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Word Order Variation: Towards a Restrictive Theory* Guglielmo Cinque August 2020

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Word Order Variation: Towards a Restrictive Theory* Guglielmo Cinque August 2020 Word order variation: towards a restrictive theory* Guglielmo Cinque August 2020 Abstract: The derivation of linear order is often taken to be rather trivial as the physics of speech, it is said, leaves just two options (a head either precedes or follows its complements and modifiers). This idea however falls short of a number of generalizations concerning linear order; among these, the fact that of all the theoretically possible combinations of some elements only a subset is ever attested, and the fact that more orders are found to the right of a head than to its left (just one). The physics of speech does not help us understand any of these generalizations. An account of them and a restrictive theory of linear order may however be attained once we have 1) a precise understanding of the fine-grained hierarchies and sub-hierarchies that underlie the clause and its phrases, 2) a restriction on movement whereby only the Head of each (sub-)hierarchy can move (by itself or in one of the two pied piping modes), and 3) Kayne’s Linear Correspondence Axiom. 1. Introduction. The bewildering variation in word order among the languages of the world should not detain us from researching what, if anything, determines which orders are possible (and attested, or attestable) and which orders are impossible (and not attested/non attestable), both when they maximally conform to the ‘head-final’ or ‘head-initial’ types and when they depart from them to varying degrees. This quest should be pursued, I think, as some results may be within our reach. 2. Nominal sub-projections and their word orders. Significantly, in each of the subdomains that we consider, of all the mathematically possible orders of the elements involved, only a subset is invariably attested. This cannot be an accident, especially if we find that the missing orders are missing arguably for the same reason. Let me illustrate the first statement with a number of cases drawn from the nominal domain (returning later to what the reason for the missing orders may actually be). As Greenberg (1972: 185) observes, of the six potential orders of noun, numeral, and classifier, only four are attested:1 *I wish to thank Richard Kayne, Audrey Li, Andrew Radford, and Peter Svenonius for fruitful discussions. 1 This was confirmed by subsequent investigations (Adams & Conklin 1973: 1; Conklin 1981: 4f; Aikhenvald 2003: 104f; Hall 2015, Chapter 5; 2019; Her 2017a,b; Allassonnière-Tang & Her 2020: §2). The alleged instances of the orders in (1)e. and f. pointed out in the literature have been shown in Hall (2015, Chapter 5) and Her (2017a,b,) to be 1 (1)a. Num CLF N2 b. N CLF Num3 c. N Num CLF4 d. CLF Num N5 e. *CLF N Num f. *Num N CLF A similar pattern is found with the orders of the noun with multiplier and base (in complex cardinals such as ‘three hundred’):6 apparent only, as is the case of Ejagham (also mentioned in Aikhenvald 2003: 105), where the ‘classifier’ is in fact the true syntactic head of the nominal phrase triggering noun class agreement on the numeral, or the case of cardinal “one” in certain Tibeto-Burman and Tai-Kadai languages, which is plausibly an ‘indefinite article’ (Her 2017a: §2.2). In this connection relevant is Kayne (2017). 2 This order is found in many languages, including Chinese (Sinitic - Zhang 2013), White Tai (Tai-Kadai – Conklin 1981: 47), Hmong (Hmong-Mien - Niederer 2011: 1295), Uzbek (Turkic - Beckwith 1998: §4.2). 3 This order is found, among others, in the Papuan languages Abun (Berry & Berry 1999: Chapter 5), Adang (Haan 2001: Chapter 9), and Tobelo (Holton 2003: §2.1.3), in the Austronesian languages Nga’da (Conklin 1981: 272), Tetun Dili (Williams-van Klinken, Hajek & Nordlinger 2002: 24), Helong (Balle & Cameron 2014: 45ff) and Uab Meto (Metboki and Bellamy 2014: §1), in the Sino-Tibetan languages Daai Chin (So-Hartmann 2009: §5.4.3.4), and Jingpo (Cheung 2003: §4.3.2) and in the Chibchan languages Cuna (Quesada 1999: 232) and Teribe (Quesada 2000: 127). 4 This order is found, among others, in the Sino-Tibetan languages Burmese and Lahu (Goral 1978: 30), in the Mon- Khmer language Stieng (Bon 2014: §2.5), and in the Tai-Kadai language Tai Lue (Hanna 1995: §2). 5 This order is found, among others, in the Totonacan languages Huehuetla Tepehua (Lhiimaqalhqama') (Kung 2007a: §7.3; 2007b: §2) and Upper Necaxa Totonac (Beck 2004: §2.2; García-Vega 2018: §1), in the Sino-Tibetan language (Eastern) Tamang (Lee 2011: §5.2), and in the Austronesian languages Rongga (Arka 2008: §2) and Luangiua (Salmond 1974: 142) (alongside the order in (1)b). Also see Kayne (2020: 340fn10). 