- drawings. Finding a new term was an intrin- trial design in France during the same sic part of this intention to defend a new period, as the historian Claire Leymonerie vision of graphic design. The Swiss typogra- explains in her book Le temps des objets: pher Albert Hollenstein, who was based Une histoire du design industriel en France in Paris, shared the same vision as Excoffon. (1945–1980). She identifies the use of differ- He was the founder of the Studio Hollen- ent terms as an indicator of discordance stein (1957–1974) and a member of the asso- between practitioners who came from dif- ciation of Lure, and he played an active ferent backgrounds, and who did not role in promoting the concept of “visualism” share the same definition of their activity.8 both inside the community of graphic design and outside it. profession practice associations France identity 185

In 1966, the Swiss foundation of Paris and de métiers réunis dans une branche pro- the Swiss Helvetic Studies Group organized fessionnelle globale: la visualisation. a Swiss cultural week at the Cité interna- Ceci est notre nouvelle profession. Elle tionale de Paris (Jan. 13–23, 1966), at which s’exerce en équipe, dans une structure.)12 Hollenstein was invited to give a lecture related to his professional activity in Paris. This definition provided by Hollenstein In his speech, he described his profession reflected the organizational structure of his using the term “visualiste,” and provided a own studio. He built a multidisci­plinary clear definition: team mainly composed of illustrators, “maquettistes,” photographers, type design- Today, between the one who decides a ers, and typographers who were surrounded message or defines the axis of a series by administrative members (accountants, of messages, and the moment when this secretaries) and salesmen: “a chain of spe- message is printed or diffused, there cialists grouped in a structure” who were is an entire profession: the visualistes. able to provide a “complete work” as out- These are a chain of specialists: in lined by Hollenstein.13 design, drawing and the development of The working space of his studio was maquettes […] type designers, typog­ organized as an open-plan structure in order raphers, photographers. And then there to facilitate communication between the are those who realize the results: the different members of the chain of special- preparers, calibrators, retouchers, illus- ists. [Figs. 61, 62, 63] Hollenstein employed trators, editors. These are professions a rationalized working system that was grouped in a global, professional branch: based on scientific management methods visualization. This is our new profession.­­ developed in the USA and that had spread It is practiced in a team, in a structure. to France through different channels.14 It (Aujourd’hui, entre celui qui décide du was widely adopted by emerging professions, message ou qui définit l‘axe d’une série such as designers,15 who sought to struc- de messages et le moment où le message ture their profession along the lines adopted s’imprime ou se diffuse, il y a une pro- by Hollenstein.16 Through his lecture at fession entière: les visualistes. C’est une the Cité internationale de Paris, Hollenstein chaîne de spécialistes: en conception, aimed to promote the concept of “visual- dessin et mise au point de maquettes […] iste” by describing his own structures. At the créateurs d’alphabets, typographes, pho- same time, he contributed to the dissemi- tographes. Et ensuite, les réalisateurs: nation of the new term among a diverse, préparateurs, calibreurs, retoucheurs, international audience. This was clearly suc- illustrateurs, monteurs. Ce sont autant cessful, because the final report of the profession practice associations France identity 186

