CHILIKA FISHERIES: A PLACE FOR PARTICIPATORY GIS?
Shibani Rosyshree Mishra
BSc (Geog), MSc (Applied Geog), MSc (NRM)
A thesis submitted in fulfilment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
School of Physical, Environmental and Mathematical Sciences
The University of New South Wales
Australian Defence Force Academy
Canberra, ACT, 2600, Australia
31 March 2010
Certificate of Originality
I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in this thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis.
I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent assistance from other is in the project’s design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.
Signed ………………………………………………
Shibani Rosyshree Mishra
31 March 2010
i ii ABSTRACT
Thesis Title: Chilika Fisheries: A Place for Participatory GIS?
Coastal areas are considered rich biodiversity zones and proper exploitation of their resource bases influence the economic growth of the regions they support. But in recent times, these fragile ecosystems are under serious threat from anthropogenic influences like over-exploitation and environmental pollution. In this process a large number of coastal areas including lakes and lagoons are under serious threat and some are already highly degraded. So to maintain an ecological balance, it is important to sustain populations that live in coastal zones without endangering the resource base.
In the modern era, advanced technologies provide supports to various sectors by providing information for management and development. These technologies can be used in conjunction with geographic information systems, which have been developed as a powerful tool for natural resource management, playing an important role in decision-making through the use of both spatial and attribute data. If both information technology and human responses to development – i.e., the public – can be integrated in the management process, then it is more likely that sustainable resource management and development can be achieved.
This research explores the potential for participatory geospatial tools, such as a Public
Participation Geographic Information System, to be used in community-based natural resource management. This thesis implements and analyses the effectiveness of a
PPGIS approach through a case study of Chilika Lake, a coastal community at Orissa,
India. The aim of a participatory GIS (PPGIS) is to ensure that local communities are iii included in the decision making and planning processes for sustainable natural resource management. This thesis provides evidence that a PPGIS approach would be useful in the Chilika context - by demonstrating that CBNRM is not really being effectively carried out in the region and showing that given the conflict that occurs over resource use, a mediating technology such as a PPGIS might be helpful in making sure everyone has both transparent information and a voice to communicate what they see happening on the ground.
Expected outcomes of this research include improving resource mapping and management techniques and enhancing decision-making capabilities through local participation. Crucial for effective CBNRM, the attitudes, perceptions, needs and concerns of resource users must be factored into the resource management process.
Ultimately, the data collected in this research was used to create a Chilika Resource
Information Database (CRID) that can provide a platform for CBNRM and public participation. Further, this trial of making a database with unlimited public access
(PPGIS) might be a solution towards achieving sustainable resource management goals.
Hopefully this database, Chilika Resource Information Database (CRID) will make it easier to visualise the spatial distribution of resources, to analyse and integrate data sets and also to assess impacts of interventions, thereby enhancing the transparency of decisions regarding the resource use.
iv Publications related to this thesis
This is a list of papers derived from this thesis that have been published during the course of my doctoral candidature.
Journal Paper
Mishra, S., and Griffin A., 2010. Encroachment: A threat to resource sustainability in
Chilika Lake, India. Applied Geography, 30 (3), 448-459.
v vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my deep sense of gratitude and profound thanks to my thesis advisor, Dr Amy L. Griffin for her support, valuable guidance, excellent advice and encouragement to complete the present work. I would never have been able to complete this dissertation without her help and support. I also wish to express profound respect to my co-advisors Dr Glenn Banks and Dr Alec Thornton for their valuable comments, constructive suggestions and guidance to improve this research work. My special thanks are given to Dr Bijoy Kumar Misra, HOD, Dept. of Applied Geography, Ravenshaw
College, who helped me and guided me throughout my fieldwork and arranged my official meetings with several government bodies.
This work would, of course, not have been possible without the generosity of the 120 villagers who made time to work me into their busy schedules and assist me in getting an in-depth knowledge of my study area and also gave valuable feedback.
My work was financially supported by a UCPRS and PEMS Research School Grant and
I am heartily obliged and thankful to the authorities for this support. I highly appreciate the help and support I obtained from our Head of School Prof Brian Lees throughout.
My appreciation is also due to the PEMS secretarial staff for all their help in administrative procedures throughout my study at UNSW@ADFA.
I would like to express my gratitude to the staff of the CDA, Department of Fisheries,
Cuttack, NIC, and Utkal University for the contribution of their valuable time in providing useful information and guidance during the study.
vii The completion of this thesis work was only possible due to the help extended by many individuals, whose contributions were with skills, interest, dedication, encouragement and friendship. I am indebted to Ms Julie Kesby, Dr Mahendra Kumar Samal, Dr Vinod
Rajyogan and Mr Sekhar Mohapatra for assistance and support in completing this research. I would also like to thank my husband Pankaj and my daughter Sreeya for their support throughout. I will never forget my daughter’s sacrifice. She dedicated one year (when she was only two and a half years old) to my study and stayed away from me in the time when a kid needs her mother most. Finally, I would like to thank the almighty, we all believe in, for everything I have.
viii ABBREVIATIONS
CBNRM Community based Natural Resource Management
CDA Chilika Development Authority
CECAF Fishery Committee for the Eastern Central Atlantic
CFCMS Central Fishermen Co-operative Marketing Society
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CLAMS Coastal Landscape Analysis and Modeling Study
CPR Common Property Resources
CPRM Common property Resource Management
CRID Chilika Resource Information Database
DSS Decision Support Systems
EIA Environmental Impact Assessments
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FG Focus Group
GIS Geographic Information System
GPS Global Positioning System
HH Household
IT Information Technology
MIGIS Mobile Interactive Geographic Information System
MPAs Marine Protected Areas
NGO Non Governmental Organizations
NIC National Informatics Centre
NIUA National Institute for Urban Affairs
NRM Natural Resource Management
ix ORSAC Orissa Remote Sensing Application Centre
PAH Persistent Aromatic Hydrocarbons
PEMS School of Physical, Environmental and Mathematical Sciences
PFCS Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies
PFR Planning For Real
PPGIS Public Participatory Geographic Information System
PPT Parts Per Thousand
RQ Research Question
SLA Sustainable Livelihood Approach
UCPRS University College Postgraduate Research Scholarship
VGIs Volunteered Geographical Informers
WCA Water Conservation Area
WHO World Health Organization
x List of Figures
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Certificate of Originality ...... i
ABSTRACT ...... iii
Publications related to this thesis ...... v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... vii
ABBREVIATIONS ...... ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... xi
LIST OF FIGURES ...... xvii
LIST OF TABLES ...... xix
CHAPTER 1 - Introduction ...... 1
1.1 Background ...... 1
1.2 A Brief Introduction to the Coastal Resource Management Problems in Chilika .. 4
1.3 Rationale for the Study ...... 6
1.3.1 Author’s Research Motivations ...... 11
1.4 Research Aims, Questions and Contributions ...... 11
1.4.1 Research Contributions ...... 12
1.5 Structure of the Thesis ...... 12
CHAPTER 2 - Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management ...... 15
2.1 Overview ...... 15
2.2 Challenges in NRM ...... 18
2.2.1 Global Challenges ...... 18
2.2.2 Challenges in Indian Context ...... 28
2.2.3 NRM Challenges in Chilika ...... 37
2.3 Approaches to NRM ...... 50
xi List of Figures
2.3.1 Sustainable NRM and Development ...... 51
2.3.2 Top-down Approach ...... 51
2.3.3 Bottom-up Approach...... 56
2.3.4 Combined Approach ...... 63
2.3.5 Local Residents’ Participation in NRM Programs ...... 65
2.4 Role of Geospatial Technology in NRM ...... 70
2.4.1 Top-down Geospatial Technologies ...... 72
2.4.2 Bottom-up Geospatial Technologies ...... 73
2.4.3 Public Participation Geographical Information System (PPGIS) ...... 75
2.5 Requirements for Developing a PPGIS in Chilika ...... 82
2.6 Conceptual Framework ...... 86
2.7 Conclusions ...... 89
CHAPTER 3 - Research Design and Methodology...... 91
3.1 Overview ...... 91
3.2 Research Methods ...... 91
3.2.1 Development of Data Collection Instruments ...... 92
3.2.2 Reconnaissance Trip and Pilot Study...... 95
3.2.3 Final Phase of Data Collection ...... 102
3.3 Analysis ...... 109
3.3.1 Data Processing ...... 109
3.3.2 Excel Spreadsheet (Descriptive Statistical Analysis) ...... 111
3.3.3 GIS Analysis ...... 113
3.4 Limitations of the Study Design ...... 113
3.4.1 Constraints in Choice of Methodology ...... 114
3.5 Summary ...... 115
xii List of Figures
CHAPTER 4 - An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resource Management Problems ...... 117
4.1 Overview ...... 117
4.2 Origins of the Lagoon ...... 118
4.2.1 Prosperous Cultural Heritage of Chilika ...... 119
4.3 Physical and Environmental Features ...... 120
4.3.1 Geographical Position ...... 121
4.3.2 Topography ...... 121
4.3.3 Climate ...... 124
4.3.4 Geomorphology ...... 125
4.3.5 Drainage ...... 127
4.3.6 Ecological Significance of the Lagoon ...... 129
4.3.7 Ecotourism ...... 130
4.4 Chilika’s Human Population ...... 133
4.4.1 Settlement History ...... 133
4.4.2 Chilika’s Livelihoods ...... 133
4.5 Conflict over Resource Use: Encroachment ...... 137
4.6 Conclusions ...... 139
CHAPTER 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management . 141
5.1 Overview ...... 141
5.2 Fisheries Resources and their Utilization Patterns ...... 143
5.2.1 Types of Fisheries in Chilika ...... 149
5.2.2 Impact of Modernized Fishing Tradition on Fishing ...... 152
5.3 Fishery Resource Management Features at Chilika: Present and Past ...... 157
5.3.1 Historical Perspectives on Resource Management in Chilika ...... 158
5.4 Impacts of Changing Policy on Livelihoods ...... 166
xiii List of Figures
5.5 Management Impacts at Different Geographical Locations ...... 167
5.6 Fish Marketing in Chilika ...... 170
5.6.1 Role of Commission Agents ...... 173
5.7 Chilika Resources: Open Access versus Common Property ...... 178
5.8 Management Needs ...... 180
5.8.1 The Need for New Forms of Local Collective Action ...... 182
5.9 Summary ...... 187
CHAPTER 6 - Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base ...... 191
6.1 Background ...... 191
6.2 Resource Use Conflicts and their Socio-Cultural Impacts ...... 192
6.2.1 Geographical Differences in Resource Use Conflict ...... 193
6.2.2 Occupational Displacement and Feelings of Insecurity among Chilika Fishers ...... 200
6.3 Chilika’s Sustainability under Threat ...... 210
6.3.1 Outcomes of Past Participatory Practices in Chilika ...... 210
6.4 Discussion ...... 212
6.5 Conclusions ...... 215
CHAPTER 7 - Chilika Resource Information Database (CRID) and PPGIS for Sustainable Resource Management ...... 217
7.1 Overview ...... 217
7.2 Chilika Resource Information Database (CRID) ...... 217
7.2.1 Overview of the Database ...... 218
7.2.2 Database Architecture ...... 219
7.2.3 CRID Scripting (Local / Regional Language - Oriya) ...... 229
7.3 Google Mashup / PPGIS for Chilika...... 230
7.3.1 PPGIS for Fisherfolk ...... 230 xiv List of Figures
7.3.2 PPGIS for Tourists ...... 232
7.4 Integrating the Database with Google Maps in a Mashup ...... 233
7.5 Establishing Kiosks ...... 234
7.5.1 Employing the Database in a Remote Setting ...... 235
7.5.2 Reliability of the Information / Validating the Database ...... 239
7.6 Limitations of CRID ...... 240
7.7 Conclusions ...... 241
CHAPTER 8 - Conclusions ...... 245
8.1 Summary of Findings ...... 245
8.1.1 Facilitating the use of CRID ...... 247
8.1.2 Motivations behind CRID ...... 248
8.2 Implications of PPGIS ...... 249
8.2.1 Challenges of establishing kiosks in developing areas ...... 249
8.2.2 Expenditure Involved ...... 251
8.2.3 Data Moderation ...... 252
8.2.4 Ease of Database Access ...... 252
8.3 Future Research ...... 254
8.4 Recommendations for Database Use and User Training ...... 255
8.5 Conclusions ...... 255
REFERENCES ...... 257
Appendix A: Household Survey Questionnaire ...... 275
Appendix B: Script for Focus Group Discussions ...... 279
Appendix C: Checklist for Secondary Data Collection ...... 282
Appendix D: Scripts of Google Mashup ...... 283
Script Part I ...... 283
Script Part II ...... 284
xv List of Figures
Script Part III ...... 285
Script Part IV ...... 286
Script Part V ...... 286
xvi List of Figures
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2-1 Location of Chilika Lake ...... 38 Figure 2-2 Location of the Mouth at Chilika ...... 40 Figure 2-3 Conceptual Framework ...... 88 Figure 4-1 Index Map of Chilika Lake ...... 117 Figure 4-2 Local Topographic Features near Chilika Lake...... 120 Figure 4-3 Natural Sectors (Salinity Levels) of Chilika Lake with Drainage ...... 122 Figure 4-4 Chilika Bathymetry ...... 123 Figure 4-5 Indian Monsoon ...... 125 Figure 4-6 Tourist Points in and around Chilika ...... 132 Figure 4-7 Occupational Structure in the Three Case Study Villages ...... 134 Figure 4-8 Economic Structure of Study Villages ...... 136 Figure 5-1 Species Landing in Chilika ...... 144 Figure 5-2 Chilika View ...... 145 Figure 5-3 A Local Shop Selling Nylon Nets ...... 147 Figure 5-4 A Traditional Fisherwomen Showing a Traditional Net ...... 149 Figure 5-5 Chilika Fisheries ...... 153 Figure 5-6 Fishery Administrative Structure of Chilika ...... 165 Figure 5-7 Fish Godown ...... 171 Figure 5-8 Fish Godowns of Chilika ...... 172 Figure 5-9 Fish Landing at Landing Sites ...... 172 Figure 5-10 Commission Agents on their way to the fish godown after collecting fish from local traditional fisherfolk ...... 175 Figure 5-11 Aquaculture Ponds around Chilika ...... 177 Figure 5-12 Zero Net Lying Down in the Sun after Use ...... 184 Figure 6-1 Villages Showing Literacy Level ...... 198 Figure 6-2 Areas Converted from Agriculture to Aquaculture between 1994 and 2004...... 207 Figure 7-1 Basic Information ...... 221 Figure 7-2 Social Information ...... 222 Figure 7-3 Fisherfolk Information ...... 223 Figure 7-4 Tourist Information ...... 224 Figure 7-5 Network of Feedback Analysis ...... 227 xvii List of Figures
Figure 7-6 Mashup Showing Fish Godowns by Natural Sector ...... 231 Figure 7-7 Mashup Showing Tourist Points of Interest ...... 233
xviii List of Tables
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2-1 Sector wise salinity levels in Chilika during 2004-05 ...... 43 Table 3-1 Description of Data Collection Instruments ...... 93 Table 3-2 Justifying Case Study Village Selection Criteria ...... 99 Table 3-3 Household Respondent Characteristics by Village ...... 104 Table 3-4 Focus Group Respondents’ Characteristics ...... 106 Table 3-5 Respondent Code ...... 110 Table 3-6 Village Profile ...... 112 Table 4-1 Chilika’s Waterspread, 1915-2001 ...... 129 Table 4-2 Infrastructure & Facilities in the Case Study Villages ...... 135 Table 5-1 Boats used for Fishery ...... 148 Table 5-2 Chilika Fisheries ...... 149 Table 5-3 Fish Landing from 2002-07 ...... 154 Table 5-4 Changing Management Policies and Structures in Chilika ...... 158 Table 6-1 Conflict Issues in Villages ...... 195 Table 6-2 Comparison of Agriculture and Aquaculture in 1994 and 2004 ...... 205 Table 6-3 Conversion of aquaculture ponds to other land uses from 1994 to 2004 ...... 207 Table 6-4 Destructive Resource Utilization Practices in the Chilika Area ...... 209
xix List of Tables
xx Chapter 1 - Introduction
CHAPTER 1 -Introduction
1.1 Background
Natural resources, including water, minerals, forests, fisheries and livestock are transformable into tangible wealth when used to produce agricultural, industrial and energy outputs (Prasad & Sinha 2003). These outputs are often significant for stimulating economic growth and supporting a diverse range of livelihood strategies. As society develops and population grows, the pressure on natural resources increases.
Growing demands of increased population encourage the exploitation of the natural resources that can result in environmental problems like degradation of resource and biodiversity loss. This has a negative impact on the local population’s ability to earn their livelihoods from those resources.
To cope with the above problems, more and more innovative solutions are introduced which include law reform, modifying regulation policies and other guidelines that are necessary for people to sustainably use natural resources. To increase environmental management efficiency and improve equity and justice for local people, many environmentalists have promoted participatory and Community-Based Natural
Resource Management (CBNRM) programs. CBNRM can be introduced as a local response to threats for the sustainability of natural resources in supporting local livelihoods. This has encouraged governments to return at least some modicum of control over forests and other natural resources to local users who are dependent on those resources (cf. Agrawal & Gibson 2001). A number of authors, however, have recently critiqued these guidelines because they do not account for resource variability
1 Chapter 1 - Introduction
and scarcity, changing characteristics of the local population, or conflict within communities (Agrawal 2001, Quinn et al 2006, Copeland & Taylor 2009). There are several instances of failure of management policies because of their inability to cope with changes in both the social and ecological aspects of the system. Management success will be linked to the development of better conflict resolution mechanisms in the area, which enhance the ability of the local people to negotiate over resource management under changing conditions. Local communities now expect to be involved in decision making processes from which they were previously excluded. The major concern should be on how such processes work in practice, especially where conflicts over the use of land and resources are much in evidence (Leach et al 1999).
In the case of India, there are around 7,500 km of coastline with numerous lagoons, es- tuaries and mangrove swamps. About 20% of the country’s population lives in these coastal areas (Jorge et al 2002). The pressure on India’s coastal zone has increased dra- matically in recent years due to the combination of a rising population and their grow- ing needs (e.g., space for settlement, resources). An example of this problem is the
Chilika Lake which is situated in the eastern coastal part of Orissa, India.
This thesis explores issues related to CBNRM in a case study of Chilika Lake. Tradi- tional fisherfolk at Chilika Lake are experiencing increased competition over the use of the lagoon's marine resources. This competition is driven by policy changes at the re- gional level, which has opened access to the lagoon's resources through the selling of leases. This has escalated the conflict between traditional Chilika fisherfolk, who see the lease system as a threat to both their livelihoods and the biodiversity of the lagoon.
The use of modern technologies (computer technology, artificial intelligence, space- technology, remote sensing techniques and data processing techniques) and 2 Chapter 1 - Introduction
management policies to promote a better standard of living has had a great impact on
India’s coastal areas. Though these bring obvious benefits to coastal communities, resource managers need to consider the significant environmental issues that arise from their use. The introduction of new management policies and alternative livelihoods
(e.g., prawn culture) among new user groups has led to social instability and, in some cases, conflict. Such conflicts have implications for sustainable resource management.
Because the introduction of new management policies and new user groups did not take into account the perceptions and interests of local people, a sense of insecurity (towards their lives and livelihood) has developed among traditional resource users. They are being deprived of their livelihood. All this has resulted in limited public interest and participation in the management process. There are increasing concerns regarding the ways in which people access and interpret information concerning the state of the environment. For livelihoods dependent on natural resources, the way in which environmental information is represented can have significant impacts on various user groups and management strategies. The absence of publicly accessible environmental information, in a format that can accommodate different users, could undermine the implementation of policies for sustainable resource management.
This thesis explores the ways in which geospatial technologies can be used to help ensure the long-term conservation of the flora and fauna of the Chilika Lake, along with other natural resources within the area. Specifically, it develops a web-enabled geospatial database and methods that can be used to allow the general public to participate in the resource management process. This research tries to unpack and understand the usefulness of a Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) approach to resource mapping and management for enhancing management decision-making capabilities. It also analyses the relevance and value of including local residents, their attitudes and 3 Chapter 1 - Introduction
perceptions in the resource management process. The visualisation and enhanced access to information which the PPGIS prototype provides can offer a basis for an effective communication between different groups of stakeholders and thereby facilitate the development of a more effective, sustainable management plan.
It is widely acknowledged that women play an important role in resource management and are often among the poorest and most disempowered members of a community.
One issue with community-driven development and participatory planning is that though these processes claim to provide full participation and empowerment to all community members, some programs turn out to be gender biased and provide little or no power to the least powerful members of society (particularly to women). In many cases women lose out and their interests are overlooked and marginalised by
‘participatory’ processes (Cornwall 2003). Studies concerned with the equitable and sustainable use of natural resources must therefore address inequities between women and men associated with the access to resources and knowledge. Although the focus of this thesis is not on the gender issue, it has not been completely ignored.
1.2 A Brief Introduction to the Coastal Resource Management Problems in Chilika
Situated on the eastern coast of Orissa, Chilika Lake is Asia’s largest brackish water lagoon with estuarine characteristics and is a rich source of many natural resources.
Rapid and unmanaged development activities in this fragile zone have induced catastrophic consequences on both the resource base and human lives. At present, the lagoon is experiencing serious threats to its socio-ecological health, such as encroachment (forcible occupation of private and government land for prawn farming), pollution and unsustainable exploitation (catching juvenile and larva fish, poaching, using mechanised boats for extensive fish catch in the restricted zone and cutting 4 Chapter 1 - Introduction
mangrove forests). These threats have exerted great pressure on natural resources in this fragile ecosystem, such as a reduction in fish species present in the area, biodiversity loss and increasing fuel and noise pollution (Panigrahi 2007).
This particular area of coastal India not only supports traditional fisherfolk but also shelters non-fishing groups in and around the area. Traditionally and legally, traditional fisherfolk communities have the right to use the lagoon. But due to encroachment by non-fisher groups after the steep increase in prawn price during 1980s, physical conflicts and law and order situations have arisen. It has been claimed that the changing government management policies allows and supports the entry of non-fisherfolk into
Chilika’s fisheries, particularly in aquaculture (Samal 2002). This increases competition between local and non-local fisherfolk communities and has led to a drastic reduction in the income of traditional fisherfolk in recent years (Sekhar 2004).