6 Greenberg (1989: 105; 1990: 272) notes that the order multiplier and base tends to ‘harmonize’ with the order of cardinal numeral and noun (see his 1990 Generalization 28). It also appears that the order multiplier > base tends to ‘harmonize’ with the order cardinal numeral > classifier (cf. Greenberg 1989: 111). I return to these (partial) correlations later. On the notion of base also see Kayne (2006), Comrie (2016), and references cited there. 2 (2)a. multiplier base N7 b. N base multiplier8 c. N multiplier base9 d. base multiplier N10 e. *base N multiplier f. *multiplier N base Ordinal numerals, which give the number position of an item in an ordered sequence, are often composed of a cardinal and an ordinal morpheme. When the two morphemes are overt and combine with the noun one observes the same pattern of four possible orders out of six. See (3) (a pattern pointed out in Tatsumi 2019):11 7 This is the order found in English five hundred books, and many other languages. 8 This order is found in the Papuan language Adang (Haan 2001: §10.3), in the Austronesian languages Uab Meto (Metboki and Bellamy 2014: §4.1) and Helong (Balle and Cameron 2014: 45ff), in the Sino-Tibetan language Mising (Doley and Post 2012: §2) and in the Grassfields Bantu language Yemba (Harro and Haynes 1991: 31), among others. 9 Stieng has the order N multiplier base (Miller 1976: 32), and so does Jingpo (cf. Cheung 2003, §3.4 for the order N Num and Numeral Systems of the World’s Languages (https://mpi-lingweb.shh.mpg.de/numeral/Jingpho.htm) for the order multiplier base: mă31 li33 ʃi33 Lit. four ten = ‘forty’). Tetun Dili (Central Malayo-Polynesian) has the order N multiplier base for tens and N base multiplier for hundreds and thousands. See: (i) rihun rua atus tolu rua-nulu (Williams-van Klinken, Hajek and Nordlinger 2002: 22) thousand two hundred three two-tens (= 2320) 10 While Greenberg (1989: 106) and Hurford (2003: 596) state that no example of [Num base multiplier] N is found in their samples, this order is attested in the Austronesian language Rongga with multipliers bigger than 1. See Arka (2008: §2 and 13f). As will be seen later the paucity of such an order may bear some relation to Sheehan, Biberauer, Roberts and Holmberg’s (2017) Final-Over-Final Condition (FOFC), or what FOFC follows from. 11 The orders in (3) should not be confused with the relative orders of cardinal numerals and ordinal numerals when these co-occur (as in ‘the first three pages’). This is clearly seen in Vietnamese (Vietic) and Lakkja (Kam-Tai), where cardinal numerals precede the noun while ordinal numerals (composed of an ordinal marker preceding a cardinal numeral) follow the noun: Numcard CLF N A [OrdP Ord NumCard] (Nguyen 2004: 51 and fn33, and Fan 2019: §4.1.8.1 and §4.4.2, respectively). In certain languages, perhaps universally, ordinals are actually merged in two distinct positions, which can even co-occur (see Cinque 2015: fn4 with examples from Italian, French and Russian). The higher position is arguably part of the sub-projection headed by the cardinal numeral, following ‘other’ and preceding the cardinal (‘other’ > ordinal > cardinal). The lower position occurs after the cardinal (outside the sub-projection containing the cardinal). If only the Head of a (sub-)projection can move, as I suggest later, a comparison of Italian 3 (3)a. Card Ord N (Maale, Kashmiri,..)12 b. N Ord Card (Uab Meto, Tai Lue,..)13 c. N Card Ord (Kove, Koromfe,..)14 d. Ord Card N (Àhàn, Kokota,..)15 e. *Ord N Card16 and French provides evidence that it is the cardinal that heads the sub-projection containing the higher ordinal and ‘other’. In French the cardinal obligatorily crosses over the ordinal and ‘other’ ([les [deuxi autres premiers ti] membres] ‘lit. the two other first members’), while it does not in Italian, nor in English, [gli [altri primi due] membri] ‘the other first two members’. 12 For the Omotic language Maale see (i) and for Kashmiri (and other languages) Tatsumi (2019: §2.1). (i) táɓɓó lamɁ-ása kéll-éll-ó (Azeb Amha 2001: 136) ten two-ORD day-F-ABS ‘the twelfth day’ 13 See (i)a. for the Austronesian language Uab Meto, and (i)b. for the Tai-Kadai language Tai Lue (Lɨɨ): (i)a. uab no n-tenu (Metboki & Bellamy 2014: 65) talk ORD 3SG-three ‘the third talk, third subject matter’ b. maa1 too1 thoon3 soong1 (Conklin 1981: 107) dog CLF ordinal two 'the second dog' The same order is found with numbers higher than 6 in the Niger-Congo, Atlantic language Mankanya (Gaved 2020: 95). 14 For the Oceanic language Kove see Sato (2013: §6.1.6.2) and for Koromfe (Niger-Congo, Gur) and other languages displaying this order see Tatsumi (2019).
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