Swiss Foundation used the word ­“visualistes” 1 The term was first used by the American type designer instead of the term graphistes (graphic W. Addison Dwiggins in 1922; designers) that had initially featured on the see Thomson 1997: 35. promotional flyer for the event.17 How­ever, 2 See Aynsley & Wolfsonian 2000; its meaning was still being debated among Emmanouil 2012. 3 Mazerand et al. 1973: n.p. practitioners. This was the case in 1967 4 Ibid. during the meeting at Lure, where the Bel- 5 Ranc 1962: n.p. gian typographer Fernand Baudin expressed 6 Emmanouil 2012: 34. 7 This was not a French particular- his concern about this new term: “[…] ity either. See Martis 1985: 15–21. Qu’est-ce que le visualisme? Un mot qui se 8 Leymonerie 2016: 17. traduit par design?[…]” (What is visualisme? 9 Sesma Prieto 2014a: 231. 18 10 Sesma Prieto 2014b: 3. A word meaning design?). The emergence 11 Sesma Prieto 2014b: 2. of the term denotes first and foremost a 12 Albert Hollenstein’s notes, need to provide a new definition for graphic Hugues Hollenstein archives, Tours. design. Despite this attempt to promote 13 Albert Hollenstein’s notes, it both in the international design commu- Hugues Hollenstein archives, nity and among the general public,“visu­ Tours. aliste” never became an accepted, generic 14 Delamadeleine 2018: 769–770. 15 Chessel 1998; Leymonerie 2016; term. Martin 1992. 16 Albert Hollenstein’s notes, Hugues Hollenstein archives, Tours. 17 Fondation suisse, report of the Swiss cultural week, 1966, French National Archives, 20090014/260. 18 Quoted in Sesma Prieto 2014a: 299–300. DOI: 10.53788/SWBE03 16

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ious exhibitions. To what extent could these Weltformat have contributed to the establishment of Weltformat as a standard format? Might they even have led to new display aesthetics for Setting (Swiss) Display poster exhibitions? However, before setting Aesthetics for Posters out to explore this issue, the present essay provides a short literature overview on what has already been published on the history of the Weltformat in Switzerland. Sara Zeller