While many researchers have investigated fisheries and local communities in and around Chilika Lake, few studies explore how changing management policies impact on the community from a geographical perspective (e.g., considering factors such as the position, location and extension of the lagoon and its impact on the lives and livelihoods of residents) (CIDA 1996; Mishra 1998; Ghosh 2005; Mahapatra et al 2007). It’s palpable in this area that the management policies enforced by the government are not equally helping all local residents who reside in the different parts of the same lagoon.
These management policies have had different impacts in different locations within the study area and among different sectors of the community. The shape and the geographical position of the lagoon have significant impact upon the socio-ecology of the lagoon. For instance, a government lease policy controls access to marine resources such that the distribution of leases is determined by the location of a user group’s
5 Chapter 1 - Introduction
village. As a result, some users have unequal access to the most resource-abundant areas of the lagoon. That is a general issue in most of the traditional fishing villages of the area and they are disadvantaged by these management policies.
As a consequence, many traditional fisherfolk live in desperate economic circumstances, trapped by the business practices of middlemen, who exploit them in various ways. As a result, traditional fisherfolk, need to catch a large quantity of fish from the lagoon for their survival. Previous research has found that there is no monitoring of catch sizes to determine and prevent indiscriminate fishing (Mishra
1998). This practice has long-term implications for the sustainability of lagoon resources. To combat this, it is essential to strengthen community practices that can fulfill economic, social and aesthetic1 needs of all of its members while maintaining cultural integrity and ecological processes.
1.3 Rationale for the Study
The economic growth of a region depends upon the sustainable utilization of its natural resources. Any threats to these resource bases may constitute significant threats to the livelihoods of the local population. This in turn results in threats to development at regional as well as national levels. Thus sustainable natural resource management is essential and must be practiced for the betterment of life and national development.
Sustainable NRM requires management practices that not only increase productivity but also maintain the long term ecological and biological integrity of natural resources. This will provide better economic returns to individuals and contribute to their quality of life and economic development. The communities who are involved with natural resources
1 Aesthetics refer to maintaining the beauty or elegance of nature. People love to enjoy the beauty of nature so it is also valuable to maintain that beauty. 6 Chapter 1 - Introduction
should be acknowledged in management practices and policies and their participation in the management systems should not be ignored. Thus Community Based Natural
Resource Management (CBNRM) offers an alternative to sustainable NRM. It allows the community to organise themselves with changing administration so as to apply their skills and knowledge to the care of natural resources and environment while satisfying livelihood needs (Pretty and Guijt, 1992, p. 22). This can be done by providing the community with “community property rights”. The existence of community property rights mandates that resources should be managed in such a way as to ensure their sustainability and the equitable distribution of their benefits. Such management can have significant impacts on poverty, and provide important contributions to national development.
In this research, the study area, Chilika Lake, is experiencing several threats to its sustainability, including encroachment and anthropogenic alterations to the region’s hydrology. Changing management policies disregard local users’ interests in resource management and also ignore their perceptions of the lagoon’s resources. The introduction of new groups of resource users in the Chilika area is also compromising the livelihood of traditional fisherfolk of the area. Changing resource management policies at regional scales and their potential implications for local user groups is a complicated issue. Arguably, resource management issues are best resolved at the local level to achieve sustainable natural resource management outcomes. The central argument in this thesis is that increasing community participation in natural resource management strategies can ensure more sustainable use of the lagoon’s resources.
The communities and their culture(s) largely determine the possibilities for designing successful management plans (Howe 2001). As they are ultimately the ones impacted
7 Chapter 1 - Introduction
by management plans, hence the management program can in the end only be successfully accepted and implemented by them. This suggests that for coastal resource conservation initiatives to be acceptable to local communities, they need to provide some benefits to the community, in addition to the protection of marine and coastal resources. Active participation from the local community is highly essential for ensuring a symbiotic relationship between natural resource sustainability and sustainable livelihoods. In exploring this relationship, the resource needs and livelihood strategies must be assessed and the existing land use policies should be analysed to identify potential barriers to resource sustainability.
One possible barrier is the confusion between community property and communal property, and its potential impact on sustainable NRM. Community property is the property that is vested with the community but owned by the government. It can be managed by the community, but government has the ultimate power to control the management system. In contrast, communal property is itself owned by local people and government has no rights to the property and its management.
Land and water access in Chilika is community property. The government, in asserting its property rights has failed to acknowledge historic community management practices, significantly diminishing the access of local population to the resource base.
This change to management practices has become a significant driving force behind conflict in the region, further complicating effective natural resource management. To mitigate this quandary it is essential to involve the community in management reforms so that they can support, have control over and manage the resource sustainably. Thus,
CBNRM can empower the community by providing the rights to participate, manage and use the resource, and ultimately help to achieve the aim of sustainable NRM.
8 Chapter 1 - Introduction
A second barrier to effective resource management relates to updating spatial information quickly and efficiently while identifying appropriate mechanisms for community participation in the planning process. Successful coastal resource management needs ready access to appropriate, reliable and timely information, in a suitable form for the task at hand. Most of this information and data is likely to have a geospatial component, here the use of spatial technology is essential (Bhardwaj 2002).
Geographic Information System (GIS) has improved the quality of information management and its user-friendliness with the capacity to store, manipulate and analyse large amounts of data. The versatility provided by GIS for spatial data manipulation, storage and retrieval on request makes it an appropriate tool for the management process (Mugabe & Magaya 2003). GIS makes it possible to relate socio- economic variables to natural resources and the physical world. It also provides a means for targeting interventions and monitoring impacts at various scales and over wide areas. Finally it has the potential to put planning and research technology into the public domain to enrich and enhance access to information. It can be used to promote discussion and improve understanding of contradictory viewpoints (Quan et al 2001).
It can thereby be used to help to achieve the major goal of the CBNRM, prioritizing the community and acknowledging socio-economic interests of the general public.
However, in most developing countries, reliable spatial information is a scarce resource.
According to Fox (1991) and Ali (2003), a common obstacle for effective resource management in Asian countries is the restricted access to information because of security concerns. In other cases, a lack of financial and human resources hinders establishment of efficient and effective spatial information systems. Chambers (1980),
Brodnig & Mayer-Schonberger (2000), and Kumara (2008) argue that another major problem with information systems is the lack of ability of educated experts to accept the 9 Chapter 1 - Introduction
knowledge of indigenous local poor even though in certain aspects local residents’ knowledge of the resources is superior to that of the educated experts. It is essential to draw upon this local knowledge to support resource management in the long run. For example, local people who are involved in resource use can support management by providing valuable knowledge about past and present scenarios. But this can only be achieved if management practices account for and consider peoples’ needs, perception and attitudes in a democratic, participatory manner. Technology can support resource users and managers with relevant information, making it easier to embed democratic values to support more successful resource management.
One approach and technology that embeds such values is Public Participatory
Geographic Information Systems (PPGIS), which focuses on both people and technology by providing the local community with access to geographical information and considering how information impacts the resource management processes. As a field of inquiry, PPGIS examines the use and importance of GIS technology by marginalised peoples and communities engaged in social change (Sieber 2003, p.50). It calls for explicit integration of a community’s knowledge and involvement with the system rather than developing a system that is external to a community. In this type of
GIS application, local knowledge, concerns, desires and wishes are actually incorporated and embedded as layers or objects in the GIS. There are few studies of
PPGIS related to coastal resource management integrating social, geographical and economic aspects of resource management. Thus this thesis integrates all of these aspects to build a prototype technology that can be used to support more effective, participatory and sustainable coastal resource management in the Chilika region.
10 Chapter 1 - Introduction
1.3.1 Author’s Research Motivations
Chilika is well known for its distinctive natural and cultural characteristics. Its biodiversity and natural heritage attracts both the natural and biological researchers to carry out studies on its resource bases. As a natural and spatial science researcher I always wanted to help poor people living at Chilika who are underprivileged by inadequate natural resource management processes. As a local researcher I also wanted to contribute to development research which can help and contribute towards the sustainable development of the region. Being familiar with the language, locality, social and attitudinal behaviour also made it a logical choice of study for my PhD thesis.
1.4 Research Aims, Questions and Contributions
In this research, the overall goal is to re-engage members of the Chilika region who have become disempowered by current government resource management policies. In exploring issues related to CBNRM, PPGIS and sustainable livelihoods in the context of the Chilika region, this research has the following key aims:
To assess the impact of changing management practices on Chilika’s population
and resource base
To develop a prototype PPGIS to enable community-based resource
management in the Chilika region.
To meet these aims, the following research questions are addressed
1. To what extent do fishery management policies have different impacts on
different spatial localities in the Chilika area?
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2. What are the socio-cultural impacts resulting from past and current fishery
management policies in the region?
3. How can geo-spatial technology (PPGIS) support more participatory
management of the resource?
1.4.1 Research Contributions
The key contribution of this thesis is to develop a prototype PPGIS tool that can be used to help mitigate some of the social and environmental problems related to resource degradation in the area. This tool also provides easy access to all stakeholders to the comprehensive information about the area and related spatial and non-spatial information to manage coastal development issues.
1.5 Structure of the Thesis
The thesis is comprised of four parts: Part I (Chapter 1 to 4) explores issues that influence coastal resource management and management objectives. Part II (Chapter 5 and 6) discusses current and historical NRM practices at Chilika Lake among various user groups. The existence of and potential for deeper community participation are assessed, and the potential for public participation in the management process has been analysed. Part III (Chapter 7) details the development of the prototype PPGIS and discusses its potential for effective resource management. Part IV (Chapter 8) suggests future directions for dealing with this wider range of resource management related problems and provides scope for further developmental work relating to PPGIS in the area of sustainable coastal resource management.
Chapter 2 investigates coastal resource management issues with particular attention to socio-ecological aspects of resource management. This chapter explores how and why 12 Chapter 1 - Introduction
sustainable resource management is of great concern in the present scenario and justifies the promotion of peoples’ participation in effective resource management and the development sector. Afterwards it explores the potential contribution of geospatial technologies in participatory resource management, and develops the conceptual framework of the research.
Chapter 3 describes the methods used in this research by using appropriate techniques to collect or generate data and analyse it to get the result of the research without neglecting any aspect of the study. This will assist to know how the data should be collected so that it will evaluate and validate the reliability of the result and also the conclusion drawn from them. It discusses the problems that were anticipated with data collection and explains the steps that were taken to prevent them from occurring. This chapter outlines the methods employed for data collection on the use of natural resource and social interactions in Chilika. It explores the potential for using PPGIS in community-based natural resource management and sustainable development of
Chilika’s fisheries resources. Chapter 4 provides an overview of the study site, the existing resource management problems and their impacts on the resource sustainability.
Chapter 5 discusses the past management practices and present management impacts on the current status of the resource base. This chapter focuses on conceptual concerns with the management framework operating in the area and how it enables resource exploitation and creates social as well as environmental problems. In Chapter 6, the research examines the impact of one practice in particular, ‘encroachment’, on the resource base and how it has serious implications for lagoon resource sustainability issues. Together, Chapters 1 through 6, form the foundation of the thesis in which major
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aspects of participatory resource management in Chilika are explored.
Chapter 7 explores the possibility of employing PPGIS in the coastal resource management sector. This chapter describes the development of a PPGIS via a Google
Mash-up, which can be used as a reliable, accessible and useful tool for community and institutional use for sustainable coastal resource management. Using this PPGIS tool, the complex aims of community participation in NRM (e.g., conflict resolution, empowering communities, and incorporating valuable local knowledge) can be achieved. This further enables public access to information and provides the community with the ability to visualise this information and offering them a basis for effective communication between different groups of stakeholders. This tool can help to facilitate and support sustainable resource management.
Chapter 8 summarizes the main findings of the research and recommends future development of this study.
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CHAPTER 2 -Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural
Resource Management
2.1 Overview
Human-environment relationships are intricate and bidirectional. With the Earth’s increasing population, which has nearly doubled in a few decades, pressure on the environment in the form of pollution, land degradation, biodiversity loss has also increased. The environment provides goods and services, commonly referred to as ecosystem services, which sustain human lives. Satisfying the resource requirements of a growing population ultimately requires altering natural systems and settings, which may have consequences for both the ecosystem and human lives (Hunter 2000). These may include land use changes to provide for the expansion of food production through forest clearing, to intensify production on already cultivated land, or to develop the infrastructure necessary to support increasing human numbers. All of these changes involve the exploitation of natural resources.
Although natural processes can induce alterations in natural resources (e.g., floods, cyclones, and earthquakes), human interventions in the environment such as deforestation, land reclamation, logging, or channel dredging are often more aggressive, frequent, and influence resource depletion in a variety of ways (Panta et al 2009).
Human-induced changes to natural resource bases may be due to ignorance, delivering short-term needs at the cost of longer-term returns or supporting private returns at the cost of public returns (Economics Australia 2002). These are major constraints in the field of natural resource management (NRM). Sustainable resource management
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requires all of these challenges to be analysed and action taken to overcome them. In this challenging environment, Hunter (2000) recommended interdisciplinary environmental research and improved analytic approaches. She argued that incorporating data collected using technology to study environmental changes (e.g., satellite remote sensing) will allow the assessment of the links between social and natural processes and thus contribute towards sustainable NRM. Rindfuss & Stern
(1998) argued that understanding human-environmental relationships, controlling the bio-physical impacts on the environment and anticipating environmental impacts on humanity are essential for interpreting, predicting and modelling NRM. They also recommended linking spatial science with social science as an effective approach towards understanding human-environment interactions and assisting in formulating successful NRM policies.
In countries that rely on resource extraction to support their economies, sustainable development is dependent upon sustainable resource management. The word
‘development’ pre-supposes a variety of processes and inputs, including education and technology. The concept of technology and education in development dates back to US
President Harry Truman’s post-World War II speech emphasizing the need for the ‘west’ to ‘develop’ the ‘underdeveloped’, bringing ‘modern’ technology to ‘backwards’ countries (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers 1999). This formed the ideological grist for modernisation theory, which was full of dualisms (modern/traditional or backwards; developed/underdeveloped). Beyond these dualisms of modernisation theory, researchers more recently have argued that development is best served by taking a more nuanced, less ideological approach (e.g., using modern techniques yet acknowledging the usefulness of traditional approaches, or promoting development without compromising populations’ social and aesthetic needs). In other words, development 16 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
can be judged in several ways, including human/social development, environmental development or economic development. In actual fact, however, all of these
‘developments’ are interrelated and sustainable development is based on the fundamental relationship between them; human-economy-environment (Potter et al
2008).
Sustainable development means different things to different research groups. According to ecologists, sustainability relates to the future productivity of biomass; economists think of it in terms of capital and natural environmental assets; and sociologists judge sustainability in terms of cultural diversity and social justice (Elliot 2006). This thesis asserts that all three concepts of sustainability are necessary. The extent to which different NRM approaches are sustainable is evaluated next.
There are several approaches to NRM that claim to be sustainable. However, in real world situations, many of them fail to achieve the goals of sustainability. This chapter reviews the literature on challenges in the field of sustainable NRM and the different approaches taken to the process of NRM. It also evaluates the contributions that public participation and community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) may make towards the sustainable development of natural resources. Briefly, the first part of this chapter highlights the challenges that exist within the field of NRM and then narrows the discussion to those prominent in the Indian and Orissa contexts. Afterwards, there is a discussion of the broader field of the application of CBNRM and geospatial technologies in natural resource management and, in particular, the importance of public participation in conjunction with the geospatial technology in the resource management process. Finally, it concludes by highlighting the importance of developing a deep understanding of the local context in implementing PPGIS (Public Participatory
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GIS) approaches to sustainable natural resource management and development.
2.2 Challenges in NRM
Before analysing the challenges in the field of NRM there is an obvious need to know what natural resource management is and what needs to be managed in real contexts.
The concept of NRM has been elaborated upon by several environmentalists differently but acknowledging the same claim, i.e., NRM is not about managing natural resources but rather is about managing people’s activities and actions in relation to those resources (cf. Stratford & Davidson 2002, Brown 1997, Machlis et al 1997). In many management systems there is a lack of recognition of the interrelationships among natural, economic and cultural resources (Farina 2000, Quinn et al 2006, Nayak 2007).
Currently, natural resources are valued largely as inputs that enable various human activities such as agriculture, farming, fishing, aquaculture, forestry, tourism and recreation. Consequently, their non-economic values and the potential of these values as capital assets may receive minimal consideration (Farina 2000). Using the environment as a resource means that people undertake several activities that contribute to anthropogenic pressure on the resource, affecting ecosystem processes, with implications for the sustainability of the use of these resource bases. The following section elaborates on resource management challenges that exist both at the global and regional scales.
2.2.1 Global Challenges
Human interventions in the biosphere expose both localized environments and the larger ecosystem to changes or degradation. This often ultimately results in increased impacts of natural hazards and limits the environment’s ability to deal with these changes by
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decreasing the system’s natural resilience. These interventions also affect the regular temporal and spatial occurrence of natural phenomena. These changes have implications for world development, such as climate variability, climate change, environmental degradation (including coastal resource degradation), natural disasters and vulnerability
(Ibarraran & Ruth 2009). Moreover, a growing population puts more pressure on natural resources and consumes resources much faster than they can regenerate, leading to their unsustainable exploitation and problems of resource accessibility.
2.2.1.1 Resource Access
Natural resources, which are fundamental to economic development in most developing countries, are limited in quantity and quality, ultimately hampering development processes and affecting the sustainability of resource use. Unbalanced resource access and unsustainable resource use practices carried out by growing populations create threats to resource sustainability (Brundtland Commission 1987). As the survival of human communities is dependent on these resources, these resource access difficulties have implication on the socio-economy and hence, affect the ecology as well. In many contexts, it is noticeable that particular groups of people and locations are more exposed to inequalities in resource access in comparison to others (Potter et al 2008). In other words, the physical existence of resources does not always ensure that they are accessible. Sometimes resources exist, but are difficult to access (e.g., existence of fire wood in reserve forest, minerals in mines and ground water below the bore well limit).
Thus the ease of resource access is important in determining whether resource users can fulfil their needs. Resource access may not be inadequate when a resource for which there is little demand exists in small quantities, whereas, a plentiful resource for which there is higher demand may sometimes be considered to be a scarce resource.
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2.2.1.2 Resource Scarcity
One of the most globally significant types of resource scarcity is that of freshwater. At present, the supply of freshwater is inadequate to meet the growing demands worldwide. As a result of increasing competition between agricultural, urban and commercial sectors, the demand for water has increased, ultimately resulting in water scarcity. Barbier (2005) asserted the global water crisis is a result of growth and economic development of the human population. According to the World Resources
Institute, water withdrawal has increased at twice the rate of population growth, resulting in the depletion of surface and ground water sources in many parts of Asia,
North Africa and North America (Barbier 2005). Similarly, many other natural resources are under threat due to increased competition for resources among human populations.
2.2.1.3 Overuse of Resource
Agrawal & Redford (2009) stated that population growth, along with economic expansion, urbanisation and development activities, leads to the overuse of natural resources. It increases the demand and enhances the competition for land, forest, water, energy, fish and fodder. People today harvest resources with more intensity than at any point in their past history and thus are exploiting the resources beyond their replenishment limits. Adding to this, biodiversity loss is also an obvious result of human intervention in ecosystems and exploitation of resources.
Biodiversity loss is one of the most difficult challenges encountered by ecologists and conservation biologists. Marine reserves and fisheries are threatened and are suffering in both tropical and temperate areas (Worm et al 2006). Marine biodiversity makes a valuable contribution towards sustaining ocean ecosystem services such as food supply, 20 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
water quality control and ecosystem stability. Both marine and freshwater fisheries provide an important source of protein to human populations and are a major contributor to the world economy. According to the FAO (2005), 52% of world fisheries stocks are currently “fully exploited”, 24% are overexploited or depleted and 1% are considered to be recovering from depletion. These figures have serious implications for food security and economic development in many countries, particularly those in the developing world.
2.2.1.4 Anthropogenic Activities
Because of their importance in providing sustenance and livelihoods for local populations, natural resources are a focal point of various human activities like logging, mining, fishing, aquaculture, agriculture, forestry, oil extraction, transportation, electric power generation, cabotage (coastal navigation), seaport operation, naval operations, tourism and recreation. All of these activities can have negative implications for the environment. For instance, large scale forest clearing loosens the topsoil and during when it rains, there is loss of topsoil in the rainwater as there is nothing left to hold up the soil. Population Reports state that about 3.7 million hectares of land is deforested each year (Achard et al 2002). Another human intervention with serious implications for coastal areas is oil spills. Oil spills from ships, trawlers and mechanized boats in coastal areas cause immense damage to aquatic fauna and mangrove vegetation, thus threatening the biodiversity of the area (Liu et al 2009). The effects of anthropogenic activities are not limited to environmental degradation and direct impacts upon the environment. They can also result in increased impacts from natural hazards such as cyclones, tsunami, floods, droughts and earthquakes.
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2.2.1.5 Natural Hazards
Although no country in the world is completely safe from natural hazards, a lack of capacity to limit the impacts of hazards remains a major burden for developing countries, where over 90 percent of natural disasters occur (ISDR 2007). ISDR research shows that 24 of the 49 least developed countries face high levels of disaster risk. At least six of them experienced between two and eight major disasters during each of the last 15 years, with long-term penalties for human development. These indirect effects of anthropogenic alterations to the biosphere can further hamper the sustainable management of natural resources.
According to Bose (2007), excessive coastal resource exploitation can make communities more vulnerable to sea storms and other disasters. The case study of Sri
Lanka rationalizes this statement: the Boxing Day Tsunami (December 2004) severely affected its coastal villages. Normally, such areas are surrounded by dense mangrove forests. However, in Wanduruppa due to deforestation and human intervention, the mangrove patch was degraded. Thus this particular village was severely affected by the tsunami and suffered around 6,000 fatalities. Furthermore, 80 to 90 percent of the near- and offshore fishing fleet was lost; the major livelihood of the local people. In contrast to Wanduruppa, in Kapuhenwala village, which is surrounded by 200 hectares of dense mangroves and scrub forest, the tsunami killed only two people - the lowest number of tsunami-related fatalities in a Sri Lankan village (Wahnbaeck 2004). The damage done by the tsunami was exacerbated by the lack of mangroves, with their ability to absorb some of the energy of the waves from the tsunami before they hit the shore in
Wandruppa and caused serious damage.