Since November 2009, the poster festival Implementing a standard size for posters Weltformat (world format) has been organized annually by a graphic designer- The term Weltformat originally referred led association in Lucerne. According to to a series of standard formats based on the its organizers, this festival—featuring exhi- aspect ratio 1:√2 that were developed in bitions, workshops, and presentations— around 1912 by Wilhelm Ostwald, a philos- was initiated to provide Switzerland with a opher and Nobel Laureate for Chemistry.5 poster festival of global scope (i.e. of However, the establishment of Weltformat “world format”) that was appropriate to its as a standard size for posters in Switzer­ long tradition in poster design.1 The title land can actually be traced back to the Swiss Welt­format can thus be understood as an businessman Karl W. Bührer, who was aspiration, but it also refers to the Swiss already advocating standardization in standard poster format of 128 × 90.5 cm that advertising at the beginning of the 20th cen- dominated poster production in the coun- tury. Bührer’s business idea of the mono­ - try for almost a century.2 Nowadays, an array cards can to a certain extent be considered a of different formats predominate, rather fore­runner of it. These were elaborately than the former, single standard. However, designed, small-scale lithographic advertise- Weltformat (or F4) is still widely used, ments for companies, products, and tour- especially, but not exclusively, in the cultural ism. These Monos, as they were colloquially sector.3 Despite its name, Weltformat had called, were 11.5 × 16.5 cm in size and on always been limited to Switzerland and can their front they showed various motifs that therefore be considered as specifically had been designed by famous poster design­ Swiss.4 Interestingly, its initial implementa- ers and artists.6 The aim of the Internationale tion at the beginning of the 20th century Mono-Gesellschaft Winterthur, which seems to have been closely connected to var- was founded by Bührer in 1905 and was standardization posters clients printing industry exhibitions 188 basically an early advertising company, was ing committee of the 1914 Swiss National to provide a new, improved advertising sys-­ Exhibition to use the Weltformat series as a tem in answer to contemporary complaints standard for their entire printed matter, about posters in various sizes cluttering the from their logo to their brochures and post- cities. The mono-cards were printed at ers.12 Thus, Emil Cardinaux’s infamous the Zurich workshop Lithographische Anstalt poster for the exhibition, colloquially called J. E. Wolfensberger, which was founded “the green horse,” was printed in Welt­ in 1903, and could perhaps today be best format XIII (64 × 90.5 cm) and Weltfor- compared to flyers.7 Wolfens­­berger pro- mat XIV (90.5 × 128 cm). The latter would vided the Mono-Company not just with become established as the standard Swiss skilled craftsmanship, but also with contacts poster format.13 Interestingly, the other Welt- to notable graphic designers and artists formate did not succeed in Switzerland.14 of the time.8 Thus, the mono-cards are often Instead, the Deutsche Industrienorm (DIN) referred to as the forerunner of the artistic was adopted for other printed matter. poster in literature on Swiss posters.9 How- However, it took several years for the DIN ever, they must be considered­ as a very formats to become properly established, local phenomenon. Contrary to Bührer’s as the official fed­eral decree for implement- expectations, the mono-cards were not eco- ing DIN was only issued in 1924.15 nomically successful, and the company went bankrupt in 1911. By then, Bührer had already emigrated to Munich, and in the Outdoor poster displays and the standard same year he founded the independent aca- format demic institution Die Brücke together with the journalist Adolf Saager.10 Not long Concurrently with these developments, afterwards, Wilhelm Ostwald joined billboarding was gradually becoming their venture and brought with him both his a monopoly in Switzerland. The APG was Nobel Prize money and the concept of a founded in Geneva in 1900 and filled a series of standard paper formats, Weltformate, gap that existed between the authorities, based on the proportions 1:√2, as men- the public, and the advertising sector. tioned above. This standard happened Municipal authorities had begun regulat-­ to correspond roughly to the format Bührer ing billposting within cities in the 1830s, had chosen randomly for his mono-cards. but as poster advertising increased in the Unfortunately, Die Brücke ran out of money late 19th century, so did the number of and had to be liquidated in 1914.11 complaints from citizens about the chaotic In the meantime, Bührer had managed flood of images in their streets—the same to convince the director and the advertis- nuisance that Karl W. Bührer had tried standardization posters clients printing industry exhibitions 189 to combat with his mono-card system as the mono-cards, so it seems likely that outlined above. In around 1900, the the two men would also have discussed an city government of Zurich received the first associated poster format.21 By 1908, requests to lease out billboards. All such Wolfensberger was printing posters for the requests were denied at first, but were then men’s outfitterPKZ that measured accepted gladly a few years later when 124.5 × 93.5 cm, which is close to Weltfor- the situation intensified and the city govern- mat XIV (128 × 90.5 cm).22 The posters ment discovered that the billboards were for the Landesausstellung in 1914 were also in fact a valuable source of income. Their printed at Wolfensberger’s, even though new tenant, the APG, apparently offered the actual exhibition took place in Bern.23 a convincing service both by taking care of Unsurprisingly, the APG’s gradual the billboarding itself and by mending or takeover of billposting in the cities went replacing old billboards.16 Soon, the APG hand-in-hand with the establishment of had grown enough to establish offices in the Weltfor­mat as the standard poster size in major Swiss cities, and was overseeing Switzerland. In every city taken over by the licenses for most billboarding across the the APG, the company eagerly put up more country.17 poster stands, columns, and hoardings Against this backdrop, a standard and replaced older, wooden stands with new poster size must have been economically metal stands that only took Weltformat.24 and organizationally very appealing to They also began providing urban infrastruc- the APG. According to Bruno Margadant, ture such as bus shelters and telephone the APG began to set up advertising col- booths, which were also built to accommo- umns and hoardings tailored to the new Welt- date standard-sized posters. For example, format XIV right after the introduction the first telephone booth financed by adver- of the Weltformate at the Landesausstellung tising alone was put up in Zurich in 1930.25 (Swiss National Exhibition) in 1914.18 The On the occasion of the first edition of APG had in fact already been setting up new the trade fair Mustermesse Basel (MUBA) advertising columns and hoardings since in 1917, the APG organized its first large- acquiring a license for the city.19 Accounts of scale, outdoor poster exhibition throughout this period emphasize the considerable the city center of Basel.26 The German influence exerted by printers such as Wol-­ magazine Das Plakat reported on the exhibi- f­ens­berger in establishing the new poster tion, and counted “940 posters in Welt­ format as a standard.20 As early as 1908, format-size” (940 Plakate des Weltformates) Wolfensberger had bought a new printing advertising fifty-two businesses.27 The press in order to print larger formats. He author praised the exhibition for its diversity was already collaborating with Bührer for and for the elegant spatial arrangement Fig. 65