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2.2.1.6 Aquaculture
Another anthropogenic environmental intervention that has implications for ecological and human health is aquaculture. Although aquaculture can be found worldwide, coastal countries are most vulnerable to aquaculture-derived ecological degradation. One such example is Bangladesh. The coastal mangrove forests and wetlands in Bangladesh have been destroyed and agricultural land has been inundated to create aquaculture ponds or gheris (prawn barricades). In many coastal areas, agricultural land is protected only by low embankments that can be easily breached to inundate land with saltwater. But this conversion of farmland to shrimp farms has significant impacts upon crop and livestock production and on the health, income and employment of rural communities
(Environmental Justice Foundation 2004). The establishment of aquaculture farms not only exposes coastal areas to erosion, flooding or storm damage, but also alters the ecology by interfering with natural processes like drainage and salinity levels, with further implications for both aquatic and terrestrial species.
2.2.1.7 Land Use Change
Both developed and developing countries experience land use changes that put the socio-ecology of the country under pressure. This has been well demonstrated in the case of Everglades National Park, where land alteration has proved to be a disaster. The
Everglades were a shallow wetland transmitting water from Lake Okeechobee to the southern coast of Florida. Although modifications to the flow of water began in the
1880s, most of the flow alterations were associated with the development of the Central
& Southern Florida Flood Control Project, which was originally authorized by the US
Congress in 1948. The construction of WCA-3A (Water Conservation Area) and WCA-
3B and the extension of Levee 67 (L-67 ext.) caused deficits of water supply during the
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dry season and excesses in wet season inflows to the park, resulting in a decline in ecological function (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers 2005). Other hydrological alterations have included setting up fisheries in rivers, canals, creeks and estuaries, and raising embankments along the major river systems against insurgence of saline water.
Changing salinity gradients including these interventions resulted in declining of prawn and fish species.
2.2.1.8 Institutional Arrangements
In both developed and developing countries, long-term economic health depends upon the sustainable utilization of the country’s natural resources. Thus any threats to these resource bases may constitute significant threats to the livelihoods of the local population. Different communities use various institutional means to control access to their natural resources (Gonsalves et al, 2005). In many developing nations, government-driven changes to resource management institutions that fail to acknowledge past community practice can provoke threats to local populations’ livelihoods. These decreased public access to the common fishing grounds, to shared forest resources or decrease the access to land for agricultural production. These threats can become a significant driving force behind conflict in the region, further complicating effective natural resource management.
Agrawal and Redford (2009) made this point while discussing how biodiversity conservation initiatives interact with local communities’ displacements. They argue that most conservation efforts that are based on demarcating protected areas and restricted access have neglected to provide a rational, systematic and effective set of guidelines to address conservation-related displacement. They support the claim made by Thomas
(2002) that although many development-focused organizations such as the World Bank,
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the Asian Development Bank, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development have formulated a set of guidelines to look at how development induces displacement issues, none of them have really taken any action to ameliorate the effects of displacement. Agrawal and Redford (2009) acknowledge the need to establish protected areas to conserve the rare and endangered species, but criticize the displacement caused thereby. They argue that without examining the conflict between biodiversity conservation and human presence in protected areas, it is hard to establish a successful sustainable development plan.
2.2.1.9 Resource Use Conflict
Managing conflict, whether it is related to displacement, resource use or resource access is always a major challenge for successful NRM. There are many documented instances of situations in which conflict has weakened and reduced countries’ capacities to achieve their development agendas. In the specific context of inter-ethnic conflicts over grazing land in Africa, Beyene (2009) provided some evidence of how land use change effected by one ethnic group leads to resource scarcity for other groups, violation of customary norms and recurrence of conflict. In this case study, two ethnic groups who practiced different production systems – pastoral and agropastoral – were involved.
Beyene argued that the failure of institutions to provide improved resource access for different users under varying resource conditions across space and time triggered conflict in the area. He supports his claims by citing Cousins (1996), who demonstrated that customary institutions can sometimes fail to prevent violence between ethnic groups with distinct social and cultural norms. Beyene argued that a solution to this particular conflict demands an integration of formal and informal procedures to suppress conflict incentives, and formulating new institutional structures in consultation
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with members of both ethnic groups. He suggested it would be beneficial to build an internal facility to monitor conflict-triggering events at regular intervals.
2.2.1.10 Common Property Resource Management Issues
Throughout the world, there is a variety of systems that are employed to manage access to natural resources, including private property rights, open access rights and community property rights. A large literature in the development community, directed to a wide range of types of natural resources, focuses on common property resource management. To understand common property and its nature and characteristics, it is essential to understand the difference between common property and communal property. Communal property is property that belongs to local people and over which they have ownership rights. The government has no rights to communal property, which can only be managed and used by its owners. Community property, in contrast, is owned by the government, yet the community is allowed to use it for their own profit.
Here, management can be vested with the government or with the community after agreement between the government and the community. Community property rights have been claimed to be a type of access that acknowledges the social aspects of resource management systems (Potter et al 2008).
Ostrom (1990) has argued that robust community property systems (i.e., those that have produced long-term resource sustainability) meet most of a series of design principles, including clear boundaries, congruent rules, collective choice, monitoring, graduated sanctions, conflict resolution, rights to organize, and nested units. Such studies of well- functioning community property systems have encouraged some governments to return at least some control over forests and other natural resources to local communities (cf
Agrawal & Gibson 2001). A number of authors, however, have recently critiqued these
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guidelines because they do not account for resource variability and scarcity, changing characteristics of the local population or conflict within communities (Agrawal 2001,
Quinn et al 2006, Copeland & Taylor 2009).
According to Cocks et al (2001), the grounds for the failure of resource conservation policies are: difficulty in obtaining information relating to a resource and its users; the problem of enforcement of state rules in dispersed areas; financial and administrative constraints; corruption within the bureaucracy, which encourages conflicts; and the subordination of environmental to shorter-term economic or political interests. Thus they have argued that community based natural resource management (CBNRM) can be a means for overcoming these management obstacles and establishing sustainable resource management policies (Cocks et al 2001).
Institutional arrangements in the management of CPR are fundamental and also complex to establish. This has been well demonstrated by Quinn et al (2006) in a case study in Tanzania. The argument of this study is that CPR management is potentially a solution to overcome the problems of resource use and degradation in developing countries. However, they acknowledge that returning some control over resources to the community may not always be successful in a range of real life scenarios. They found that location, ethnicity and ecological factors are important for shaping the management framework employed by the community, and noted that in the villages they studied,
CPR management policies failed because of their inability to cope with changes in both the social and ecological parts of the system. Moreover, Quinn et al (2006) suggest that management success will be linked to the development of better conflict resolution mechanisms, which can enhance the ability of local people to negotiate over resource management under changing conditions in the area.
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So far, this chapter has looked at natural resource related problems at the global scale.
In brief, although a range of measures have been taken to sustainably manage natural resources (e.g., establishing protected areas, developing local management institutions, decentralization of governance, instituting sanctions for illegal resource access), in many contexts, resource management is challenged by problems such as the failure of institutional arrangements, a lack of community support for management actions, and neglecting socio-ecological systems. The literature reviewed here focused primarily on resource management at the global scale with a focus on developing countries, as this research itself focuses on a study site that is situated in a developing county: India.
Thus, the next section discusses and elaborates on the challenges in NRM faced in the
Indian context in particular.
2.2.2 Challenges in Indian Context
Although all of the challenges described in the previous section persist somewhere in the Indian context of NRM, there are still some specific problems which are more problematic than others and that have particular implications for the environment.
Acheson (2006) asserts that the solution to resource management crises is to develop effective management institutions, but there is no consensus on what those institutions should be. It is always a contested topic. Economists favour solving resource- management problems through the institution of private property whereas others advocate central government control. In contrast, many anthropologists see local-level management as the solution. This next section highlights all of these institutional arrangements in a specific sector of resource management in the Indian context. This section deals with those problems that have an extreme effect in India in particular.
Resource scarcity and environmental problems have intensified in India in recent years.
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Populated with 17% of world’s population, India has only 2.3% of the world’s land resources and 2% of the world’s forest resources. Out of these limited land and forest resources, half of the land surface is facing problems like soil erosion, degradation and overgrazing, whereas two-thirds of the country’s water resources are extremely polluted, with poor sanitation services (Miller et al 2009). Furthermore, India is undergoing rapid economic growth as a result of which its population using natural resources more intensely than the past, thus putting more pressure than ever on the resource base. Economic growth and demographic changes, together with a growing urban population, claim ever-greater demands on ecosystem services in India (Nancy et al 2008). Urban populations consume more resources such as material goods, as well as nonmaterial services (e.g., waste absorption), which sustain human comfort and quality of life. These material demands and resource uses alter land use, land cover, biodiversity and hydrological systems at local to regional scales. Additionally, urban waste discharge also affects local to global biogeochemical cycles and climate. All of these demands result in sustainability challenges for the environment at both the regional and national scales.
In contrast to urban populations, rural livelihoods in India depend heavily on forest resources. These forests are not only important sources of subsistence, employment, revenue earnings and raw materials for a number of industries, but also play vital roles in ecological function, environmental stability, and biodiversity conservation. Excessive extraction of forest products has resulted in the depletion and degradation of country’s forests and has become a cause of serious concern for both the population and the government. Therefore, it is essential to rehabilitate degraded forest resources in order to sustain rural lives and livelihoods.
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The forest resources in northeast India are a source of sustenance to the local poor. The rich bio-diversity of this forest is linked to the emotional, aesthetic as well as recreational needs of the tribal groups who reside in and around the forest.
Nationalizing forest areas for conservation purposes and bringing them under state control to implement development projects results in displacement of tribes (Nayak
2007). Management institutions, when confronted with issues like bio-diversity, ecological sustainability, environmental security, revenue maintenance, deforestation and poverty, have deprived indigenous populations by squeezing out space traditionally occupied for food gathering, hunting and agriculture. There is typically no provision for alternate livelihoods for those traditional groups. This creates social imbalance among the tribes and has negative implications for sustaining socio-economy of these impoverished groups. Hence, a significant resource management challenge relates to providing equitable outcomes to diverse community groups, especially when these groups have differing ideas about how the resource should be managed.
Indian coasts are also experiencing threats because of numerous unsustainable human practices. The country has 7,500 km of coastline with numerous lagoons, estuaries and mangrove swamps that support rich biotic and abiotic natural resources. About 20% of the country’s population lives in these coastal areas, with a large percentage of this population residing in coastal cities, such as Mumbai, Chennai and Calcutta (Jorge et al
2002). The pressure on India’s coastal zone has increased dramatically in recent years due to a combination of both a rising population and their growing needs (e.g., space for settlement, resources, etc.). The use of modern resource exploitation technologies to promote a better standard of living has a great impact on India’s coastal areas (e.g., use
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of sophisticated equipment such as mechanized boats or zero nets2 that are less environmentally-friendly than technologies traditionally used for fishing). Although these technologies bring obvious benefits to coastal communities in terms of increased resource production, there is a need to consider the significant environmental issues that arise from their use, such as the pollution caused by the mechanized boats (e.g., both fuel and noise pollution), interference in the breeding systems of the habitat and the killing of juvenile fish species through the use of zero nets.
Another example of a challenging NRM scenario in the Indian context is the
Sundarbans, West Bengal, where the littoral forest that provides habitat for tiger populations is comprised of a host of tree species. Sundarbans mangroves are the home of a number of endangered and globally threatened species. But in recent years oil spills from ships, trawlers and mechanized boats in the coastal areas have caused immense damage to aquatic fauna and mangrove vegetation, thus threatening the biodiversity of the area. Another human intervention, brackish water fisheries (a form of aquaculture), also contributes to water pollution, thus adversely affecting the ecosystem (Project Tiger
Status Report, 2001). In this practice people add fertilizer and allow saline water to enter into ponds to maintain a brackish rather than freshwater environment, which also affects the ecosystem.
Another life-sustaining resource is the watershed, which is a community property resource and can contribute towards resource conservation, productivity and poverty alleviation if managed sustainably. In India, participatory watershed development is
2 Zero nets are small mesh size nylon nets that can be used to catch small size fish and prawns. As these can easily capture juvenile fish, their use is considered to be unsustainable.
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now widely promoted with the active support from governmental and nongovernmental organizations, in order to protect the rights of local populations. Substantial progress has been made recently by government institutions in acknowledging local organizations and including them in management practice. These efforts, however, have often met only with partial success (Leach et al 1999). Although local institutions are formed to acknowledge the communities’ interests, they often consider the community to be a homogeneous entity. But in real cases, communities are heterogeneous, having multiple, often conflicting, interests and perceptions. These diverse local communities develop several issues in terms of participation and the distribution of benefits in socially highly divided local settings (Leach et al 1999).
In a case study of a watershed development project in the Aravalli hills in Udaipur district, Rajasthan, an environmental entitlements approach was taken to evaluate how residents of the seven hamlets in the project area experienced the project's activities
(Leach et al 1999). In this area there is a strong social differentiation between caste, tribe, gender and economic status, which is also linked to different occupational divisions such as pastoralism and agriculture. Environment entitlement analysis illustrates how certain private landholders gain benefits from soil and moisture conservation through the initial distribution of landholdings in relation to micro- topography. Although many of the private landholders support the inclusion of commons from the conservation sites, women have suffered from reduced local fuel wood entitlements and livestock farmers from reduced access to and availability of grazing. Here the argument is that due to lack of understanding of social deference in the area, the resource management and development approaches deployed have not stemmed resource-related conflict in the region (Leach et al 1999).
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To overcome resource management challenges, such as those described above, many developing countries’ national governments, including India’s, implemented a decentralization of policies and decision-making related to environmental management and development (Agrawal & Ostrom 2001). While analysing the effects of decentralization in a case study of forest resource management in India, Agrawal &
Ostrom point out two significant problems. First they claim that the concept of decentralization by the state government was not clearly established and secondly, this policy does not pay enough attention to the nature of property rights that state delegates to the local people. Their case study in Kumaon, India illustrated how the decentralization of forest management policies resulted in chaos in the area. Local collective action by villagers and bureaucrats resulted in the formation of forest councils. The new rules developed by the councils set strict limits on grazing rights, restricted the use of non-timber forest products, excluded the extension of cultivation, increased the labour extracted from the villagers and augmented the number of forest guards. As a result of this, villagers protested against the system which, rather than providing them sustenance, became a threat to their livelihood (Agrawal & Ostrom
2001). Although the conflict in Kumaon was later resolved by the intervention of district and provincial authorities, problems with decentralization still persist in some other parts of the country. The case study concluded that although the process of decentralization opens up opportunities for local groups, it still limits the rights of local users through active intervention from powerful officials in the resource management process.
Another commonly employed approach to resolving NRM challenges is common property resource management. This claimed to be more pertinent in Indian circumstances because about 27% of poor rural households depend exclusively on such 33 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
resources for their livelihoods (Beck & Nesmith 2001). According to Berkes (2006), the exclusion3 problem and the subtractability4 problem are the two universal characteristics of common pool resources that pose the greatest challenges for successful resource management. He also argues that these two problems can be easily solved by a group using a commons. Such groups have the capability to limit the access of outsiders and to self-regulate their own use of the resource. However, this can only be achieved if the members of that group are convinced and confident that will have the rights to future harvests in that area, providing them with the economic incentive to self-regulate. But this is not the case in many common property resource management (CPRM) situations.
In India, collecting cow dung, grazing cattle or gleaning grains are common livelihood strategies undertaken by the poor. They undertake these activities in private fields that are owned by socioeconomic and socio-cultural elite. Instead of having any clearly defined access rights, they carry out these activities via a process of negotiation, bargaining, and conflict between the poor and elites, or through a system of customary rights (Beck & Nesmith 2001). Chen (1991) showed that most of the households in a village in Gujarat depend primarily on gathering and collecting fuel, fodder and water from both common lands and privately owned lands. A significant point from this study is that there are extensive traditional resource use rights that have been employed in several instances in India by impoverished populations who have few other options for sustaining their livelihoods. Many CPRM strategies, however, would exclude such populations from using these traditional rights to access resources.
3 Exclusion is the ability to exclude people or the beneficiaries other than the members of a distinct group.
4 Subtractability is the ability of social groups to regulate resource use among members of a defined group.
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Beck & Nesmith (2001) presented statistics showing a decline of 26 to 52 percent of amount of CPR available in western and southern India and about 24 percent in
Karnataka. This decline is, however, not limited to southern or western India. Rather, the country is experiencing a decline in CPRs throughout its states, with major effects on the household economies of its poor. This decline is driven by privatization through land reform and due to encroachment of the social elites and government schemes such as tree plantations on former CPRs. Furthermore liberalization, commodification, marketisation and agricultural intensification also work as incentives for this decline.
Thus, although CPRM is suggested as a possible strategy that can be used for the management of natural resources, it is becoming difficult to find small-scale, community-based commons and scale up them as global commons (Berkes 2006).
Although in many NRM contexts, community-based resource management is promoted as an appropriate approach, the term community is a complex term to define.
Communities are always heterogeneous, with different perceptions and interests by gender, age, class, socioeconomic group or ethnic group (Agrawal & Gibson 1999).
There are different competing groups within the same community, and this is perhaps most evident in caste communities in many parts of India (Berkes et al 1998); the caste system controls the community. Normally upper caste people dominate lower caste people. This is a major factor that affects community property management whereby within a community individuals do not have equal rights to participate in decision processes.
This has been well illustrated by Berkes et al (1998). This study examined the use of common property (the mountain) by two villages in Manila, Himachal Pradesh, India.
The land use practices are diverse because of the diverse interests of community groups,
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based on gender, caste and ethnicity. Two distinct castes exist in this area: Rajput
(primary land owners are the dominant caste) and Harijana (the untouchable, Scheduled
Castes). The Rajput households in the study area were found to own about twice as much land as that owned by the Harijana. The discrepancy is even greater in sheep ownership, where the ratio is almost 1:10 (Harijan households own on average a single sheep per household whereas Rajput households owned 10 sheep per household). There were also significant differences between women and their resource use practices between the two caste groups. The women from Harijana caste are dependent upon forest resources for firewood, food, and shelter. But their low social status has kept them in a weaker role and they are not well-represented in the women’s organization or in any local management body. Their low social status precludes their access to community facilities. For example, as they belong to an untouchable caste, they are forbidden to fetch drinking water from common ponds, and are forced to reside in an isolated area of the village. In general women’s organizations and the village committee would be responsible for social and political affairs in the village, including the local commons institutions (Berkes et al 1998). However, these commons institutions have failed to resolve the Harijana’s resource management problems and have not produced equitable outcomes to resource management issues.
This section has discussed some of the major existing NRM challenges that India faces.
In reviewing these challenges it is noticeable that many institutional structures fail under certain circumstances (i.e., where there is a diverse community, different physical settings and differential needs of the stakeholders). However, the causes of these failures are unpredictable. They are heavily dependent upon details of the local context, such as those related to the specific social structures, economic status of community members or environmental conditions present in the area. Thus it is important to 36 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
undertake a study of each context to understand the factors that may affect the success or failure of a planned strategy before designing and implementing management strategies.
In view of population growth and diminishing resources in India, the country’s economic growth needs to be planned in a considered and judicious manner, balancing economic development needs with resource conservation and environmental management. Although many NRM challenges are found throughout the country, there are also some specific challenges that exist in specific areas that are not common elsewhere. The following section highlights the specific problems that exist in the
Chilika context and discusses their similarities and differences with other NRM sectors.
2.2.3 NRM Challenges in Chilika
Among the coastal regions of Orissa, Chilika is Asia's largest brackish water lagoon. It is a biodiversity hotspot that is home to a wide range of species, including endangered species listed in the IUCN such as the Irrawaddy dolphin. This lagoon, situated on the eastern coast of Orissa, India (see Figure 2.1), supports more than 10 million people who depend upon the lagoon for their livelihoods (SOI 2001). Presently, environmental changes driven by population growth, urbanization, industrial development, changes in attitudes towards resource use, and unsustainable growth have serious implications for this ecosystem. A large percentage of the coastal population in Orissa is directly dependent upon coastal and marine resources like mangroves and other coastal vegetation, agriculture and fisheries for their livelihood. Thus any impact on this coastal ecosystem affects the local socio-economy as well as the ecology of the region. This section highlights those changes and their impacts on the socio-ecology of the region.
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Figure 2-1 Location of Chilika Lake
(Author’s own map)
2.2.3.1 Major Ecological Changes in Chilika and Their Impacts on the Region’s Socio-Economy
Chilika Lake plays a crucial role in the social, economic, as well as political and cultural lives of many of the people living in and around it. However, the lagoon has long been threatened by siltation, eutrophication, changing salinity regimes, changing mouth position, freshwater weed proliferation, increased aquaculture activities, changes in species composition, and decreases in fish population. All of these changes have had adverse impacts on both the local as well as national socio-ecology. At present these are the major challenges in the management of Chilika’s resources and to move ahead in this research it is important to understand these challenges and their impacts. The
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remainder of this section describes those changes that have had the most significant impacts upon Chilika’s fisheries.
Changes in the Location of the Mouth
In 1986, the old mouth (Figure 2.2) was near Arakhakuda, with several confluents near
Palur hill. Over time, however, the lagoon’s mouth shifted towards the north and the exchange of sea water in the lagoon was affected, changing tide levels and salinity. The shifting nature of the lagoon’s mouth can be observed from various historical records as well as remotely sensed data. The Survey of India topographic sheet surveyed in 1972-
73 shows that there were three mouths (openings) in the channel zone. During 1981 there were two openings, while in 1986 and 1993 there was only one opening, near the village Arakhakuda. The width and mean depth at the inlet were 152 and 3.80 m in high tide and 105 and 2.85 m at low tide respectively (ORSAC 1994). In the 1980s and
1990s Chilika faced significant problems like siltation and the choking of the inlet
(from rivers) as well as the outer channel, and shifting of the confluents at Palur away from the lagoon. This leads to a decrease in salinity, rise in weed infestation, shrinkage of the water spread, and a choking of the mouth at Arakhakuda (Figure 2.2) (Mohanty
2008). These changes resulted in a reduced fish catch in the area, adversely affecting the household economies of traditional fisherfolk families, who are dependent on Chilika’s fishery for their sustenance.