Fig. 66 Fig. 65 Page from Hes, Willy, “Eine schweizerische Kunst-Plakat-Ausstellung im Freien,” in Das Plakat, 4, (1917), p. 209.

Fig. 66 Page from Uebe-Münster, Rudolf, “Plakatkleben, Plakatformate, Endlos- Plakate,” in Das Plakat, (June 1920), p. 280.

Fig. 67 Installation view, outdoor poster exhibition during Grafiker – ein Berufsbild, Jan. 15–Mar. 20, 1955.

Fig. 67 Fig. 68

Fig. 69 Fig. 70

Fig. 68 Page from “Die Schweiz an der Pressa,” author unknown, in Das Werk, 15, no. 6 (1928), pp. 166–167.

Fig. 69 Page from “Die Schweizer Abteilung an der Triennale in Mailand 1936,” author unknown, in Das Werk, 23, no. 8 (1936), pp. 252–253.

Fig. 70 Double-spread from Pro Helvetia (ed.), Das Schweizer Plakat / L’Affiche Suisse / Il cartellone Svizzero, Zurich: Pro Helvetia, 1950, n.p. standardization posters clients printing industry exhibitions 194 of its poster stands, most of which had been and hoardings in specific areas of its cities. specifically produced for the occasion.28 This article is again illustrated with three Looking at the photographs, it quickly seems photographs showing a poster hoarding, a apparent that the outdoor display must stand, and a column put up by the APG have attracted a lot of attention, even during during the MUBA 1919. The images high- the MUBA. Interestingly enough, these light the neat and tidy Swiss billboard­- photographs were taken without any passers- ­ing system, and only show posters in the by, except for one in front of the railway same, standard format.30 [Figs. 65, 66] station, where a few people sit or stand next to one of the cars lined up, possibly simu- lating indoor exhibition shots. Contrary to Towards new display aesthetics what the article described, the photo- graphs in it indicate that not all the exhib- These outdoor exhibitions became a trade- ited posters were in one standard format, mark of the APG over the years. The but rather that different formats were still in introduction of the annual national poster use, with the exception of the posters in award, jointly organized by the APG and front of the railway station, where the poster the Federal Department of Home Affairs stands seem to have been designed to fit (FDHA) from 1942 onwards, gave the APG solely the Weltformat standard. When we the opportunity to institutionalize these consider these specially designed poster outdoor poster shows.31 Every year, the stands, along with the mention of Weltfor- twenty-four winners were displayed on spe- mat in Das Plakat, it would seem that the cially designed stands at well-frequented outdoor exhibition in Basel might also have public spaces in cities all over Switzerland, been intended to promote the new standard such as Basel, Zurich, Bern, Lucerne, format among the wider public. St. Gallen, Lugano, Neuchâtel, Lausanne, However, besides this rather casual men- and Geneva.32 The stands included large tion in Das Plakat, the Swiss standard for- frames in which the posters were mounted, mat was not further discussed, even though which distinguished them clearly from the magazine later often reported on Swiss the usual advertisements. Below every poster poster design.29 The APG’s strategy of was a little plaque indicating the poster’s bringing uniformity to Swiss billboarding­ printer, designer, and client. Through the was actually the subject of an article specially designed stands, the captions, and in Das Plakat in 1920, where Switzer­­land is the title “Die besten Plakate” (The best discussed as the only country with an posters), these outdoor showcases clearly organized billboarding system and an over- aimed to present themselves as cultural all strategy for installing poster columns manifestations and thereby set themselves standardization posters clients printing industry exhibitions 195 off from the usual advertising.33 The APG posters were shown, a new uniformity and seems never to have missed an opportunity structure seem to have arrived with the to act as sponsor for outdoor poster exhi­ Weltformat. Or perhaps the uniformity that bitions. As with the usual billboarding, the the standard format brought with it just “exhibition furniture” was always care-­ became very popular with exhibition orga- fully chosen. For example, in 1955 the Ver- nizers from the 1920s onwards. Thus, band Schweizerischer Grafiker VSG( ) the Swiss section of the Pressa 1928 exhibi- opened its exhibition Grafiker – ein Berufsbild tion in Cologne, designed by architect (Graphic designer—a job profile) at Kunst- Hans Hofmann, was structured by having gewerbemuseum Zürich, and it featured several bands of posters—all in Welt­ a huge outdoor display of Swiss posters that format—mounted from the ceiling.36 The once again set new display standards for famous Swiss section at the Triennale di outdoor poster shows.34 The Neue Zürcher Milano in 1936, designed by Max Bill, also Zeitung wrote: exclusively showed posters in Weltformat.37 Since the actual function of the The light metal poster stands (architect poster lies in advertising outdoors, the out- Bruno Giacometti) provide an excel- door space has often been alluded to in lent solution, enabling a large number poster exhibitions. In Swiss poster displays of posters to be put up quickly and abroad, however, the neat billboarding effectively without having to wall up or that was closely connected to the standard board up public ground. (Vorzügli­che format seems to have been highlighted as Dienste leisten dabei die leichten metal- a Swiss specificity from early on. For exam- lischen Plakatträger (Architekt Bruno ple, at the Swiss pavilion of the Triennale Giacometti), die ohne Vermauerung und di Milano in 1936, a prominent element of Verbretterung des öffentlichen Grundes the display appears to be a stylized poster die rasche und wirksame Placierung column.38 Many years later, this development einer grossen Zahl von Plakaten ermög- seems to have culminated at the Museum of lichen.)35 [Fig. 67] Modern Art (MoMA) in New York in 1951, when a Swiss street scene was replicated for However, it was not only the APG that was the exhibition Swiss Posters. The exhibits setting new standards with its outdoor exhi- either were mounted to create mock-ups of bitions over the years. It seems that Welt- several Swiss telephone booths that per- format itself—and the resultant tidiness of fectly fit Weltformat, or imitated billboards outside poster displays—also set the tone on the museum walls. In the exhibition for new display aesthetics in exhibition texts, the standard size and the normative spaces. In large exhibitions where Swiss regulations on billboarding were explained standardization posters clients printing industry exhibitions 196 as typical Swiss landmarks and key to the 1 See https://weltformat-festival.ch/ 39 2009 (accessed Mar. 9, 2020). identity of the Swiss posters. See also Brechbühl et al. 2017. As we have seen, the establishment of 2 For further reflections on the the Weltformat as a standard format for term “format,” see the recently posters in Switzerland did not happen over- published book: Nieslony & Schweizer 2020. night, and can rather be seen as the outcome 3 The formats F200 (116.5 × 170 cm), of a series of events. However, the APG, F12 (268.5 × 128 cm), F24 (268 × with its quasi-monopoly in Swiss billboard- 256 cm), or GF (388 × 295 cm) are often used nowadays. More- ing at the time, must be considered a major over, the printed poster is contributor to this development. We can increasingly being replaced by only guess the extent to which the APG’s interchangeable or digital screens, allowing alternating lively exhibition activity in public spaces advertisements on one spot. from 1917 onwards actually fostered the On that matter, see Bammatter establishment of the Weltformat. But the 2015: 140–142. 4 Bammatter 2015: 142. APG undoubtedly contributed to the 5 Margadant 1983: 16; Stirnimann increased public awareness of the medium & Thalmann 2001: n.p (first with these exhibitions. A further accom- page). plishment of the company was the clean 6 Graf 2013: 15–16. 7 The printing workshop exists to billboarding system and the resultant the present day under the name tidy cityscapes that were already perceived Wolfensberger AG. abroad as something specifically Swiss in 8 Graf 2013: 102. 9 See Margadant 1983: 15. 1920. The cityscape thus characterized by 10 Messner 2011: n.p.; Grütter 2019: posters repeatedly found its way into the 117. exhibition space, and at the MoMA in 1951 11 Messner 2011: n.p. 12 Margadant 1983: 16. it was even perceived as being an intrinsic 13 Ibid.; Messner 2011: n.p. feature of the posters themselves. [Figs. 68, 14 Kühnel 2001: 12. 69, 70] 15 For a more detailed discussion on the establishment of the DIN formats in Switzerland, see Mess- ner 2011: n.p.; Grütter 2019: 114–167. 16 Bammatter 2015: 117–119. 17 The APG continued its success- ful strategy and aimed at nothing less than getting the monopoly in billboarding in the country. In 1938 they already owned conces- sions in ninety cities and commu- nities, ten public transport standardization posters clients printing industry exhibitions 197