39 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
Figure 2-2 Location of the Mouth at Chilika
(Data source: ORSAC)
In a major intervention to manipulate the lagoon’s hydrology, a new mouth was opened by the Chilika Development Authority (CDA, an autonomous government agency whose mission is to look after the conservation and development of the Chilika Lake area) near Ramabhartia (Satapada) on 23rd September 2000, reducing the length of the outflow channel by 18 km. Desiltation of the main channel was completed before opening the new mouth. The environmental impact assessment and the monitoring of the lagoon ecosystem were carried out by the National Institute of Oceanography, Goa, before and after the intervention. The results of this intervention indicated that the salinity levels inside the lagoon have increased to certain extent in comparison to previous years, which apparently has led to decrease in the weed growth area and 40 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
increase in fish catch (Mishra 2004). The impact of this manipulation (increased salinity level in the lagoon) on the lagoon’s ecosystem as a whole has been an increase in species composition diversity and an increase in population size of migratory birds and waterfowl (Mishra 2004).
Although the CDA argues that their monitoring results indicate a marked improvement in the condition of the lagoon’s ecosystem (CDA 2000) such as increasing species composition between 2000 and 2001 (Figure 5.1), there have also been some negative impacts of the new mouth on the lagoon’s resources. The confluence point (the new mouth) showed signs of an expansion and then a northward movement, resulted in increasing salinity, and upsetting the brackish nature of the wetland.
As Chilika’s specific physico-chemical properties contribute to support its unique assemblage of species, changes to its physico-chemical environment threaten its biodiversity. The next section discusses the lagoon’s physico-chemical properties and how human intervention (e.g., the opening of the new mouth) and natural changes affecting the lagoon are putting ecological stress on the lagoon.
Physico-Chemical Properties
The Chilika Lake region is vulnerable to changes in its physico-chemical properties due to variations in local climatic conditions and several human-induced changes within its catchment basin (Panigrahy 2000). The inter-relationships between the organisms and their environment play a vital role in influencing the ecology of the lagoon. There are two major types of factors (biotic and abiotic) that determine the lagoon’s ecology.
First, abiotic factors include temperature, transparency, hydrogen-ion concentration, alkalinity, dissolved oxygen, and salinity. The water temperature in the lagoon varies
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between 25C and 35C (Panigrahi 2000). The transparency of the lagoon influences its illumination, and is the primary determining factor of aquatic vegetation composition and phytoplankton concentrations in the lagoon. Areas of the lagoon with transparent water experience higher levels of aquatic vegetation and richer phytoplankton popula- tions than light-restricted areas (Vestergaard & Sand-Jensen 2000). In 1997-98, the maximum and minimum variation in lagoon transparency was recorded as ranging be- tween 9.0 cm and 155.0 cm, as measured by the Sechi Disc method (Ghosh et al 2006).
Secondly, salinity plays a vital role in influencing biodiversity in the lagoon. The distri- bution of the flora and fauna is mainly influenced by salinity fluctuations. Many species of fish, prawns, and crab are very sensitive to salinity gradients. Depending on the salin- ity concentration, there are three types of water found in the lagoon: freshwater, brack- ish water and marine water. Accordingly, species found in these areas are freshwater species, brackish water species and marine water species, respectively. There are three marked salinity zones; first the northern sector, which has a concentration of 0 to 7 parts per thousand (ppt). Secondly, the central sector has a concentration of 4 to 8 ppt and, thirdly, the southern sector has a concentration of 7 to 11 ppt. The salinity of the outer channel, which comes between the central and southern sectors and flows towards the sea, is 3 to 19 ppt (Kumar et al 1997).
Changing Salinity
The salinity level of the lagoon starts decreasing from June onwards and attains its minimum during September due to the freshwater flow from rivers during the rainy season. Then after the rainy season the salinity starts increasing due to the influx of sea water, reaching its highest point during the month of April (Bhatta & Pattanaik 1998). A recent study undertaken by CDA during the years 2004 – 2005 stated that the salinity of 42 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
the lagoon varied from 0.1 ppt to 36.9 ppt (CDA 2005). According to that study the average salinity of the lagoon is as follows (Table 2.1).
Table 2-1 Sector wise salinity levels in Chilika during 2004-05
Natural Sector Average salinity in ppt (parts per thousand)
Northern Sector 8.6
Southern Sector 11.9
Central Sector 12.7
Outer Channel 19.4
(Source: CDA 2005)
The CDA reported that salinity has decreased from 22.31 ppt in 1957-58 to 13.20 ppt in
1960-61, before stabilizing to a certain extent. In 1961-64 the salinity was recorded as
9.4 to 11.8 ppt and during 1995 it was 1.4 to 6.3 ppt (Ghosh et al 2006). The decrease in salinity levels has led to the loss of some marine and brackish water fish species. It has been reported that five sponge species recorded in Chilika Lake in 1915 have become now extinct (CDA 2002). Both the decrease in salinity levels and high siltation have contributed to decreases in these rare filter-feeding organisms.
After the opening of new mouth near Satapada in 2000, the salinity level in Chilika increased somewhat, resulting in an improvement of its biodiversity. However, later, the salinity levels continued to increase rather than stabilize, due to the rapid inflow of saline water from the sea (Jayaraman et al 2007). Increased salinity levels have an impact on plankton growth, which is sensitive to the salinity and subsequently affects the whole ecosystem (Nayak et al 2004). In highly saline water, both brackish water and fresh water species do not survive.
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It has been argued that the long-term effects of opening a new mouth were not considered, even though environmentalists and marine biologists expressed their apprehensions about the potential damage to the local flora, fauna and the variety of species that are unique to Chilika (Mahapatra 2008). Recent observations show that the salinity of the lagoon has continued to increase. This poses a serious potential threat to brackish water species and also to fishing communities, whose main source of livelihood may not remain reliable or substantial enough to support their living.
Recently, another natural mouth opened in August 2008 within 1.5 km of the new
(2000) mouth, and hence became a stress to Chilika’s ecology. According to the Chief
Executive of the CDA, the 2008 mouth was only 50 meters wide at first, but has now expanded to about 400 meters (Bureau Report 2008). The salinity level of Chilika’s water presently varies from nine to 11 ppt (parts per thousand), whereas the salinity of the seawater has been measured at 18 ppt. Therefore, if the salinity level increases to the same intensity as the seawater, then the lagoon will lose its brackish water environment with its unique physico-chemical properties.
In addition to the above challenges, growing conflict in the fisheries sector, related to over-fishing and reclamation of shoreline areas for agriculture and aquaculture, also account for additional threats to the overall ecology of the lagoon. In general, these can be categorized as direct and indirect threats (Annon 2003), which may have a major influence on the sustainability of fisheries, wildlife and water quality of the lagoon.
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2.2.3.2 Direct Threats
Poaching
For some years, people from adjoining villages (villages nearby the Chilika area) have poached birds from the lagoon as their sole means of livelihood (Annon 2003). This activity poses a serious threat to the populations of some species and severely disturbs many other species that roost or feed in the lagoon. The intensity of poaching has increased as the fisherfolk have been deprived of access to fish by aquaculturists, increasing their reliance on poaching to earn money to cover their day to day expenditures (see Chapter 6.2.2.3 for more discussion of encroachment by aquaculturists).
Incidental Catch
Fishing nets laid across the outer channel and inside the lagoon lead to the trapping and sometimes the death of some rare animals, including the Irrawaddy Dolphin.
Incidental catch occurs throughout the range of Irrawaddy Dolphins where net fishing occurs. Officials from the CDA have documented at least 15 Irrawaddy Dolphins that have been killed incidentally in Chilika Lake over last three years (Mr L. N. Nayak, personal communication, 2007). Furthermore, impoverished fisherfolk who try to collect prawn juveniles also catch fish larva, and, as these small fish do not earn them much money, they throw them out, further contributing to species loss in the lagoon.
Chilika Lake is also full of mechanized diesel fishing boats. These have long propeller shafts that jut out of the stern of the boat and pose the most dangerous threat to the dolphins. Whenever a dolphin group is sighted, tourist boats rush towards them and literally encircle the entire group. The dolphins panic and try to escape the waters
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churned up by their beating propellers and in the process dolphins are often cut when they are hit by the thrashing propellers. Additionally, the boats leak oil and lubricants and thereby pollute the lagoon (Mishra 2003).
2.2.3.3 Indirect Threats
Siltation
The Chilika catchment is prone to extreme soil erosion events caused by over-grazing, illegal tree felling, cultivation along hill slopes and clearance of vegetation for rehabilitation and agriculture (Panigrahi et al 2007). This ultimately results in sediment flow to the lagoon. Some 365,000 tonnes of sediment are added annually to the lagoon through streams of various sizes (Ramsar Advisory Missions, 2001). This sediment flow creates problems like siltation, reducing the area of the lagoon’s inlets and outlets, and affecting the exchange of water between the sea and river and decreasing the salinity level of the lagoon’s water. This changes the lagoon’s ecology and ultimately may result in the loss of some marine and brackish water species from the ecosystem.
Pollution
Although water pollution from industrial sources is not a major problem around the lagoon, fertilizer and pesticide residues from nearby agricultural fields pose a serious problem in the northern part of the lagoon. Similarly, sewage and the waste water from the peripheral small villages and towns are posing a pollution problem (CDA 2002).
The rapid growth of prawn farms in and around the lagoon has put substantial pressure on the lagoon’s water quality. These prawn ponds require feed and fertilizer, which afterwards creates water pollution. When fertilizer is present in high concentrations, the lagoon water cannot be used for day to day purposes and becomes unsuitable for water
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species other than prawns. In summary, although pollution is not yet seen as a major problem for Chilika, it has the potential to increase and management responses may become increasingly necessary.
Current Measures and Management Issues
At present, Chilika Lake is threatened by the natural and anthropogenic threats discussed above. But its most significant threat is the conflict over resource use, which is having serious hazardous impacts on both the human and natural environments near
Chilika Lake. This conflict over resource use is responsible for both direct and indirect threats to the Chilika resource bases. Although there are several resource management strategies that have already been implemented and various institutional arrangements have been employed for resource management, most of them have not produced successful outcomes. The next section discusses some of these interventions and their implications for the socio-ecology of the area.
Chilika’s fisheries provide a livelihood to more than 200,000 fisherfolk and thousands of locals who are engaged in allied fishery business activities (CDA 2005). Thus, sustainable fishery resource management is linked to the socio-economic development of the area, and the ecological importance of this resource cannot be avoided. A number of studies have been conducted on fisheries in the area. Sekhar’s work (2004, 2007) focuses on the fishery resource and the fisher-communities of the area. He has provided some evidence that Chilika’s lagoon-side communities are indeed not homogeneous, although he examined only a few axes of social difference within communities (age and insiders/outsiders) (Sekhar 2004).
In 1980’s when the Indian government passed a national law that allowed outsiders
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access to Chilika’s fisheries, it caused a breakdown in the previously employed local community level institutional controls on the lagoon’s resources. Much of the conflict present in the region today arose when local fisher groups no longer had effective representation (evidenced through a lack of government–citizen trust) in groups that made decisions about access to the lagoon’s resources, with a shift from local to state government control over resource access (Sekhar 2007). Sekhar argues that a solution to
Chilika’s problems demands a form of CBNRM that supports links both within the community and between the community and the government. His data provide an accurate although limited picture of the situation on the ground as he only examined a limited number of axes of social differentiation in the community. Where his work is lacking is in its failure to consider a major social group in the area: non-fisherfolk.
Without considering both traditional fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk (the local poor who do not belong to a fishing community) and the extent of their dependence on the lagoon’s resources, no management plan can be successfully employed. Local populations whose needs are not considered are unlikely to comply with rules, regulations and policies that make it difficult for them to earn a livelihood. The formulation of a management plan is insufficient for its successful implementation.
Research undertaken by Iwasaki and Shaw (2008) also suggested some management interventions, but their proposed interventions may not be equally effective in different geographical sectors of the lagoon. The authors found that poor fisherfolk are exploited by commission agents who provide them with money and support in fish marketing, and which ultimately is proving to be detrimental for the socio-ecology of the area. To repay their debts to the commission agents, poor fisherfolk try to increase their fish catch, threatening the area with fishery resource depletion. Iwasaki and Shaw argue that the interaction between small-scale fisherfolk and commission agents is the root cause of 48 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
failure of resource management. Indebtedness and unstable situations because of resource use conflicts allows the entry of commission agents and small-scale fisherfolk have been exploited by them. Although they suggest that successful management interventions should reduce the reliance of local populations on middlemen for marketing their fish, they fail to consider how the geography of the lagoon makes some local communities more dependent upon middlemen than others.
Iwasaki and Shaw (2008) suggested a static, simplified and generalized fish marketing structure that does not account for differences in what is happening in different geographical locations surrounding the lagoon. In some areas in and around the lagoon, the market access of poor fisherfolk is worse than others. As fish are a perishable good, without refrigeration facilities they must be sold quickly. The carrier agents allow these fisherfolk to sell their fish, but at inferior prices. Nevertheless, without using the commission agents, it might be hard for poor fisherfolk to deliver their catch to the market without spending more money than they will get from selling the fish. Thus it can be argued that the marketing policy should also consider those geographical differences by providing some solutions that not only help to free poor fishers from the influence of the commission agents but also sustains their livelihood.
Another study commenced by analysing the role of management institutions in Chilika as a common property resource (Rout 2006). Rout analysed the conflict issues
(traditional and commercial fishing rights), commercial exploitation of the lagoon for aquaculture and unauthorized encroachment issues. She claimed that some government interventions succeeded in easing conflict and resource management and development issues but fieldwork in the area suggests otherwise (discussed in detail in Chapter 5.1).
Resource use conflict still exists in the area, commission agents are actively
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participating in the fish marketing system and furthermore the quality of the resource base is declining and the biodiversity is under threat.
Given the nature and magnitude of the problems that the lagoon is experiencing, it is important that natural resource management researchers are aware of the probable management practices which can be implemented in the region and to ensure that the ideas and knowledge about management practices that they produce can be effectively applied in the region. There are different methods and approaches in the field of natural resource management which although have not yet resulted in successful outcomes, can still be reformulated to overcome the existing problems and reasons for their failure.
Thus the following section evaluates the literature on factors identified as causing the failure of private property regimes, government-controlled resources, and local-level management, and overall the institutional arrangements operating in the field of NRM.
2.3 Approaches to NRM
Natural resources are prone to several types of hazardous anthropogenic practices, with serious effects on the socio-ecological environment. Therefore, there is a need to consider the potential impacts upon those biological units and the sustainable management as well as development of these resources. Today’s problems necessitate an socio-ecological approach to NRM that can offer new perspectives and tools that can contribute towards integration of economic uses and potentials, protection from threats from human activities, and procedures for natural resource management and control that help achieve sustainability (Costanza et al 1999). Hence, it is necessary to analyse the management measures already employed in this sector and their potential for improvement to aid in formulating a sustainable strategy for NRM and development.
The concept of sustainability is widely employed in the NRM sector, and its value for 50 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
maintaining beneficial human-environment relationships cannot be understated. Thus the next section introduces the need for sustainable NRM and then leads towards a discussion of some of the NRM approaches in the field of environment and development in different ecological and social settings.
2.3.1 Sustainable NRM and Development
The term ‘sustainable development’ has various definitions and it has been represented by various institutions, organizations and people differently. The Brundtland report begins the definition of sustainable development as:
“Balancing the fulfillment of human needs with the protection of the natural
environment so that these needs can be met not only in the present, but in the
indefinite future” (Brundtland Commission 1987, Ch-II, A/42/427).
At different points in time and in different places, in the course of sustainable resource management, there have been various approaches that have been implemented. These approaches can be classified as either top-down or bottom-up, although in some instances, an integrated approach (both top-down and bottom-up) has been used. In top- down approaches, the policy and planning processes are decided at the government level, with a general lack of consultation with local communities. Bottom-up approaches, on the other hand, are in theory at least based upon the needs of local communities and are implemented largely by local populations. The next sections discuss both the top-down and bottom-up approaches to NRM and their implications in more detail, followed by a short discussion of merging the two approaches.
2.3.2 Top-down Approach
The approach that involves unequal and uneven growth, modernization, urban 51 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
industrialization, the diffusion of innovations, hierarchic patterns of change, and growth poles is regarded as the top-down approach. It is otherwise defined as the planning process in which technologies, projects or policy proposals are devised by experts and then transferred or imposed on local community (Thrupp 1989). Although there are several examples of top-down approaches in NRM history that are asserted to be successful (cf Holling & Meffe 1996, Levine 2004, Gelcich et al 2006), many of these approaches have substantial drawbacks, discussed further below.
As the human population grows and natural resources decline, there is pressure to apply increasing levels of top-down (command-and-control) management to natural resources.
Command and control, however, usually results in several negative consequences for natural ecosystems and human welfare in the form of collapsing resources, social and economic strife and losses of biological diversity (Holling & Meffe 1996). For instance, protecting natural resources from human exploitation has been effected by restricting access to resource sites, employing policies for accessing resources and a setting protected zones or buffer zones. Marine Protected Areas or MPAs are an example of one such initiative.
In the 1990s, the Tanzanian government established Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in an attempt to deal with the growing cumulative threats to marine and coastal resources as well as coastal environmental degradation (Levine 2004). The Government implemented conservation initiatives through MPAs to protect marine and coastal resources, with the aim of ensuring their sustainability and to improve life in coastal communities. Levine (2004) argued that in this process, the roles of socio-economic and cultural factors in decision-making processes of coastal communities regarding marine and coastal resources use and management were neglected. Thus, the implementation of
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these planning processes has simply shifted the location of resource management challenges to areas with resources located off the coast or within the dispersed communities who use them for earning their livelihood.
Some common problems of fisheries management are that fisheries user groups are often diffuse and hard to define as traditional ‘communities’; the highly fugitive nature of fisheries resources; and the fact that marine borders are more difficult to demarcate and enforce than terrestrial borders (Levine 2004). While terrestrial community-based conservation tends to focus on villages that are adjacent to the conservation area, fisheries resources are often used by people who come from great distances and neighbouring ‘resident’ communities may not exist. In cases where communities do live adjacent to a protected area, the involvement of only the nearby communities may overlook the effects on and importance of other key resource users. Hence, Levine
(2004) has argued that often MPAs are implemented as a top-down approach in which there is lack knowledge about coastal communities’ behaviours and characteristics. This often leads to a decrease in local compliance with the new conservation initiatives. Thus
MPAs as an initiative have not been entirely successful.
The introduction of government-imposed frameworks (such as MPAs) is a top-down approach for managing the resource that cannot be considered to be an effective institutional arrangement if it doesn’t address key features of the area’s socio-ecology.
Likewise, another case study in Chile focused on co-management of a fisheries resource with both a local traditional resource management system and a government-led community property rights system in place simultaneously (Gelcich et al 2006). The traditional management system distributed fishing rights to fisherfolk through a lottery system, called a parcela, in which rights to harvesting bull-kelp are awarded for
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designated areas along the coast. The government system, in contrast, intervened using a community property approach to distribute the right to harvest benthic coastal resources to local fisherfolk unions. That is, the two systems govern different coastal resources within the same geographical area. Gelcich et al (2006) found that the superposition of the two management systems led to the weakening of traditional management institutions, intensified conflict among users, and reduced the ecosystem’s resilience.
Njaya (2009) appraised how power and decision-making is shared among community groups and organisations and looked at governance arrangements including legal, social, economic and political issues applied to the management of fisheries resources.
While reviewing the evolution of governance of Lake Chilwa’s fisheries in Malawi, he described the difficulty of implementing management reforms in its decentralised fisheries. His study highlighted how traditional leaders are taking advantage of this reform by exploiting poor fishermen. Ultimately this arrangement resulted in conflicts between traditional leaders and user committees over the right to manage resource use.
He suggested that management reform should share the central government’s powers, authority and responsibilities with local government structures or lower level institutions such as district- and community-level committees or user groups. This would allow resource user groups, traditional institutions, district assemblies, non- governmental organizations and the government to participate in the management of fisheries, promoting the goals of sustainable resource management (Njaya 2009).
English (2003) argued that management approaches that achieve sustainable outcomes focus on the local level and should include the local community. At present, many management practices focus on short-term profits at the cost of long-term
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consequences. According to English (2003), decision making processes overlook the long-term social and ecological constraints of the environment. Globalization has increased pressure to prioritize economic profits over sustainable development. In the process of globalization, multi-national corporations and elite groups with monetary, political and social power influence national and international decisions on environmental policy. Therefore, English concluded that a developmental planning approach should centre on the local level so that the general public rather than influential corporations will benefit from the results of that approach. Furthermore, if a self-reliant and community-based approach is taken, then both the public and management organizations will become aware of planning as well as policy and its implications for society.
Whether it is the establishment of MPAs by the Tanzanian government, the superposition of government and traditional management in Chile’s fishery co- management system, or the decentralized fisheries in Lake Chilwa, all of these approaches fail to fully address the social aspects of resource use. Although the respective governments reformed management institutions in that they at least established a link between management and social systems, in all of these cases the reforms did not fully address the socio-economic needs of some resource users. It is common for reforms to benefit social elites (such as traditional leaders or elite social groups), who are the only users that make profits. In contrast, the needs of local poor are not addressed, leading to social unrest among user groups, with negative effects on the resource management process. The management problems that are created by not working with all components of the local population, as discussed in this section, can be avoided by understanding socio-environmental issues and engaging local peoples’ participation (in its fullest sense) in the management process. Top-down approaches to 55 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
policy often fail because local people may not support the system or may believe that the state will intervene in management practices, negating the need for their own proactive participation in resource management (Cocks et al 2001). A solution to the this issue might be the introduction of bottom-up approaches that engage local population in the management process in the management sector. However, this approach has its own drawbacks as well, including a lack of coordination with the administrative or government sector. This next section presents the ideas on the effectiveness and implications of these bottom-up approaches.