companies, and forty-eight rural could be shown in two sets of and mountain railways. APG twelve, one after the other. See 1975: n.p.; Bammatter 2015: 121. Swiss Federal Archive SFA, 18 Margadant 1983: 16. E3001B#1000/730#376*, Az. 19 Bammatter 2015: 119. 10.2.06.4, “Beste Strassenplakate 20 Margadant 1983: 16; Stirnimann 1943,” 1943–1944, Proceedings & Thalmann 2001: 70. of the jury meeting, Jan. 22, 1944. 21 Wolfensberger had printed a 33 At least until the late 1960s, the mono-card by Cardinaux depict- major news formats never tired ing the Matterhorn in poster of reporting on the outdoor size. However, the poster’s size poster displays, which were obvi- did not yet correspond to Welt- ously considered a great attrac- format XIV (128 × 90.5 cm), but tion every year. See “Die besten measured 104 × 72.5 cm; Plakate/Les meilleures affiches,” see Graf 2013: 64. in the present volume. 22 As for example the poster 34 Unsurprisingly, this selection “Confection Kehl P.K.Z.,” 1908, focused on the posters having by Emil Cardinaux. recently won the national poster 23 Graf 2013: 64. award. See NZZ 1955. 24 In Zurich, for example, this 35 Ibid. development started as early as 36 Das Werk 1928: 161–169. 1908. Bammatter 2015: 118. 37 Das Werk 1936: 245. 25 Bammatter 2015: 120. 38 Ibid. 26 Stirnimann & Thalmann 2001: 39 In the exhibition catalog, the 70. transformation from messy 27 Hes 1917: 207. poster hoardings to tidy regulated 28 He closes with the remark that it billboarding and the implemen- had already been decided to tation of the standardized poster repeat the outdoor exhibition the format are explained in the text following year. Ibid. with the aid of several photo- 29 This was despite the fact that one graphs. Pro Helvetia 1950: 11–13. of the articles in a 1920s issue On the subject of this exhibition, was explicitly about poster for- see also “Lehni Frame,” in the mats. It focused on the advan- present volume. tages of certain arrangement techniques and different bill- boarding possibilities offered by various cities. Uebe-Münster 1920: 279–284. 30 Uebe-Münster 1920: 280–284. 31 Only posters in the standard size could enter the competition. See “Die besten Plakate / Les meilleures affiches,” in the pres- ent volume. 32 As the stands only offered space for twelve posters, the exhibits Image Credits 198