2.3.3 Bottom-up Approach
Several development geographers have suggested that a successful development plan must meet the basic needs (food, clothing, housing, basic education and health care) of the population and bring economic growth and national progress (e.g., Griffin 1981,
Watts 1996). Some argue that it should also be ecologically sensible and implement the principle of public participation (Potter et al 2008). In brief, a bottom-up approach (also known as ‘development from below’) is the process in which a local population’s needs and their proposals are considered as the basis on which decisions are taken. Bottom-up approaches generally include user participation in the management process. Hanna argued (1995) that user participation contributes positively towards the management processes by lowering the costs of information gathering, coordination, monitoring and enforcement. Thus it should be incorporated into the management process to make management successful.
In contrast to the top-down approach, which is common among natural scientists and economists, the bottom-up approach is more common among social scientists (Jordan &
Castellanet 2002). But a risk to bottom-up approaches may be that management of the
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resource does not consider the resource in the wider regional context. Thereby, even if it achieves an optimal local outcome, a management scheme may lose the support of officials at the state or national level, leading to the scheme’s failure in the long term
(Blaikie 2006). There are various means of implementing bottom-up approaches that are commonly employed in the resource management and development area, including the
Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA) and CBNRM.
2.3.3.1 Sustainable Livelihood Approach (SLA)
Allison and Horemans (2006) argue that the SLA, which has been successful in other resource management sectors, provides the best potential for the sustainable use of fisheries resources. According to Chambers and Conway (1991), Sustainable
Livelihoods should comprise the capabilities, assets and activities which are obligatory for living. A sustainable livelihood has the ability to recover from and cope with stresses and shocks, uphold and improve its capabilities and assets and also offer a sustainable livelihood to the next generation. The benefits of this approach can contribute to other livelihoods as well both in the short and long term, and in local as well as global context
(Chambers & Conway 1991).
Researchers have highlighted that SLA’s engagement with policies, institutions and processes are critical strength and furthermore, that the key challenge for poverty reduction and sustainable fisheries management relates to governance (Allison &
Horemans 2006). However, in their case study, Allison & Horemans were confronted with some weaknesses of employing SLA. This approach fails to acknowledge the needs of a broader and diverse society and often does little to analyse their experiences and cases of conflict. As the main focus is on the livelihood of a particular group, it ignores the impact of larger scales of social organizations (e.g., other occupational
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groups, communities, ethnic groups or national groups). Furthermore, this approach has limited engagement with broader development concepts and approaches such as its inability to work on a diverse community groups / state / national level. However, if it can overcome these challenges and work together with the authorities or government, the principles underlying SLA can be turned into a sustainable NRM approach.
If SLA can be employed for a diverse group of people, which acknowledge the complexity of the local people’s livelihoods then the approach might achieve the goal of sustainability. This understanding can be achieved by a people-cantered, community- oriented approach, which is the essence of the Community Based Natural Resources
Management (CBNRM) approach. For example, Suarez et al (2009) noted that when governments unilaterally allocate resources to a government organization, then there can be potential effects upon the sustenance of the community’s livelihood. As a result, conflict may then arise between the community and the government. In such cases, natural resource management becomes even more difficult. It is critical to acknowledge the community’s ownership of the resources while helping them to understand the benefits of sustainable management rather than overexploitation (Suarez et al 2009).
2.3.3.2 Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM)
Community based natural resource management (CBNRM) initiatives have been adopted to address the issue of environmental sustainability in many developing countries. This concept evolved because of an increasing recognition of the ineffectiveness of the state in promoting sustainable resource use (Cocks et al 2001).
However, CBNRM is only one means for surmounting these management obstacles and developing sustainable resource management policies (Cocks et al 2001).
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In practice, while CBNRM has been well-supported by the development industry, many authors have argued that it has neither been shown to be effective at improving livelihoods nor the management of the resource (Agrawal & Gibson 2001; Allison &
Ellis 2001; Blaikie, 2006; Leach et al 1999; Nunan, 2006). Leach et al (1999) note that the construction of both community and ecology in CBNRM is often problematic, with both entities seen as static and simple, rather than as complex systems. For example, a
‘community’ is typically viewed as a homogenous social group, rather than composed of individuals with multiple stakeholder perspectives, diverse values and potentially competing resource use priorities. This simplification of ‘community’ can lead to the adoption of resource management practices that ignore the needs of some stakeholder groups.
Ribot (2003) argues that the local institutions engaged in CBNRM are often neither representative nor accountable to local populations (perhaps due to the adoption of simplified views of ‘community’) and that therefore the choice of institutional arrangements is a critical factor in the success of CBNRM. Commons theorists such as
Ostrom (1990, 2005) would agree, but view institutional arrangements as a pre- condition of success rather than as arrangements that can be dynamically created in the
CBNRM process. Likewise, simplified conceptions of the environment (‘ecology’) also fail to draw upon recent re-theorizations of environmental change that emphasize the role of history, disturbance and dynamic, non-equilibrium processes in creating and sustaining ecological systems (Milly et al, 2008).
In a case study of the Masizame Community Garden Project in Peddie, South Africa,
Thornton (2008) looked at the issue of group ownership rights of commonage for poverty alleviation purposes. The author demonstrated that poor communication, lack of
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gender empowerment and lack of transparency of land application processes at different levels of government continue to frustrate local populations and contribute towards local livelihood insecurity by vacating lands. The author argues that the local government, provincial and municipal managers lack the capacity and capability to effectively and equitably direct the terms of commonage use. He suggests that instead of enforcing the legislation without the support of the local population and ignoring their user rights, a rights-based approach that reflects how groups or individuals both use vacant land and interpret their own ‘boundaries’ or limits of ownership can bring obvious success.
As Thornton (2008) found in South Africa, interpretations of what it means to ‘own’ a resource are central to the success of CBNRM strategies. The main premise of a
Cambodian CBNRM project, which aimed to address conflicts between local communities and government agencies, was that the community would only be involved in a sustainable management program if they felt a sense of ownership over the resources that needed to be managed (Bann 1997). The project aimed to create this sense of ownership in several ways such as awareness-raising, training and facilitating the participation of those communities in the management process. The end result of the
CBNRM process was that the tools they used helped not only to addresses a target community’s immediate needs but also to develop long-term plans to secure the environment and their traditional livelihood system. Although there are several examples such as the Cambodian one (Bann 1997) that outline the success of CBNRM approaches, there are also instances where these institutions do not get full support from the community and result in chaos.
Hansen (2006) provided evidence of a case where CBNRM has not led to uniform
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success. In Cambodia, as in other countries, the political, social and economic situation plays a major role in the success of CBNRM implementation. Changing regimes, genocide, corruption and lack of social capital have had an effect on the implementation of CBNRM. The way that Cambodian society is organized poses a challenge for implementing CBNRM as there was no tradition for people’s organizations within communities and patron-client relationships common in that society produced complications when power structures were reproduced in the decision-making processes and hindered the ability of impoverished populations to have a voice in decision- making. Power relations play a big role in decision-making concerning natural resource management in Cambodia and participation at all levels of society was thus difficult to obtain. Hansen found that government authorities were reluctant to transfer power to local people and national and international agencies implementing CBNRM were hesitant to include the local population in the decision-making process. Thus this case study demonstrated that in many instances where decision-making and implementation of CBNRM was considered to be a failure, local populations were not really involved at all in the planning process or only participated to a minor extent (Hansen 2006).
The reasons for including local communities in the decision-making process are numerous. Firstly, local communities influence the stocks of natural resources (e.g., fish or sea food, coastal forests, etc.) and trends in marine as well as coastal resources because these resources are the major source of livelihood in coastal communities.
There are 20 cities in the world with a population of over 10 million; 16 of these cities are along coastlines. To maintain their livelihoods, the growing populations near the coast not only put a greater strain on already depleted resources but they also are responsible for the degradation of marine habitats for those resources. A report by the
Independent World Commission on the Oceans (1998) stated that over 70% of the 61 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
world’s fish stocks are exploited at or even beyond sustainable limits (English 2003). So while demarcating MPAs, it is important to consider these patterns of consumption.
Secondly, local communities can provide information relevant for comparing the current state of the coastal environment and past states as they are direct observers of the local environment. If governments are to take on a new role as information managers, strategies for the monitoring and assessment of coastal areas should be a major priority. This will lend essential support to coastal management programs.
Without monitoring, the success of programs is hard to gauge. Rakodi and Treloar
(1997) found that information-gathering and database creation in Southeast Asian countries takes a very long time - two to five years (Adeel et al 2002). Therefore it is essential to involve the local community that is present in a place and that can observe both the present situation and also provide a comparison between past and present situations of a given region. They may also be able to easily identify the potential impacts of creating an MPA or making other resource management interventions.
From the last sections, it can be seen that approaches to natural resource management can take number of forms, including top-down, and bottom-up or participatory. Each of these approaches has both strengths and limitations (Baker 2002). In particular, there are many examples of resource management planning that have not met with uniform success in less-developed countries like Viet Nam, Laos, and Cambodia. Whether resource management takes place in a developed country or developing country, it will only be successful if there is room for both top-down and bottom-up approaches. Kaly
(2004) argued that successful management demands an integrated management strategy based on solid scientific foundations, but that also allows for multiple use of resources by the local populations without causing serious damage to the environment. He
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proposes this can be achieved by a combined top-down, bottom-up approach.
2.3.4 Combined Approach
Many scholars (e.g., Baker 2002, Kaly 2004, Yatich et al 2007) have proposed that the environmental problems cannot be resolved by using either top-down or bottom-up approaches exclusively. There are many potential NRM interventions, some of which are incompatible, result in complex management regimes, give rise to uneven involvement of stakeholders, and involve poor administration and inadequate provision of resource management services. This in turn can create serious environmental problems provoked by social, economic and political factors. Yatich et al (2007) argue that this may be due to many efforts being only technology-driven (top-down) rather than demand-driven (a bottom-up approach) or only demand-driven, neglecting technology and related knowledge (Yatich et al 2007). In this case an alternative development that incorporates the concept of combined top-down and bottom-up approach in a participatory way can be suggested.
Due to the failure of top-down approaches, bottom-up community involvement in environmental management projects has been formalized. But Fraser et al (2006) argue that although this integration brings obvious benefits by involving communities in the management process, there is still a need to carefully analyse what extra benefits this involvement provides. They analysed local issues such as how poverty, major environmental issues in a region and the structure of the society will affect the manner in which local residents connect in the integration of top-down and participatory approaches. In the process of integration the authors identified three major issues that need to be attended to. The first is that the participatory process, which needs the whole community’s participation, is a lengthy and complicated process. The second issue is
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that empowering the community during the issue prioritization process is a significant benefit of the process. Finally, it is hard to define scale at which this kind of process works best. Although selecting an indicator is a complicated process, the authors conclude that careful inclusion of community inputs will help to select and choose relevant indicators to monitor and guide planning towards sustainable development.
Moreover, they have suggested that feedback from the community (as well as indicators) should be direct and immediate, thereby allowing information to be both summarized quickly for policy makers and unpacked for more careful monitoring and follow-up (Fraser et al 2006).
Nel & Hill (2000), in research on the Kate River valley in South Africa, investigated the level of success of community-based development activities employed in the area. This research also explored how community interaction and participation in development endeavors led to successful implementation of local development projects. The main constraint on successful development was the lack of good working relationship between the government and the community. After a rigorous attempt to analyse the success of CBNRM, the authors concluded that although the local community had the ability to embark on independent development actions, their success relied on external support, guidance and financial help. This research concluded by finding that top-down and bottom-up approaches are not contradictory but complementary in sustainable management practice (Nel & Hill 2000).
This echoes the earlier work of Chambers (1994), who stated that for bottom-up management to be participatory there is a learning process in which researcher listens and learns from local community/farmers/resource users, and in which the local people should decide to what extent are ‘new’ external ideas and technology are adaptable for
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local use/purposes. The idea here is that it not easy for local populations who are meant to be getting the power to manage resources to decide their extent of participation. Here it is worth discussing how the locals’ participation in the management process actually occurs and to what extent it is successful; the focus of the next section.
2.3.5 Local Residents’ Participation in NRM Programs
Basic human security or sustainable human life is prerequisite for sustainable development (Potter et al 2008). The attractiveness of the concept of sustainable development practice depends on the way in which it can be used to support diverse political and social agendas which to some extent are also based on the historical human-environment relationships. Both the current and the historical relationship(s) of local populations with their lands and related resources should be the grounds of developmental planning. Although local populations may over-exploit natural resources, they are the potential informants who can draw the history of population and resource interaction. Local populations are often the descendants of the original users of such resources and their interactions with the resources may have developed over many generations, allowing them to acquire a holistic knowledge of their lands and of their available natural resources in a specific particular environment. Thus allowing them to participate in the management may help guide the system towards achieving the goal of sustainable management.
A study undertaken by Walters (2004) found that several reforestation projects in
Philippines had experienced high post-planting mortality. Although the initial planting program was successful, the local mangrove reforestation and management were not likely to achieve desired economic and environmental conservation objectives over the long term. Due to the lack of participation in the reforestation process, the community
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did not develop the motivation to take care of the plantation in the long-run. As the policy reform did not allow for much community participation, the preservation of the forest and biodiversity conservation objectives were hard to achieve. But in contrast to this unsuccessful site, in two coastal sites in the Philippines - Bais Bay and Banacon
Island - community-based, mangrove reforestation and management has been successful. In these areas local tree planting and management emerged long before governments and non-government organizations began to promote such activities. Large numbers of people voluntarily participated, and especially in the case of Banacon, most of the forest was in fact replanted and managed.
Walter’s (2004) findings revealed that the mangrove management systems in these places were successful economic innovations because they provide important benefits
(wood products and property protection) in a practical and highly efficient manner. In the cases in which the mangrove reforestation was successful it was because to some extent, the plantation sites were privately owned and managed by the community.
Mangrove plantations were treated as monetary investment and were cut when cash was needed. Thus the investor (i.e., the local community) had a stake in preserving and maintaining the area’s quality and diversity.
In coastal areas, communities often have different views and opinions from the other local communities who are there in the same area towards coastal resources and they may also react differently towards different kinds of conservation initiatives. In a case study in Tanzania, the government found that the socio-economic factors promoting household support of and engagement with management should be considered in the planning and implementation process. These factors vary between households, cultures and will certainly be different depending on whether households utilize these resources
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in order to meet subsistence or commercial needs (Sesabo et al 2006). The intensive management approach of prohibiting coastal resource-based activities such as fishing in the MPAs without providing an alternative may lead not only to bitterness among the community but also to conflicts. In particular, the acceptance of particular conservation measures (e.g., the demarcation of MPAs in Tanzania) within a community can be severely hindered if some understanding of key factors such as perceived needs and benefits are not realized (Jeffrey 2000). Therefore, any of the decision-making process in the field of resource management and development should include both social and economic factors in the planning and implementation.
Much of the research on coastal resource management ignores the people who are involved in real contexts, those who influence and are influenced by those resources. In the case of Chilika, a study undertaken by Panigrahi et al (2007), states that Chilika’s northern sector is more susceptible to anthropogenic activities than its southern sector.
Its water quality is influenced by numerous activities like agricultural drainage, sewage intrusion, macrophyte litter fall and exchange of water between lagoon and the sea (Bay of Bengal). Panigrahi et al (2007) outlined several processes driving resource degradation, identifying anthropogenic activity as the dominant one. These activities include agriculture drainage, river run-off containing urban sewage, and drainage from the agriculture-based industries (e.g., prawn processing units), and influence the quantity and quality of water in Chilika Lake. All these are unsustainable practices undertaken by the residents of Chilika. Although Panigrahi et al’s study documented that unsustainable activities undertaken by local populations are altering the lagoon’s ecology and affecting its ecosystem, they do not explore why residents practice such activities or what may be potential solutions to the water quality problems. They also provide no suggestions for alternative livelihood options or more sustainable resource 67 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
utilization practices in that area. Overall, although the community that lives in and around the lagoon strongly influences water quality, this study didn’t involve the community in their research at all.
Another study states that there were exclusive rights of access to fisheries in Chilika
Lake which the local fishing communities enjoyed for generations (Sekhar 2004). The waters of Chilika Lake were part of the former Zamindari estates (local landlords).
These local landlords were empowered completely to lease out the access and use rights to local fishing households. This system involved token payments of resource use fees and was continued until the end of British rule in India in the mid 1940s. But later in
1947, the state gained legal ownership of the lagoon waters (Sekhar 2004). Despite this change in ownership, outsiders were not given rights and the exclusive rights of local fishing groups still continued.
Chilika’s fisheries are the means of livelihood and food security of the traditional fisherfolk and the traditional fisherfolk community undertakes fishing as a customary practice. The local traditional fisherfolk groups draw on the lagoon’s resources as a common property resource and used to manage access rights by themselves. But recent modifications to customary fishing practices with the introduction of mechanized fishing boats and fishing gear by the state department have challenged the sustainable use of Chilika’s fisheries. Also, there was a breakdown of the ongoing leasing system in
1991 when the Orissa state government redefined the leasing policy. In this modification, the auction of leases goes to the highest bidder, ignoring the poor traditional fisherfolk and their sustenance needs.
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State interventions supporting fisheries mechanization and new resource access regulations have undermined the traditional management strategies in the area, leading to conflicts between different stakeholders and decline in traditional fishing practices
(Sekhar 2004). Sekhar argued that without the traditional fishing community’s participation, it is not possible to ensure sustainable use of the lagoon resources. The role of the state in the Chilika Lake fisheries management might produce more sustainable use of the resource if it was limited to providing a framework within which community-decision making can operate. It could do so by concentrating more on providing information to provide a rational basis for community-decision making rather than trying to implement command and control systems themselves.
The communities and their culture largely determine the possibilities for designing successful management plans (Howe 2001), as they are ultimately the ones impacted by management plans and the management program can in the end only be successfully accepted and implemented by them. This suggests that for the coastal resource conservation initiatives, including those in Chilika, to be more acceptable to local communities, they need to provide some benefits in addition to the protection of marine and coastal resources. Consequently, for these initiatives to be successful, they must be based upon an understanding of and function effectively within the existing social environment. Moreover, the linkage between benefits from management initiatives and the sustainability of marine and coastal resources must be clear to local communities.
This is a critical step in designing effective management policies for sustainable NRM.
As one of the other key requirements for sustainable natural resource management, other than effective community participation, is access to sufficiently reliable and accurate data (Shah 2004) and as geospatial technology can provide such information, it
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is essential to employ this technology in any sustainable NRM planning processes.
NRM is an inherently spatial process. Thus, geospatial technologies are valuable tools to be employed in the management process.
2.4 Role of Geospatial Technology in NRM
Today, high resolution multi-spectral as well as multi-temporal airborne and satellite data and imagery, Global Positioning Systems (GPS), Geographical Information
Systems (GIS), mobile data collection and communications and the Internet are well- recognized tools for collecting geospatial information. They are considered to be efficient techniques for the collection, processing, analysis and visualization of natural resource including coastal and marine data and information all over the world. These techniques are helpful for gathering the data at different spatial and temporal scales, creating environmental databases, and monitoring and mapping of coastal habitats from both above and below the water. They can also be used for developing innovative visualization tools to both explore data and to communicate information, and developing decision-support systems (DSS). These technologies, with the help of internet, can also provide communities with greater and improved access to environmental information (Green 2006). Providing geospatial information using a GIS is increasing as a tool for decision making in land-use planning, monitoring environmental conditions and promoting sustainable development.
There are many instances in NRM where geo-spatial technology has added value. In a case study of Iran, Gharagozlu (2003) discusses several methods of resource identification including the interpretation of topographic maps, aerial photographs and satellite images with computers and outlines the usability of this technology in the resource management and development process. He concluded that combining a land- 70 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
use planning approach with Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) provided an effective method for revealing the existing potentials of the country.
Critical coastal management issues like sensitivity analysis, habitat modeling and pollution monitoring require the ability for decision-makers to make rapid and effective decisions. GIS has the ability to handle large databases and to integrate and synthesize data relating to a much wider range of relevant criteria than might be achieved by manual methods. The use of a shared database also facilitates the updating of records, and the provision of a common set of data to the many different departments, offices or communities that might typically be involved in management of a single stretch of coast.
Coastal zones are a distinct geographical unit for management purposes because of temporal issues like tides and seasonal variability, with those of the overlapping physical geography and hydrography (offshore, near shore, shoreline, inshore) and of jurisdictions. The way in which legal mandates and remits of government agencies intersect with competing needs of stakeholders makes the management issue critical because of several overlapping and competing interests. So the management schema should be structured so that it can satisfy the diverse needs of the interest groups, stakeholders, managerial authorities and also the administrative groups. A danger of using geospatial technologies for resource management, however, is that in many instances a techno-centric (technology oriented) implementation that ignores the social and local aspects of the environment is adopted, thus making the approach a top-down one. However there are some GIS implementations that which are convincing to the community and accepted by them. The next section outlines some of these geospatial technologies that can be employed in either a top-down or bottom-up capacity and
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discusses both their interference with and contributions towards sustainable NRM.
2.4.1 Top-down Geospatial Technologies
Although geospatial technology is a valuable tool for resource mapping, analysis and decision making in many instances it has been implemented as an external management tool, and fails to consider local situations. For instance, Gharagozlu’s (2003) combined land-use and EIA approach is just a means of supporting management by providing spatial information and resource base information. He makes no mention of how local populations can make the use of this system and how it might be helpful to the local community.
Mallawaarachchi et al (1996) developed an integrated GIS modelling system for NRM.
In this paper the authors highlighted the potential of GIS and mathematical programming for NRM, but their model does not account for the socio-ecological characteristics of the resource base. Although the authors acknowledged that the interactions between economic, social, ecological and agricultural systems are central to resource management, their model does not engage with the people who are involved with the resource. Furthermore, the authors claim that their model has the capacity to cope with vast, diverse areas, under complex environmental situations and presents comprehensive policy conclusions. It is hard to see how such a tool would be effective in diverse community settings. Moreover, its mathematical programming is highly technical and is likely beyond the understanding of the general public.
In developing countries like India, there are also several instances where the research work is more technology-oriented. An example of this is Cho et al’s (2004) report on work carried out in Pichavaram district in south India. This study discussed coastal
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wetland and shoreline mapping, and developed a detailed land-use / land-cover classification of the shoreline by manipulating remotely-sensed digital data and extracting details of interest through image enhancement and classification. Similarly,
Ramasamy (2002) mapped coastal ecosystems along the Tamil Nadu coast using remote sensing and spatial technologies. He concluded that his research describes the ecosystems of Tamil Nadu coast, and its modifications over certain time period.
All the above cited works are technology-centric methods that ignore local peoples’ perceptions and attitudes towards the resources being studied and therefore may fail to identify the best management strategies that could be employed for those resources.
Furthermore, these methods can only be implemented by governments or by higher- level organizations and as such are not particularly helpful for local residents who do not have experience with sophisticated geospatial technologies, and are thereby excluded from this type of resource development planning. A true developmental resource planning cannot ignore the local residents who depend on these resources for their sustenance and livelihoods.
2.4.2 Bottom-up Geospatial Technologies
There are some examples that try to involve local people and thus are more acceptable among other management interventions. For example, Goodchild’s Volunteered
Geographical Information (VGI) is an approach for using spatial technology to acquire resource information by engaging the local people in the process. As Goodchild notes, people are continuously observing changes occurring in the world and in the environment and hence can act as sensors and produce more timely and more accurate information than other methods. He describes these local people as VGIs (Volunteered
Geographic Informers), who can help the sustainable resource management process by
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fulfilling one of its criteria, which is collection of accurate and timely information.
Likewise, Sobeih (2005), in her research describes Geographic Information Systems
(GIS) as a technology that can be used to assist with natural resource management initiatives and enable increased public participation in decision-making. She offers a model and outlines specific policy suggestions to help realize Egypt's potential to use
GIS technology for sustainable development. Here she put emphasis on an initiative to establish an Internet portal that could serve as a common entry point to information related to issues important to citizens and would assist people in the pursuit and development of additional socio-economic opportunities. In her research she introduced information technology centres known as IT Clubs that are meant to serve the general public and local communities and to provide spaces for linking environmental, economic and social issues in a sustainable manner. The IT Clubs’ functions include providing local and regional populations with the information about events, local job opportunities, local news, etc. Moreover, the managers of each IT Club would keep in touch with each other and exchange information, on behalf of their constituents, in an effort to create an active IT Clubs Network (Sobeih 2005).
Similarly, McKinnon (2005) found Mobile Interactive Geographic Information System
(MIGIS) to be a way of engaging local farmers and their interests in institutional arrangements in a case study in south-east Asia. He observed that local farmers were capable of reading and drawing maps, understanding aerial photographs, justifying their criteria for the distribution of wealth and were able to discuss their situation in an informed and intelligent manner. Although his effort to involve this community in the technology oriented approach (MIGIS) had challenges such as lack of interest from traditional leaders who do not want to make the community to be aware of many issues
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(knowledge is power), and a lack of funding, the GIS was well-supported by the community (McKinnon 2005).
Whether it is Goodchild’s VGI, Sobeih’s IT Club Network or McKinnon’s MIGIS, the goal is getting up-to-date information on the resource and populations’ perceptions of the resource’s management at the local level and directing that information to a sustainable resource management process. All of these studies showed that given enough support and conducted by experienced people with a clear sense of participation guidelines, geospatial technologies such as GIS can be made to work rather successfully in participatory planning. Therefore, it can be argued that geospatial technology can be a key tool for sustainable resource management as it has the capacity to provide everyone with important information and can make the management process easier if its implementation is well thought out.
Section 2.3.5 showed that the attitudes towards and participation of local communities in conservation initiatives are important for sustainable management of natural resources. As described in this section, geospatial technologies are tools that can be used to solve several critical management issues if people’s participation can be integrated with the technology.
2.4.3 Public Participation Geographical Information System (PPGIS)
Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) has “emerged to investigate the use and value of GIS by marginalized peoples and communities engaged in social change” (Sieber 2003, p.
50). In contrast to traditional GIS described above in the top-down technology-oriented approach, PPGIS focuses on both people and technology. An explicit goal of PPGIS is to empower communities. Whereas traditional GIS can be considered a top-down
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approach, PPGIS works in an integrated manner (simultaneously in a top-down and bottom-up manner). Hence, a PPGIS contains not just the cartographic and attribute information associated with GIS, but also all of the issues, information, alternative perspectives and decisions required for problem-solving processes. The difference here is the explicit integration of a community’s knowledge and involvement into the system rather than a system that is essentially external to a community. In this type of GIS application, local knowledge, concerns, desires and wishes are actually incorporated and embedded as layers or objects in the GIS. PPGIS promotes social justice, ecological sustainability, and improved quality of life and is thus recognized as a community development and sustainable environmental management tool (Aberley & Sieber 2002).
In PPGIS, GIS works as an expert system that encapsulates knowledge held by the general public, who are normally marginalized in spatial decision-making processes.
The reason why this field of research is highly relevant for those concerned with resource management is that PPGIS is a means through which it is possible to provide local residents with access to geographical information and also to consider in which ways that information impacts the management process.
Ball (2002) stated that ensuring the cooperation of the local community in implementing the final resource management plan is as essential as their involvement in developing it. He recommends PPGIS as a solution that allows the public to be effectively proactive throughout the management process, although the challenge is the public’s awareness of the technology. His approach uses bioregions to allow stakeholder participation in official legislation and management processes. His PPGIS allows the exchange of ideas through the medium of a map developed in GIS. This approach has the advantage that it enables the participation of stakeholders from different backgrounds and facilitates comparisons of different ideas for possible solutions to a 76 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
common problem.
Ball also recommended the use of other techniques such as Planning For Real (PFR) and Parish Mapping, which can both be successfully integrated with PPGIS tools directed to sustainable resource management. The PFR tool involves the local community in decision-making about environmental planning problems. In this approach, basic training regarding the use of the technology is given to the public, which then allows them to participate in the management process. Parish Mapping is a free-range visual approach by the local user groups by providing ground information and basic ideas about the resource to the general public. Although it has constraints like its incompatibility with mapping process of expert users, it can fulfil some basic requirements of resource user (e.g., visualizing the topography, land use etc.). With careful planning it is possible to minimize the constraints of each tool, and the PPGIS approach can be used to foster the participation of diverse community members with their varied needs in the resource management process (Ball 2002).
Another example of the usefulness of PPGIS can be seen in Kanawha Valley, near
Charleston, West Virginia (USA), which is one of the largest industrial chemical complexes in the world. The local residents there are exposed to chronic health risks because of both accidental emissions and long-term background emissions of chemicals that harm human health. One group of researchers conducted a study that focused on how people gain access to geographical information and how the representation of that information impacts their perception and management of environmental/technological risk caused by hazardous emissions (Weiner et al 1996). They also investigated the extent to which geographical information has been made available, is currently available and could be made available to the citizens and community groups of the
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region, and how this flow and control of information has affected the nature of local, community and planning struggles over environmental regulation. As a result of this research, the use of computer-based geographical information through a GIS production process that includes community participation was implemented, and the project was considered to be a great success in solving the related health exposure problems.
Another related technique that PPGIS employs is participatory mapping, creating opportunities for multi-cultural and cross-cultural applications. Although GIS applications themselves are not able to resolve value-based conflicts, they are helpful in defining spatial and natural resource conflicts (Kyem 2004). One example of this can be seen in a case study involving the use of GIS to manage a conflict over natural resources allocation in a rural community in Southern Ghana. A dispute began among the people of Kofiase in the Ashanti Region of Ghana when some inhabitants of the town raised objections to an attempt by a timber company to log a local forest (the
Aboma Forest Reserve) that had already been severely damaged by wildfire (Kyem
2004). The conflict arose between a group of inhabitants who were against the logging and a group who supported it. The supporters felt the logging would create jobs for them, while their opponents wanted to preserve the remaining forest and thereby protect the non-timber forest resources the inhabitants obtained from the forest (i.e., water from streams, materials for handicrafts, and building materials). Kyem (2004) invited representatives of the two groups to attempt to mediate the conflict using GIS. In managing the ensuing conflict, he treated the demands from each group as a single objective, multiple-criteria problem, after which the results of the single-objective solutions were used to determine areas of conflicting claims in need of a compromise solution.
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In the modern world community involvement has been facilitated by the use of the
Internet. The Internet has created many opportunities and facilitated the involvement of the community through GIS system and its user friendly interface (Kingston 2002). In a case study of United Kingdom, Kingston (2002) analysed how the Internet and GIS allow more people to become involved in the decision making process. The author discussed problems with public planning meetings, including the (lack of) ability of all stakeholders to attend the meeting due to location, physical access or time constraints and the domination of discussion by select stakeholders crowding out the voices of other stakeholders In contrast, the use of the Internet to engage with stakeholders can mitigate some of the problems associated with public meetings. Moreover, some individuals who are uncomfortable speaking in front of groups may feel more comfortable expressing their opinions via a web-based process (Kingston 2002).
Although there are several positive aspects of a web-based PPGIS approach, there are also potential problems associated with its usability for the general, non-professional and non-expert public. Simplifying GIS technology to make it usable for the general public can be a significant challenge. Haklay and Tobon (2003) note that PPGIS empowering the public and allowing them to use the technology for decision making processes and to achieve their goals by using local knowledge. They described an application developed for a London borough. They conducted a testing session that included giving the general public an orientation that briefly introduced them to the system. Then they tested the ability of the public to use the tool at the end of this session with a defined task. They claimed that testing their system with the public can help to identify the difficulties faced by the public in ease of use and improve the user friendliness of the system.
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PPGIS is a means to explore existing conflicts and prepare disputants for a better understanding of the conflict. Further, a people-based approach allows users to search for common interests, investigate the common concerns and assists in providing incentives to all parties. Thus it can be concluded that the more involved the competing parties are in data collection and analysis, the more they communicate with one another, leading to better conflict resolution.
While examining a PPGIS initiative for developing a planning process for water service and infrastructure delivery in informal settlements throughout New Delhi, India, Hoyt et al (2005) identified measures to allow the participation of traditionally marginalized populations in the data collection process. This also explored the potential for using local knowledge to improve public services and identified barriers and opportunities for the use of PPGIS in local settings. In the processing of building community capacity and increasing government responsiveness to community needs, the National Institute for Urban Affairs (NIUA) created a PPGIS that hosts basic data layers with detailed demographic information (including streets, railway and bus routes) and provides information on service delivery and infrastructure for 20 settlements. This process documented information on several illegal activities carried out by the local politicians and influential people (e.g., installation of illegal taps near their homes) and also made the authority aware of the unsustainable practices carried out by the community (e.g., hand pumps that extracted highly contaminated ground water). Thus, this application not only brought obvious benefits to local communities by increasing the transparency of service provision but also empowered the community to raise their voice against illegal activities (Hoyt et al 2005).
In summary, all of the described PPGIS applications demonstrate that the main goal of
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this approach is empowering and involving local people. Although people’s participation is the basis for this approach, much of this work does not clearly identify who the public or the participants would be. In these circumstances it is worth highlighting the argument of Schlossberg & Shuford (2005), who stated that a clearer conception of what “public” and “participation” mean is ideal and brings expected outcomes within the PPGIS context. They argue that it is worth understanding the type of participants and their participation to most effectively describe, implement and evaluate PPGIS efforts. By analysing several instances of public participation in PPGIS applications, they identified the groups of the public who should be involved in the participation process and classified them into the following three categories:
Those affected by a decision or program
Those who can bring important knowledge or information to a decision or pro-
gram
Those who have power to influence and/or affect implementation of a decision
or program
If the participation can be brought by including the above cited categories of public then the goal of empowering the community by the management process can be achieved and the chances of getting positive outcomes in PPGIS context would be improved.
After reviewing the literature on NRM and the defining the challenges that exist in the field of environmental resource management, it can be concluded that when applying geospatial technologies to NRM, including peoples’ participation is vital. There are obvious contributions that geospatial technologies can make towards the sustainable development of natural resources but public participation in their management is also equally important. The institutions involving the general public and implementing 81 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
technology simultaneously can bring clear outcomes that satisfy local community needs by acknowledging both social and environmental aspects of resource management
(Kingston 2002, Haklay & Tobon 2003, Hoyt et al 2005). The following section discusses the exact circumstances that exist in the study area for this research that allow for implementing this integrated approach, i.e., PPGIS for sustainable resource management and development.
2.5 Requirements for Developing a PPGIS in Chilika
Based on its unique biodiversity and socio-economic importance, Chilika was designated as a Wetland of International Importance in 1981 under the Ramsar
Convention (CDA 1998). This coastal zone of Orissa is currently facing increasing stresses and shocks as a consequence of attitudinal changes and unsustainable growth leading to degradation of this coastal zones and ecosystems. A large percentage of the coastal population is directly dependent on the lagoon’s resources like mangroves and other coastal vegetation including agriculture and fisheries for their livelihood. The resource degradation of this lagoon’s ecosystem is affecting the coastal population in almost every sector of their lives.
There has been an overall decline in availability of fish from the coastal waters, which has also been accompanied by declining access of the poor to fishery resources. This decline in access is a result of changes that have occurred in fishing technology and marketing (FAO 2006). This area is dominated by illiterate, poor and landless people, who often do not have sound technical knowledge (or they are not been introduced to any technology which may assist them to manage the resource easily and effectively) of natural resource management and its impact on the environment. This lack of knowledge creates challenges for managing lagoon’s resources by making local 82 Chapter 2 Human-Environment Relationships and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
residents aware of the implications of their unsustainable practices and how such practices may create problems in the future. It has also impeded the implementation of sustainable development practices and has led to little profit or gain for local residents, whose density is increasing (more people are crowding into this area) day by day.
Given the nature and magnitude of the problems that the Chilika Lake faces natural resource management researchers should be aware of the probable management practices which can be implemented in the region. Furthermore, it is also required to ensure that the ideas and knowledge about management practices that they produce can be effectively applied in this region. Local populations are often the descendants of the original users of such resources and their interactions with the resources may have developed over many generations, allowing them to acquire a holistic knowledge of their lands and of their available natural resources in a specific particular environment.
Thus allowing them to participate in management may guide the system towards achieving the goal of sustainable management. But most of the resource development work that does not draw upon the use of geospatial technologies is undertaken by organizations in which emphasis is placed upon communities (i.e., the residents) who are dependent on those coastal resources.
Although several authors (cf. Bharadwaj 2002, Ramasamy 2002, Cho et al 2004) identified the potential for using GIS in the management of coastal resources, there are few Coastal GIS implementations. This may be due to a lack of data and lack of proper communication between the coastal experts and GIS professionals (Zeng et al 2001).
There are many instances where GIS has been used for either coastal resource mapping or management but at the end it has proved to be unsuccessful in bringing the desired management outcomes. For instance, in Zeng et al (1999)’s study, although there is
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mention of a Fishery GIS for conservation purposes, people who need to be aware about the conservation requirements are not involved in its use or development. Furthermore, the author claimed the communication of coastal experts with the GIS professional is required does not make it clear who the coastal experts would be. Here I can argue that the residents of coastal communities are the real experts as they have the deepest knowledge of the coastal environment.
Another paper based on a follow-up research study on the biodiversity losses in Chilika
Lake states that severe biodiversity losses over the years have affected the quality of socio-economic life and led to variety of social conflicts in the area (Kadekodi &
Nayampalli 2003). After analysing several factors related to unsustainable practices, population growth, policies and practices they present an ecology-economy interactive simulation model. They monitored lagoon sustainability indicators and identified possible policy interventions. Moreover, they claim that if the policy can treat the biodiversity problem as one of the human rights for livelihoods, the trend in biodiversity decline can be reversed. However, Kadekodi & Navampalli’s model needs timely information related to policies and their implementation in a format that is useful for the government as well as to the public. So if a tool that uses spatial technology to acquire resource information and engage the local people, as Goodchild’s Volunteer
Geographical Informers (VGI) was created, then it could contribute to the goals of sustainable resource management.
Likewise, Bhattacharya et al (2005)’s study outlines several aspects like socio-economic and environmental factors that influence land use and land cover changes but does not contribute enough towards resource development and management issues. This study brought out the overall land use and land cover changes in Chilika over a time period of
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fifty years and forecast that these changes may bring ecological crisis in the region
(Bhattacharya et al 2005). However, they did not address the socio-economic condition of the people or the local community who are causing these hazards. The detection of change was based simply on a comparison of satellite images and remote sensing data.
In addition, although there is a discussion of effect of pollution of the lagoon water, they do not address the source of the pollution (either where or from whom it originates. This study can further be modified and developed using people as sensors of change detection, and analysing the root causes of land use changes and pollution. Moreover including the local people in the process by developing a user friendly interface for the public to interact with the development process can be implemented as a PPGIS tool for resource development and management.
From all these above discussed issues, it is clear that there is a need for sound management practices that are acceptable to local communities and that can be easily implemented from the local as well as government level. This would go some way to resolving resource-use conflict and sustainably managing the resource. Thus the main focus of this research is to develop a prototype (PPGIS) that can help in the development of sound strategies for fishery resource management. It develops an integrated approach that draws upon the best of the top-down and bottom-up approaches to resource management. This research will develop awareness of sustainable resource use and management among the coastal community, which will limit their extraction of resources and help them to become involved in the management practices, so that the aim of sustainable resource use that facilitates further development in the region can be achieved.
After reviewing a broad range of literature related to challenges in NRM and describing
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the usefulness of understanding and incorporating local people’s perceptions, participation and utilization of geospatial technologies for sustainable development, the next step is to present the conceptual framework of the research.
2.6 Conceptual Framework
Based on the literature review, conclusions on how effective management can be developed to face the several challenges that exist in NRM have been drawn. Based on the discussion in section 2.3 regarding NRM institutions this framework borrows several ideas from the researchers who have contributed to the field of sustainable
NRM.
Both English (2003) and Njaya (2009) agreed on a common point that development and management establishments should be based upon a grassroots, community-based, self- reliant approach. Any management reform should allow resource user groups, traditional institutions, district assemblies, non-governmental organizations and the government to participate in resource management and promote the goals of sustainable resource management. An integrated management scheme is needed to both allocate resources effectively, and minimize environmental degradation. Therefore choices and compromises have to be made between competing users and their uses of the resource if conflicts and resource degradation are to be avoided.
As one of the key requirements for sustainable coastal resource management is access to sufficiently reliable and accurate data (Shah 2004), and as geospatial technology can provide this accurate information, it is essential to employ this technology for sustainable NRM. According to Gharagozlu (2003) and Green (2006) geospatial technology is the most efficient technology for the collection, processing, analysis and
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visualization of natural resource data, including coastal and marine data. It has been shown in this review that local communities can provide information relevant for comparing the current state of the coastal environment and past states as they are direct observers of the local environment. Thus if technology and people can be brought together then the overall set of information collected would contain fewer errors and sources of bias, which brings obvious benefits to the management process.
Finally, borrowing the idea of PPGIS, which promotes social justice, ecological sustainability, improved quality of life, and is thus recognized as a community development and sustainable environmental management tool (Aberley & Sieber 2002),
I have developed a conceptual framework as follows:
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Figure 2-3 Conceptual Framework
According to this conceptual model, the first step is to understand the problems existing in the study area and find out what challenges are present for the lagoon resource management. As local people earn their day-to-day livelihood from the resource base, human-environment relationships are highly intertwined in the area. Thus any problem to either the ecology or the socio-economy affects both the ecology as well as the socio-
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economy of the area. Here it is also important to analyse the problems that exist both in the environment and socio-ecological settings of the area. Then in the next step it is also significant to study the policy and regulations that have been implemented by the government to control the resource related problems and manage the resources in and around the lagoon. During this time it is also worth analysing the failure or success of these institutions in this particular local and environmental setting. Knowing the impact of either failure or success of the institutions helps to study the management and development strategy. Then there is an analysis of the usefulness of technological intervention in the management area. Finally, collecting the information needed and integrating socio-economic and environmental variables together a trial has been made to develop a prototype PPGIS tool. This prototype technology can be used to support more effective, participatory and sustainable coastal resource management in the
Chilika region.
2.7 Conclusions
This chapter has reviewed the literature on a range of themes that informed the development of this research. Nature provides the resources to sustain the human life and people modify nature by various means. Sometimes these modifications have implications for the ecology, which also has important impacts on human livelihoods.
Today, natural resources worldwide are exposed to several challenges and to face these several researchers and governments have formulated various conservation and management institutions. But many of these governance structures fail under certain conditions. However, the factors contributing to failure in each of these institutional forms differ radically, and the causes of that failure are not always predicted on the basis of existing theory. There is a need to rethink sustainable development in real
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contexts and reformulate those management strategies to suit local conditions. The literature clearly shows that progress toward sustainable development of communities should involve researchers, educators, and planners from a coordinated network of international aid agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), national policy makers and local communities. Moreover, understanding the complex bio-social factors influencing sustainability is vital for any management formulation. Furthermore, sustainable resource extraction requires accurate data on the status, distribution, extent of use, and exploitation trends of the resources in question. The increasing use of geo- spatial data and GIS by organizations and researchers is a valuable tool to help assist in the planning and management (Liu et al 2007).
Therefore, considering all the problems and constraints that exist in the field of
Sustainable NRM, gathered from several literatures, this research aim to develop a prototype participatory GIS application for coastal Orissa that can be used for coastal management programs to promote sustainable development. This is an experimental approach designed to bring new opportunities for improving local capacity for participation in planning and managing coastal resources for sustainable use. The next chapter deals with the methodology that was employed in this research.
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CHAPTER 3 -Research Design and Methodology
3.1 Overview
This chapter presents the methods used to collect data on natural resource use and social interactions in Chilika. It also explores the potential for using PPGIS in community- based natural resource management and sustainable development of Chilika’s fisheries resources. Chapter 2 reviewed natural resource management issues with particular attention to socio-ecological aspects of coastal resource management. This evaluates the gaps and challenges in sustainable natural resource management by emphasizing the resource management and related problems. Finally it also explored the possible contribution of geospatial technology to participatory resource management. Overall this study provides contextual information on the resource management problem in
Chilika. Further, this information can be used to determine whether PPGIS is likely to be useful in Chilika and then develop the most appropriate form of PPGIS for the area which is most likely to succeed in getting reasonable social and ecological outcomes.
This chapter details the types of methods used, phases of the research, the household survey and focus group participant selection and also provides a discussion of the research methodology adapted for the research design.
3.2 Research Methods
In order to examine extent and severity of the resource use problems and management issues in Chilika, a number of carefully selected data collection techniques drawing upon multiple data sources have been utilized in this research as described below. A
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multi-method approach was used in order to triangulate between findings and to make use of the advantages of different techniques.