© Archives SIA Abrasives Industries plakate, 1943, 1943–1944: AG, Frauenfeld, design Ernst Fig. 7 Hiestand: Fig. 21 Taken from Das Plakat: Figs. 65, 66 © Cornel Windlin; courtesy of Zürcher Taken from Das Werk: Fisg. 68, 69 Hochschule der Künste / Archiv Taken from Gerstner & Kutter 1959: ZHdK, GBA-1996-D09-005: Figs. 3, 4, 5 Fig. 49 Taken from Graphis: Fig. 23 Courtesy of Photobibliothek.ch: Taken from Hulliger 1927: Fig. 40 Fig. 16 Taken from Hulliger 1927a: Fig. 45 Courtesy of Sergio Libis archive; Taken from Hulliger 1934: Figs. 41, © 2021, ProLitteris, Zurich: 42 Figs. 9, 10 Taken from Kunstgewerbemuseum © Digital image, The Museum of Zürich 1925: Fig. 53 Modern Art, New York / Scala, Taken from Muff 1934: Florence: Figs. 33, 34 Fig. 44 © Elektrosmog and Zürcher Hoch- Taken from Neue Grafik: Fig. 25 schule der Künste / Museum Taken from Pro Helvetia 1950: für Gestaltung Zürich / Plakat- Fig. 70 sammlung, M-0685: Fig. 37 Taken from Ruder 1967: Figs. 55, 56 © Estate of Albert Hollenstein and Taken from Schweizer Graphik 1925: Ville de Paris / Bibliothèque Figs. 52, 54 Forney, RES ICO 5515 14; pho- Taken from Schweizerische Gra- tographer unknown: Figs. 61, phische Mitteilungen: Fig. 24 62, 63 Taken from Tschichold 1934: Fig. 39 © Estate of Gottfried Honegger, Taken from Tschichold 1941b: Figs. 57, Zentralbibliothek Zürich, Alte 58 Drucke AWG 2159 | G: Fig. 20 Taken from Typographische Monats- © Estate of Walter Ballmer and blätter: Fig. 22 Associazione Archivio Storico Taken from von Gunten 1947: Fig. 8 Olivetti, Ivrea: Fig. 11 Taken from WSS 1934: © Felix Humm: Fig. 13 Fig. 43 © Hugues Hollenstein archive; © Zürcher Hochschule der Künste / ph. Albert Boton: Fig. 64 Archiv ZHdK: Figs. 31, 32 © Kunsthalle Bern Archive: Figs. 26, (ph. Betty Fleck); Figs. 35, 36, 38 27, 28, 29, 30 (GBA-2002-D09-400; photog- © Lora Lamm and Zürcher Hoch- rapher unknown); Fig. 46 (GBA- schule der Künste / Museum 1986-D14-400; photographer für Gestaltung Zürich / Plakat- unknown); Fig. 47 (GBA-1988- sammlung, 71-0546: Fig. 12 D11-200; ph. Francisco Carras- © Museum für Gestaltung Zürich, cosa); Fig. 48 (GBA-1994-D12- Collections, Zurich University 500; photographer unknown); of the Arts / 2021, ProLitteris, Figs. 50, 51 (GBA-1925-D07-300; Zurich: Figs. 1, 2 photographer unknown); Fig. 67 Neue Zürcher Zeitung NZZ: Figs. 59, (GBA-1955-D03-300; photogra- 60 pher unknown) © Swiss Federal Archive SFA, © Zürcher Hochschule der Künste / E3001B#1979/121#791*, Museum für Gestaltung Az. 10.2.06.4, Anerkennungs­ Zürich / Plakatsammlung Archiv, urkunde, ca. 1955–ca. 1970: Schneckenburger Estate: Fig. 6 Figs. 14, 15, 17, 18 (photographer © Swiss Federal Archive SFA, unknown); Fig. 19 E3001B#1000/730#376, Az. 10.2.06.4, Beste Strassen- Imprint

Swiss Graphic Design Histories— This publication has been realized with the Tempting Terms kind support of:

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