The literature review (Chapter 2.2) revealed that in many NRM contexts, conflict over resource use and allocation is a major issue and has implications for the sustainability of resource management (cf. Cocks et al 2001, Islam 2007, Suarez et al 2009). Thus it is essential to think about the resource use related conflict and resolution of those conflicts at the regional level. Consequently many aspects of data collection are centred on understanding conflict in Chilika.
Data collection was conducted as a three phase process: development of data collection instruments; pilot study and reconnaissance trip; and final data collection. Each of these phases is described below. Fieldwork was carried out by the researcher herself, two scientists from ORSAC, Bhubaneswar, and two field-assistants during the preliminary scoping investigation. But in the later stage, i.e., during final field work, only the researcher herself and two field-assistants from the local area were available. The preliminary scoping investigation was carried out during the months of January-
February 2007 and final field work was carried out from mid-February to mid-June
2008. During that time the researcher stayed in the study area and also travelled to speak with the local officials to collect information.
3.2.1 Development of Data Collection Instruments
The first phase of data collection involved constructing instruments to guide the data collection process. A preliminary version of each instrument was developed before any visits were made to the field. Three different data collection instruments were developed. Each of these instruments collected information that is the key to meet the
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aims of this research. The three components are described in Table 3.1 below.
Table 3-1 Description of Data Collection Instruments Collection Appendix Data Themes (RQ to which data are relevant) Method Respondent’s socio-economic back- ground (RQ 2) Dependency level on the lagoon resource (RQ 2) Household Changing resource management and im- Appendix A plication (RQ 1) Survey Awareness of rules and regulations (RQ 2) Conflict level and intensity (RQ 1 & RQ 2)
To find out about problems and disputes Focus Group among the villagers; between villagers Appendix B Script and outsiders and also between locals and government. (RQ 1 & RQ 2)
Information related to the rules and regu- lations applying to resource management in the area (RQ 1) Lease agreements and policies (RQ 1) Shape and geographical position of the lagoon (RQ 1 & RQ 2) Archival Resource bases (fish landing statistics, Appendix C resource availability) of the lagoon (RQ 1 Research & RQ 2) Resource depletion during last ten years (RQ 2) Census data for the area (RQ 1 & RQ 2) Media coverage on conflict issues. (RQ 2)
3.2.1.1 Household Survey
The household survey collected basic information about respondents. It includes general questions focusing on the socio-economic status of the respondent (Q1-Q9). This
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information helped to describe the social characteristics and basic needs of the local people as well as their expectations of the Chilika resource base. Questions 10-14 quantify the level of dependence of the respondent’s household on the lagoon’s resources. This is necessary in order to analyse the impact of the dependency on the resource base and also provide the scope to think of substitutes which can fulfil the needs of local populations without over-exploiting the lagoon resources. Questions 15 to 22 help to describe the level of awareness of local population about resource management rules and regulations. This helps to formulate the tool which would be suitable for both the poor illiterate or learned people. Questions 23 to 32 quantify participation in unsustainable practices and encroachment carried out in the area as well as describing resource-driven conflict in the area. This information can help to guide efforts directed at Chilika conflict resolution both at local and the managerial level, besides helps to facilitate public participation in the management process. Question 33 quantifies the economic status of the household respondents. This information can inform attempts to develop alternative sources of income that may simultaneously improve local livelihood and reduce pressure on the resource base. Together, the information collected in the household survey describes resource use practices, problems and resource user groups.
3.2.1.2 Focus Group Script
In a focus group, participants discuss topics in a group setting, with guidance from the initiator or the researcher. The focus groups used in this research aimed to collect in- formation on community attitudes towards resource use and management issues. Topics that were identified for discussion in the focus groups included the common interests of different lagoon stakeholders, their perceptions of government rules and management
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policies, and the impacts of these policies on their lives and livelihoods. Focus group responses describe how changing resource management policies have impacts upon the livelihoods of local resource users (RQ 1). These responses highlights the specific changes that have allowed local population to overuse and/or practicing unsustainable resource use in Chilika which results in resource use conflicts in the area.
3.2.2 Reconnaissance Trip and Pilot Study
A reconnaissance trip was undertaken in January 2007 to gather preliminary information on the study site, to select case study villages for further data collection, and to pilot test the data collection instruments. The total population in the area surrounding Chilika Lake exceeds 100,000 residents living in 273 villages (Pattanaik
2007). Because this is too large for an exhaustive census, three villages were purposively selected to provide examples of villages that varied along two dimensions: level of resource dependency and the level of conflict occurring in the village.
3.2.2.1 Selection of the Case Study Villages
The case study villages were selected primarily on the basis of discussions with local informants (Chilika Development Agency personnel, Directorate of Fishery personnel, local village heads, and fisherfolk from a local fish go-down) undertaken during the reconnaissance trip. As required by the university ethics clearance, neither villages nor respondents are identified by name in order to protect respondents’ confidentiality.
Village names are not identified because the small size of some villages might allow the identification of particular respondents based on their responses and socio-demographic characteristics such as gender and occupation.
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One key informant5 mentioned that villagers in the south-eastern part of the lagoon would be uncooperative in providing any information about Chilika and its resources and thus should be avoided. This conversation prompted a visit to this area during the reconnaissance trip. During the visit it became apparent that the villagers in this south- eastern sector were experiencing life-threatening ramifications of changing resource management policies. Additionally, the geographical position of the villages in this area directly affects the ease with which villagers can access the fisheries resources, with negative impacts on their livelihoods. Furthermore, the intensity of resource-related conflict is at its most extreme in this area. This made selecting one of the villages in this area an obvious choice.
The other two villages were also selected on the basis of the level of dependency of their households6 on the lagoon’s resources and the level of conflict intensity in the village. In addition to obtaining information about villages B and C from key informants, a physical visit was made to investigate the real situation on the ground at each site. From these visits, it was apparent that village B was located adjacent to the central sector of the lagoon and home to both fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk. Village B’s residents, in contrast to village A’s, include members of all castes, including traditional fisherfolk. Upper-caste residents are the dominant group and they develop rules and enforce them. The fisherfolk of the village were found to be negatively affected by these rules and there was evidence of conflict between the villagers (fisherfolk and non- fisherfolk) over fisheries resource use. It was observed that there were several fishing
5 The name of the informant and the organization is deliberately withheld to avoid the disclosure of the study village’s identity. 6 To avoid the disclosure of the village names the total number of households in this village has been withheld as an examination of Census records would allow identification of the village. 96 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
sites that had been converted to aquaculture ponds that although they were owned by non-fisherfolk, was claimed to be a part of the fisherfolk’s lease area. The conflict among the villagers was less than the high level of conflict in village A. Thus this site was selected as the second case study village.
Finally, during the reconnaissance trip to village C, which is adjacent to the lagoon’s northern sector, it was observed that this is a community in which villagers are not generally dependent on the lagoon’s resources. Although a few Scheduled Caste7 people live in or around village C, they are generally not involved in fishing activities. Most of the villagers are engaged in business. Residents also include government employees, farmers and several other occupational groups like shopkeepers, businessmen, teachers, lecturers, postmen, milkmen, tailors, and priests. From speaking to residents, there was little evidence of conflict in the village. Therefore due to the low levels of dependence on Chilika’s fisheries resources and the low levels of conflict present in the area, this village was selected as the third case study village.
3.2.2.2 Description of the Case Study Villages
Village A, located in the southern sector of the lagoon, is a fishing community that is almost totally dependent on the lagoon’s resources for its livelihood. About 96% of the total households in village A are fisherfolk. These individuals are normally members of the Scheduled Caste, and only 4% are not directly involved in fishing activities.
7 The Scheduled Caste communities in India comprise a group of people who have historically experienced discrimination derived from Hindu religious principles. After India‘s independence in 1947, discrimination was outlawed in the Constitution and a program of affirmative action was begun to aid Scheduled Caste individuals. This affirmative action has taken multiple forms, including the provision of free education, quotas for university places and administrative (government) jobs, but not extends to preferential access to natural resources. At Chilika Lake a history of community access to the lagoon’s fish, along with the status of fishing as a low-caste occupation has historically provided local members of the Scheduled Castes with access to fish.
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Moreover, the field visit showed that the non-fishing families also earn their livelihood from the lagoon (they are boat-men). Village B, located adjacent to the central sector of the lagoon, is partially dependent on the lagoon‘s resources, as 51% of the total households are involved in fishing. In village B about 49% of the households are doing activities other than fishing, such as: boat making, farming, government / non- government jobs, or business. Village C, adjacent to the lagoon’s northern sector, is a community in which villagers are not generally dependent on the lagoon’s resources. In this village only 28% of the households are members of the fishing community but the fieldtrip results find out that these fishing communities are not currently actively involved in fishing activities. Presently they are involved in small scale industries
(making incense-sticks, preparing preservative food for sale), employed as daily-wage labourers or, among those who are well-educated and employed in a government jobs.
Although the levels of conflict in villages A and B are similar, the proportion of inside versus outside encroachers (i.e., the source of the encroachers) is different (Table 3.2).
In village A, 5% believed there were local encroachers (from their own village), 65% believed there were no local encroachers, and 30% were unsure. In village B, 28% of respondents agreed that outsiders encroach on their lease areas, but 43% of respondents disagreed. About one-third of respondents were not aware of encroachment issues.
However, when asked about inside encroachers, 33% of respondents agreed that encroachment occurs. Although 22 individuals did not agree that inside encroachment occurs, all of the 22 ‘no’ respondents were non-fisherfolk. According to traditional fisherfolk in village B, non-fisherfolk residents of village B are the primary source of encroachers. The traditional fisherfolk in village B complained that the village management committees do not respond to them and that upper caste people from their own village encroach on their lease areas to develop aquaculture. This is in contrast to 98 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
village A, where encroachment is carried out primarily by outsiders. Some traditional fisherfolk voiced the opinion that by allowing non-fisherfolk fishing rights, the State
Government indirectly promotes illegal aquaculture. In village C, villagers agree that encroachment is not common, irrespective of the origins of the encroachers.
Table 3-2 Justifying Case Study Village Selection Criteria
Percent of Percent of Percent of Respondents Respondents Fishing Respondents who Village Reporting Reporting HH (%) Noted Conflict in Inside Outside their Village Encroachment Encroachment
A 96 70 5 65
B 51 60 33 28
C 28 33 15 17
(Source: survey questionnaire)
Fishing HH Statistics was derived from Census 2001; conflict statistics were derived from the household survey (Q30-32). Level of conflict is measured by number of reports of encroachment (by outsiders or the villagers of the same village), while level of dependency is measured by presence of active fisherfolk in the area.
So in brief, the study sites do represent communities that fall along different points of the lagoon resource dependency (most dependent- village A, medium dependent – village B and least dependent – village C) and conflict intensity (most conflict area – village A, medium conflict area – village B and least conflict area– village C) spectra.
3.2.2.3 Testing the Data Collection Instruments
The pilot study was designed to evaluate the data collection instruments and determine 99 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
whether any questions were missing or needed to be rephrased, or whether any procedures needed to be changed. During the pilot study, the semi-structured household survey questionnaire was field-tested and a trial run of the focus group was carried out in each of the three villages. Both of these instruments were approved by the Ethics
Committee at the University of New South Wales (UNSW@ADFA) prior to their use in the pilot study.
Household Survey Questionnaire Testing
A transect walk was carried out in each of the three villages to select respondents for the household survey pilot. Ten respondents in each of the three villages answered the questionnaire. While administering the questionnaire, it became clear that although the respondents were answering the questions freely, their answers were biased by those of other respondents. Some of the respondents tried to repeat what others had already responded by observing their neighbours’ responses to the questions while the survey was being administered. The pilot study also revealed that the questionnaire was not collecting some needed information. For example, although there was a question related to whether or not the respondent used destructive resource utilization practices, the questionnaire did not collect details on the type of the destructive resource utilization practices the respondent participated in. The questionnaire also did not gather information about why respondents were using those methods or what led them to employ such unsustainable practices. A second example of a modified question related to whether there were an increasing or decreasing numbers of encroachers in the village.
Although the pilot version of the questionnaire had a question that asked whether there were increasing or decreasing numbers of encroachers, it did not clearly indicate the time period the question was asking about. This was clarified in the final version of the
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questionnaire.
To avoid the potential for respondents being biased by the answers of other respondents, in the final deployment of the survey, respondents were selected randomly rather than from along a transect. To overcome the problems with the missing information the two questions mentioned above (Q23 and Q29 – Appendix A) were modified. In the en- croachment related part of the questionnaire, questions relating to the type and cause of encroachment were included. An additional question that asked about the intensity of encroachment practices over a specific time period was added. After incorporating these modifications in the questionnaire, it was deemed more comprehensible to respondents as well as more specific, collecting most of the information required for the study. In order to further verify the reliability of individual responses to the questionnaire, some overlap between questionnaire and focus group respondents was also intentionally in- troduced in the final deployment of the survey and focus groups (Table 3.5).
Focus Group Script Testing
The focus groups were intended to help generate an understanding of resource use, management impacts on the resource base and livelihoods, user groups’ perceptions and attitudes towards the lagoon’s resources and also to collect information on resource use conflict. Participants in the focus groups included politicians, fisherfolk, non-fisherfolk, government officials (both local and state level), staff from several NGOs, and other stakeholders who draw upon the lagoon’s resources either directly or indirectly. For the pilot test, a group of people was selected from village market areas, common gathering places and parks. Some of the households who had already been surveyed in the ques- tionnaire were also asked to participate in the focus group discussion. A school campus, community area and parks were chosen as locations for holding the focus groups. The
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discussions were recorded and photographs were taken during the discussion. The focus groups were approximately two hours long and were based on a predefined script.
During the focus group discussions it was clear that some members of the group were not fully participating in the discussion whereas others, such as the village head, politi- cal leaders and wealthier residents dominated the total discussion. Therefore, at the end of the each discussion topic, the opinions from other participants were deliberately soli- cited and they were allowed to speak freely without interference from the dominating participants. In particular, the focus group in village A was dominated by the village head and the political representative whereas the poor fisherfolk were observed to sit silently. In village B and village C, the discussion was dominated by non-fisherfolk and, because of their small numbers, the fisherfolk participants did not try to initiate any of the discussion. Thus, care was taken to allow each of the participants to speak at least to some extent and add their opinions on the topic at hand.
3.2.3 Final Phase of Data Collection
Once the case study villages were selected and the data collection instruments were finalized, the final phase of the data collection was carried out.
3.2.3.1 Questionnaire Deployment
At the beginning of the household questionnaire deployment, respondents were asked to read a participant information sheet that clearly mentioned the purpose of the data collection, time required for participation and the process of data collection and gave signed consent to participate in this research. The form was read aloud to any non- literate participants, who indicated their consent with a thumbprint. This same informed consent procedure was carried out for the focus group.
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The household survey was conducted in each of the three case study villages using the semi-structured, standardized questionnaire (see Appendix A) that was field tested during the pilot study and was subsequently improved before final deployment. Within each village, forty household interviews were conducted. The respondents included approximately 26% of the total number of households in village A and 14% of households in the other two villages. In contrast to villages B and C, village A is a small village with around 150 households and thus the sample of forty households covered a bigger percentage of the community in the survey. On the other hand, both villages B and C are larger villages, with a higher number of households (around 250 to 300 in each) and a smaller percentage of households were surveyed. Although it would have been ideal to survey 26% of households in each village, due to the larger sizes of villages B and C, and given time constraints and limited financial resources, a sample size of 40 was deemed sufficient for each village.
The interviews were carried out with the household head, the income-earning member who collects and/or gathers resources from the lagoon. In the absence of the household head, another adult member of the household was used as the respondent. In selecting survey respondents, a stratified random sampling method was used. Respondents were stratified by gender and by whether they were fisherfolk or non-fisherfolk. Though the number of male and female respondents was not the same size, an attempt was made to include as many females in the sample as possible (Table 3.3). In each of the three villages, the respondent (female respondents in particular) responded differently. During the household surveys, female respondents in village A were reluctant to speak and they were hesitant to talk to the survey administrator. In the absence of their male household member, they often refused to talk to strangers. Thus the number of female respondents in village A was only 13 out of 40 respondents. Village B’s respondents, in contrast to 103 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
village A, are more outspoken (particularly the female respondents) and were more cooperative as they found the survey administrator herself is a female from same language background. Thus the proportion of female to male respondents was higher in this village. The scenario was different again in case of village C, where the male members were often away working (the surveys carried out during working hours).
Therefore, females were often the only adult household members available to respond to the survey. To improve the male to female ratio, some of the interviews were carried out over the weekend8, increasing the number of male respondents to in village C. Most of the respondents’ ages are between 20 and 60 as this is the population that is typically working. This is the age group that is also most likely to have direct knowledge of resource use in the lagoon.
Table 3-3 Household Respondent Characteristics by Village
Age
Village Male (#) Female (#) Non- Total Fishing (#) 20-39 40-59 60+ fishing (#) Respondent
A 27 13 37 3 22 14 4 40
B 22 18 9 31 16 21 3 40
C 19 21 1 39 31 8 1 40
(Source: survey questionnaire)
The questionnaire was translated into and carried out in Oriya (the local language) and the responses audio recorded in Oriya. As the researcher herself is a native speaker of
Oriya, language was not a problem during the questionnaire deployment.
8 In India, except for a few software companies, the weekend is only considered to be Sunday as Saturday is considered to be a working day. 104 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
3.2.3.2 Focus Group
Six focus group discussions were conducted (two in each village) using the pilot tested focus group script. Participants included politicians, traditional fisherfolk, non- fisherfolk, government officials (both local and state level), and staff from several
NGOs in each of the villages. The discussions solicited participants’ opinions and knowledge about the lagoon’s resources, perceptions of government rules and management policies, and the impacts of these policies on their lives and livelihoods.
The discussions were carried out in different places in different villages (fishing ground
– village A, school campus – village B and community hall – village C).
In village A, much of the discussion was carried out by the members of the NGOs and the village head as well as the politicians. Although some of the traditional fisherfolk raised their voices in the middle of the discussion by expressing their interests, they seemed somewhat intimidated in front of members of elite groups. Thus, at the end of each discussion topic, the researcher intentionally asked about each individual’s particu- lar opinion on the topic at hand, and allowed them to speak without any interference from other participants.
In village B, the discussions were dominated by the non-fisher group. Early on in the session, there were several arguments that occurred between these groups (traditional fisher vs. non-fisher groups). At the request of the interviewer and the village head, this behavior was proscribed. Thereafter, care was taken to allow each of the groups to con- tribute their own opinions about the topic at hand while others were asked not to inter- rupt the discussion. This allowed members of each of the group to speak to each topic on the script for at least for some length of time.
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In village C the debate was dominated by non-fisherfolk and the traditional fisherfolk were not inclined to participate. The majority of the discussions had the same outcomes from these two groups (traditional fisher and non-fisher). In other words, there was little difference of opinion observed between the two groups. Nevertheless, care was taken to allow each of the members to speak at least to some extent and contribute their opinions on each discussion topic. The characteristics of the focus group participants are shown in Table 3.5.
Table 3-4 Focus Group Respondents’ Characteristics
Persons taking who Focus Non- Traditional Village Male (#) Female (#) also took part Total Group Fisherfolk (#) Fisherfolk (#) in the questionnaire A 16 4 0 18 9 20 FG 1 B 12 9 16 5 7 21 C 11 13 21 3 10 24 A 16 5 0 21 11 21 FG 2 B 14 11 18 7 13 25 C 9 13 20 2 14 22
(Source: survey questionnaire)
All these discussions were around two hours long, and were audio recorded and photographed.
3.2.3.3 Field Observations
Direct observations made during field work can also help researchers to understand the true situation on the ground and define more clearly the causes and effects of particular events in the study area (e.g., human interventions, natural changes in the environment,
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changing management systems and so on) (Shahajahan 2008). During field work, this method was also employed. Informal visits to the fish landing site near Balugoun, to the old lagoon mouth (opening) near Arakhakuda and the new lagoon mouth near Satapada were undertaken to experience the impacts of changing management practices on the lagoon’s ecology. For example, at the mouth it was possible to confirm that the new mouth was expanding rapidly as stated by focus group and survey respondents, leading to increasing salinity levels in the lagoon. Due to the high tide entering the lagoon from the straight cut new mouth, nearby villages have been exposed to flood and saline water intrusion into agricultural fields. At the fish landing site near Kalupada ghata, many of the traditional fisherfolk were carrying fewer than 10kg of fish, whereas the villagers from non-fishing backgrounds caught between 80 and 90 kgs of fish. Relevant photos were also taken to document these observations.
3.2.3.4 Archival Research
After collecting data from the questionnaire and focus groups, it was evident that there were still some gaps in providing a comprehensive understanding Chilika’s resource use and management. Much of the missing information related to historical and current management policies, the history of the resource’s degradation, and evidence of criminal activity. Respondents could not provide precise figures on past and present resource landings, the exact area of the leases, or lease policy information. Other necessary information included stock mapping and information on lagoon characteristics, geomorphology, and salinity. This information was therefore collected from archival sources.
Archival research was conducted by collecting documents from both government and non-government organizations. These are the Department of Fishery, Department of
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Tourism, Survey of India, State Archive, Department of Information and Technology,
Orissa Remote Sensing Application Centre (ORSAC). The archival research included visits to industries situated nearby the study area that depend on the lagoon’s resources, where original documents were collected and photocopied. To supplement the information from other sources (Chilika Development Authority, National Informatics
Centre, Canadian International Development Agency) the research also included analysis of some policy documents collected from Directorate of Fishery. These documents provide information on social, legal and institutional aspects of the Chilika
Lake and the surrounding area. Some policy documents from the government (Matsya
Sadan9), previous study reports, plans and strategies in Chilika were also gathered and photocopied from the originals. A full list of the organizations that were contacted during the archival research appears in Appendix C.
Media Report:
This research also utilized media reports, particularly those from local newspapers as a valuable data source for Chilika related issues. Articles that were collected discuss topics such as: the outcomes of government intervention such as opening the new lagoon mouth, the latest scenario of management impacts on the socio-economy of local people, conflict and unrest in the area, bans on some fishing sites and their impacts on local populations, and floods in nearby areas (near the new mouth). These articles provided contextual information that could be compared with the situation on the ground as observed during the field work. Data collection through newspaper clippings was carried out both during the field trip and by continuous monitoring of the e-
9 Matsya Sadan is the Orissa State Fishermen’s Cooperative Federation, located at Bhubaneswar, Orissa. It is known by the local term Matsya, meaning fishery, and Sadan, meaning center. 108 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
newspapers through the internet.
3.3 Analysis
Analysing the research data involved several steps described below. After the final phase of data collection, all qualitative as well as quantitative data collected from different sources were analysed by using different tools outlined below.
3.3.1 Data Processing
After fieldwork, measures were taken to record the collected information accurately in electronic format and care was taken to transfer all the information without error.
During the process first of all the audio records were transcribed and translated and word documents containing the transcripts were produced. All the quantitative data collected from the questionnaire and focus groups were identified from the transcripts and entered to different Excel sheets (HH and FG). Each participant in the transcript was given respondent code (Table 3.5). Finally, all information was cross-checked with the audio recordings and any missing values were entered into the spreadsheets.
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Table 3-5 Respondent Code Respondent ID Village Description of the Respondent FA1 A A traditional fisherman FA2 A A traditional fisherman FA3 A A traditional fisherwoman FA4 A A traditional fisherman FB1 B A traditional fisherwoman FB2 B A traditional fisherman FG FB3 B A traditional fisherwoman FB4 B A new-fisherman FB5 B A new-fisherman FC1 C A new-fisherman FC2 C Business man FC3 C A local leader FC4 C A postman SA 1 A A widow of a traditional fisherman SA 2 A A traditional fisherman SA 3 A A traditional fisherman SA 4 A A traditional fisherman SA 5 A A traditional fisherman SA 6 A A traditional fisherman SA 7 A A traditional fisherman SA 8 A A traditional fisherman HH SA 9 A A traditional fisherman SA 10 A A traditional fisherman SB 1 B A traditional fisherman SB 2 B A traditional fisherman SB 3 B A traditional fisherman SB 4 B A traditional fisherman SB 5 B A traditional fisherman SB 6 B A traditional fisherwoman
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Respondent ID Village Description of the Respondent SB 7 B A traditional fisherwoman SB 8 B A traditional fisherwoman SC 1 C A postman
SC 2 C A businessman SC 3 C A tailor SC 4 C A local leader
3.3.2 Excel Spreadsheet (Descriptive Statistical Analysis)
Spreadsheet analysis involved creating custom tables and statistical graphics from the larger dataset created from the interviews and focus groups. Custom tables include those that organised responses by age, occupation, conflict intensity and economic structure.
Each table compiled information for each site (villages A-C), allowing the comparison of responses from the different sites.
Spreadsheets were also used to compile a profile of each village, providing a clear picture of demography of the three villages. The village profiles include the following information compiled from different sources, as described in Table 3.6.
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Table 3-6 Village Profile
Profile Data Element Source Number of Male /Female Tribe Census Data (2001 Statistical Population Literates Handbook) Workers Non-workers Traditional Fishermen Household Census Data (2001 Statistical Occupational Group Farmer Household Handbook) Salt Producers Household Boatmen Households Small Industrial Employees National Information Centre, House holds Bhubaneswar Other Households Number of Households Scheduled Tribe (ST) (by Caste) Scheduled Caste (SC) Census Data (2001 Statistical Other backward Caste (OBC) Handbook) Others Land use Type Presence of Farming Land Field Observation Other Land use types Cropping Pattern Major / Minor Kharif Household Questionnaire Winter Crop (Q 33) Summer Crop Vegetables Community Land Fish Pond Types Farming Land Household Questionnaire (Q Religious Land 12 - 15) Encroached Land Population Growth 1985 National Information Centre, 1995 Bhubaneswar 2005 Facilities and Services Primary Education Available Secondary Education College Public Health Centre Market Field Observation Bank Cooperatives Bus Stop Railway Station Community Based Name Organization Objectives Function and Activities Field Observation Operational Methods Expected Outcomes
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3.3.3 GIS Analysis
ArcGIS 9.2 was used to develop several thematic maps of the Chilika region. Map top- ics included: Index Map, Topography, Drainage, Bathymetry, Climate, Geomorpholo- gy, and Tourist Map. One analytical map, a land use change map that shows the conver- sion of agricultural land to aquaculture ponds was also developed using ArcGIS 9.2.
For developing this land use change map, two land use data sets obtained from ORSAC
(Orissa Remote Sensing Application Centre) from the years 1994 and 2004 were com- pared. ORSAC constructed the land use maps from Landsat Imagery. A vector to raster conversion was done to compare the changes. The new raster had a cell size of 100 x
100 meters. Then new binary maps that depicted a single land use class (agriculture and aquaculture; one map each) were created for each year. Then Boolean analyses were carried out to identify areas of change in both agriculture and aquaculture between the two years. Locations that transitioned from agriculture in 1994 to some other land use type in 2004 were also identified and the total area that transitioned from agriculture to each other land use type was calculated land. Finally an analytical map summarizing these changes was developed.
3.4 Limitations of the Study Design
Studying resource use and management in a place such as Chilika Lake is a complex task, particularly because of the diversity of resource use stakeholder groups and their different perspectives. Furthermore, the sensitivity of the research topic, such as its en- gagement with topics such as conflict and resource management information, made it more difficult to get legitimate information from many informants. At times, access to the case study villages was complicated by civil unrest in the area. During the whole process it was difficult to get information from or even an appointment with govern- 113 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
ment officials. Several government organizations, such as the Naval Training Academy refused to provide information to an ‘international researcher’, although the researcher is an Indian citizen. However, with some persistence, relevant data were eventually lo- cated from alternate sources.
During the survey questionnaire deployment some of the respondents were hesitant to participate or have their photographs taken. They did not want to let the influential people (mafia, politicians) know what they mentioned regarding the mismanagement in the area. So it was a hard and frustrating job for the questionnaire administrator and also took lots of time to convince them that they would be protected by procedures pro- scribed by the ethics clearance. Some were eventually convinced, while others declined to participate.
Due to the large size of the area it was also not possible to visit each community in the
Chilika area and properly analyse the situation on the ground in places outside the three case study villages. For that specific information, the research relies on the archival in- formation. The questionnaire was deployed in the peak of summer when the maximum temperature was between 40 and 45 degrees, limiting accommodation options for the researchers in the area. This created constraints such as not being able to approach po- tential respondents at night, or observing the fishing sites during night to observe (illeg- al) night fishing.
3.4.1 Constraints in Choice of Methodology
The purpose of this research was to determine the potential for employing a PPGIS prototype in the fishery resource management sector in Chilika. The research did not employ Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) during the field work. While there are some advantages of doing PRA when the study aims to be participatory (e.g., to 114 Chapter 3 –Research Design and Methodology
encourage the public to participate in further implementation processes, reduce the struggle to get information available locally, update the researcher with accurate and timely issues and instances related to research), in this particular piece of work due to limited resources (funding), time constraints and number of researchers, PRA was not considered a viable methodological option. The level of research funding available was not sufficient to allow a group of academics to travel and stay in the field for a reasonable time. Therefore the team involved in the field work was just the researcher herself and two local staff that helped to take photographs and record the audio interviews. Although in the first phase, local informants (two scientists from ORSAC) helped to conduct the preliminary work, due to resource constraints it was not possible for the researchers to organize their stay in the nearby study area for the final fieldwork period.
Several questionnaires were deployed during the absence of the household head or the income-earning member of the family. This was because the interview was carried out during working hours and during that time it was not possible to achieve the participation of all the community in the interview. Staying overnight in rural areas where there were no accommodation facilities became an obstacle for the researcher.
Nevertheless, care was been taken to arrange the focus groups at times when most of the people were available.
3.5 Summary
This chapter discussed the methods used to undertake the study on natural resource use and social interactions in Chilika and its surroundings. Furthermore, by providing the information on the resource management problem in Chilika this helps to determine the applicability of PPGIS in Chilika. Afterwards this also helps to develop the most
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appropriate form of PPGIS for the area which can get success in receiving good social and ecological outcomes. A prerequisite for developing a PPGIS is this foundational data. One goal of this research is to develop information that captures several key aspects of Chilika’s resource use and management, observing the present condition of the resources, peoples’ perceptions and attitudes, and present planning policies. The subsequent chapter provides an overview of the study area based on information gathered from this fieldwork. The present problem scenarios in the area and management constraints in Chilika are also highlighted in Chapter 4.
116 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
CHAPTER 4 -An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resource
Management Problems
4.1 Overview
Chilika Lake in Orissa, India, is one of the largest brackish water ecosystems in south- east Asia. It is situated along the east coast of India and is well known for its rich fisheries resources and is considered to be an important biological asset of the country
(Figure 4.1).
Figure 4-1 Index Map of Chilika Lake
(Data source: ORSAC)
Recent research shows that the fisheries in Chilika Lake are in a critical state (Sekhar
117 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
2004). As a result of fishery resource degradation, communities living around the lagoon have a high incidence of poverty as many of their members are marginal fisherfolk, who depend heavily on the lagoon for their livelihood. Aside from the management of fishery, other natural resources such as water quality, bird ecology and scenic beauty need attention. Integrating these concerns can be done through the implementation of an ecosystem-based fisheries management system that elicits the traditional fishing community’s participation. Sekhar (2004) notes the importance of securing the participation of local traditional fisherfolk communities for sustainably using the lagoon’s resources. He argues that giving official or formal sanction to community access and user rights is essential for successful management of fisheries resources in the lagoon area.
In order to devise tools and technologies that can facilitate the participation of local communities in resource management, it is essential to understand the present condition of the study area. This chapter outlines the study area, describing the ecosystem’s origin, physical, environmental and socio-demographic features.
4.2 Origins of the Lagoon
There are various schools of thought regarding the origins of Chilika Lake. One the- ory holds that the lagoon originated due to elevation of its bed through deposition of silt brought by the rivers and the low-mud flats that pushed their way south ward from the mouth of these rivers and extended over the whole lagoon (CDA 1998). A compet- ing hypothesis, reported by Blanfoard (1872) in his book entitled Sketch of the Geol- ogy of Orissa, asserted that the lagoon was a part of the sea. At an early stage it be- came shallow due to aeolian deposition of silt carried up the bay from around the hills near Ganjam (Figure 4.2) by the violent southerly winds of the monsoon. It was then 118 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
entirely cut-off by a spit, formed by sand that drifted along the coast afterwards
(Kumar et al 1997).
According to Venkatarathnam (1970), shells from the steep cliff facing the sea at Palur hill (located in the southern zone of the lagoon) and the shell bed of Ostrea Virginiana found in the coarse sediments and the corals at Ghantasila hills have been dated at
3,750 ± 200 B.P. This is the time when the sea is presumed to have attained its present level. At the time of coastal transgression, the entire lagoon must have become a bay with a wide mouth, limited by the Palur hill in the south. Because of the northward long-shore littoral drift and wave action, spit building might have started and it might have gradually proceeded towards north leading to formation of the bar and embay- ment. Continuous deposition of sediments through the Mahanadi distributaries on the one hand and piling of sediments due to littoral drift by tidal action on the other hand could have helped in closing the bay to attain its present pear-shaped configuration.
4.2.1 Prosperous Cultural Heritage of Chilika
Chilika’s cultural heritage has been discussed in a number of secular works of literature like the Puranas, the Epics, and the Vedas. Chilika had a successful trade history from the coast of Orissa with China, Southeast Asia and the Roman world, with evidence that people visited the lagoon as early as the Neolithic and Chalcolithic period (Joshi 2008).
Mentioned by Greek geographer Ptolmey, Palur was an important port of Kalinga (past name of Orissa). From Palur ships used to sail directly for Java, Malaya and Ceylon, including different parts of south-east Asia. The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang recorded the Chilika Port as a flourishing port. Manikapatna in Chilika has yielded pottery of both indigenous and foreign origin, which shows that there was regular trade between
Orissa and the Mediterranean world. Marine archaeological studies on the Orissa coast
119 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
also cited that Chilika Lake used to be valuable port and famous trading point, and was a the trading centre of Southeast Asian countries and other parts of the world (Rout &
Tripati 1993).
Figure 4-2 Local Topographic Features near Chilika Lake
(Data source: CDA)
4.3 Physical and Environmental Features
Chilika’s ecosystem is unique compared to other wetlands throughout India. Because of its position near the sea, there is mixing of freshwater and saline water, which is responsible for its brackish water environment. Some of its special features, like brackish-water environment and unique bio-diversity concentration, make it especially
120 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
important and valuable to the country. Its geographical location is one driving factor behind its development of this uniqueness.
4.3.1 Geographical Position
Chilika Lake is situated on the east coast of Indian sub-continent and is connected with the Bay of Bengal (Figure 4.1). The lagoon is situated between 19 28 and 19 54 north latitudes 85 05 and 85 38 east longitudes, covering an area of 1165 sq. km, with an average length of about 64 km and an average width of 13.5 km. Puri, Khurda and Ganjam districts of Orissa surround the lagoon (Figure 4.2). The main axis of the lagoon is from southwest to northeast. It is parallel to the coastline, having a maximum width in the Puri and Khurda Districts. It is bordered by the Eastern Ghats, National
Highway No-5 and Howrah-Chennaie Railway line on its western side and the Bay of
Bengal on its eastern side. Major towns that lie near the lagoon area are Balugoun,
Chilika, Khalikote, Rambha and Ganjam (Kumar et al 1997). Excluding its geographi- cal position, another major factor that gives the lagoon a unique value is its topography that is discussed in the next section.
4.3.2 Topography
Chilika Lake has an area of approximately 906 sq km in summer and 1,165 sq km in the rainy seasons (CDA 2005). A 35 km long channel, called the outer channel, con- nects it with the sea (Figure 4.3). It receives fresh water from the river Daya, one of the deltaic branches of the river Mahanadi, and from several small local streams and channels (nalas). At the western side, the lagoon is embraced by a group of hillocks – a portion of the Eastern Ghats, locally known as Dipa Mundia, Kalijugeswara, Manmu
Bhanaja, Solari, Bhaleri, Jatia and Ghantasila. The lagoon has been divided into four
121 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
natural sectors based on salinity and depth (Figure 4.3): the Northern Sector, Southern
Sector, Central Sector and Outer Channel (Ghosh & Pattnaik 2005).
Figure 4-3 Natural Sectors (Salinity Levels) of Chilika Lake with Drainage
(After Ghosh & Pattnaik 2005)
The northern sector is the widest portion of the lagoon, with an average width of near
15 km. There is a significant inflow of water into the lagoon in the rainy seasons through the river Daya and the river Bhargavi along this side of the lagoon. As these two rivers continuously deliver sediment into the lagoon from the uplands, this part of the lagoon has been comparatively silted-up. The average depth of the lagoon in this region varies from 0.5 to 1 meter, increasing to 1.5 to 2 meters during the rainy season
122 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
(Balachandran et al 2005). The southern sector has a narrow stretch, the width of which varies from 3 to 5 meters in summer. In the dry season, when the water level is at its lowest, its depth rarely exceeds 2.5 meters. In the summer, the deepest portion of the lagoon is around the Kalijai hills (Figure 4.4). Here, the average depth is 3 meters in summer.
Figure 4-4 Chilika Bathymetry
(Data source: CDA)
The outer channel zone, which connects the main water body of the lagoon with the sea, begins from the Magarmukh, a place near the village Satapada. This outer channel zone is a zig-zagging, deep channel. The channel divides into two branches near Satapada.
One of these branches runs continuously and meets the main water body at Magarmukh and the other merges in a network of swamps and narrow waterways. The Magarmukh area is the deepest in the lagoon, having an average depth of 4 to 5 meters during the
123 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
months of May and June (CDA 1998).
4.3.3 Climate
The lagoon’s catchment enjoys a tropical climate with an average annual maximum temperature of 39.9 °C and a minimum of 14 °C (Chilika Development Authority
2005). The lagoon experiences two rainy seasons as a result of south-west and north- east monsoons during June to September and November to December, respectively. In the inland hilly tract, the climate is comparatively drier, with higher temperatures during the hot months and slightly cooler temperatures in winter. December to
February is the winter season, which is followed by the hot season from March to May.
The period from June to September is the main monsoon season, while October and early November are post-monsoon transition months.
The average rainfall in the catchment is over 1200 mm, with 72 rainy days (CDA
2005). Rainfall generally decreases from the northeast to the southwest. The monsoon starts by about the second week of June and withdraws early in October (Figure 4.5).
About 75% of the annual rainfall is received during the monsoon months from June to
September (CDA 1998). The wind speed is high from March to July and low during the winter season. The winds mostly come from the north or north-easterly directions although during monsoon months they come from the southerly and south-westerly directions due the influence of the south-west monsoon. Monsoon wind speeds vary from 5.3 to 16.0 km/hr (CDA 1998).
124 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Figure 4-5 Indian Monsoon
(Data source: Regional Meteorological Centre Mumbai, Indian Meteorological Department)
4.3.4 Geomorphology
Diversified landforms exist around the lagoon. The land to the northeast and east of the lagoon is low-lying plain, while rocky projections lie along its northwest and southwest. There are hillocks up to 200 meters high situated to the north and southwest of Rambha Island. There is a triangular, steep-faced hill situated at the south of Paluru
125 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Hill. The northern bank of the lagoon is marked by a rocky coast with islands and cliffs.
The major geomorphic units of the lagoon are classified as Denudational, Marine /
Coastal, Fluvial and Aeolian (Kumar et al, 1997) (Figure 2.2). Denudational hills and inselbergs are present along the southwest and western part of the lagoon. They are mostly comprised of Khondalites and Gneissic-rocks of the Eastern Ghats. They project as promontories into the lagoon. The low denudational hills and rolling plains are covered by laterites. To the southwest of Chilika Lake, the denudational hills cover the most of the area.
The eastern part of the lagoon is bordered by a long narrow spit separating it from the
Bay of Bengal. The length of the spit extends for about 60 km, with an average width of 150 meters. The spit is covered by sands which are clastic non-carbonate mineral grains and have mesh sizes ranging from 0.95 to 2.5 millimeters and are well to moderately sort. The dominant heavy minerals of the beach sands composing the spit are sillimanite and garnet (Directorate of Fisheries 1970). The shape of the spit is curvilinear and concave towards sea. The opening of the lagoon into the sea (the mouth) is largely controlled by the sediment supply from the rivers falling into the lagoon and long shore drift or human intervention. The mouth changes its shape from time to time. In 1972-73, there were three openings to the lagoon (Kumar et al 1997) but by 1999, there was only one opening left (CDA 2002). In 2000, the Chilika
Development Authority opened an artificial mouth, known as the new mouth, near
Satapada. Very recently, in August 2008, another natural confluence point opened
(Figure 2.2) within 1.5km of the 2000 mouth (Mohanty 2008). The impact of the opening of this mouth on Chilika’s ecosystems has is yet to be studied.
126 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Besides the spit, several sand ridges, bars and islands are present along the lagoon’s eastern margin. The inter-tidal mudflats are seen abundantly near the channel zone.
The northeastern part of the lagoon shows palaeo-mudflats extending over 400 sq km; they occur as far as 30 km from the present position of the lagoon shore.
Fluvial landforms are seen along the rivers like the Daya, Bhargavi, Makara, Malaguni and other small rivulets draining the lagoon. Aeolian landforms include coastal sand dunes, sand casting areas and sand ridges along the northern and eastern sectors, which run parallel to the coast (Kumar et al 1997). However, in addition to the geomorphologic features, the lagoon’s drainage system is also important for its ecology.
4.3.5 Drainage
Freshwater runoff from the nearby basin combined with saline water inflows from the sea have produced a wide range of fresh, brackish and saline water environments in the lagoon, allowing a productive ecosystem to develop (Ghosh & Pattnaik 2005). Around
37 rivers, rivulets and nalas (small canals used for drainage) drain into Chilika Lake.
Among them Daya, Bhargavi, Nuna, Malaguni, Salia, Kansari, and Kusumi are the major rivers. Shalia, Kansari and Kusumi with several others drain the Eastern-Ghat terrain and fall into the lagoon while Daya and Bhargavi, which are the distributaries of River Mahanadi, are the important drainages that flow from the north-eastern side into the lagoon. The Daya and Bhargavi rivers, which themselves branch into several distributaries in different directions, show estuarine characteristics. In the rainy season, water from Ratnachira, which is also known as the Nuna River, along with the active channels of Kania, Bhagabati Kaniya, Makara, Daya and Bhargavi rivers can lead to stagnation of water in the lagoon.
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Due to the influx of fresh water, the lagoon’s northern sector is almost fresh or sweet in nature throughout the year. The central sector also freshens with the discharge of fresh water from Malaguni, Dhanua and Salia rivers. Thus, from July to October every year, the lagoon becomes a freshwater body, as during the monsoon the drainage from the rivers is at its highest level, which increases the sweet water inflow into the lagoon.
The major discharge of suspended sediment is carried by the above mentioned rivers.
It has been estimated that approximately 1.5 million tons of sediment enter the lagoon per year from the Daya, Malaguni and Bhargavi rivers in the northern sector and around 0.3 million tons of sediments enter into the lagoon from the western catchment per year (Ghosh & Pattnaik 2005). This continuous process of siltation results in a decreasing lagoon area, which has implications for the sustainability of the lagoon’s ecology by obstructing the water exchange between lagoon and sea, and affecting the balance between the fresh and saline water and enhancing weed infestation.
4.3.5.1 Water Spread
Chilika’s water spread (i.e., lagoon area) is variable in pre- and post-monsoon periods.
Also, the growth of aquatic weeds poses problems in delineating the exact land-water interface. The water spread as estimated from different sources is given in table 4.1.
128 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Table 4-1 Chilika’s Waterspread, 1915-2001
Period Area (km2) Data used Source Annandale & Kemp 1915 826 - (1915)
Survey of India 1972-73 824 ORSAC Topographic Sheet
January Landsat-1 MSS 871 ORSAC 1973 Band-7 Landsat-2 MSS May 1981 887 ORSAC Band-7 November 863 Landsat-4 MSS FCC ORSAC 1985 May 1986 790 Landsat-5 TM FCC ORSAC February 813 IRS-1B LISS-I ORSAC 1993 2000 790 Landsat-5 CDA 2001 906 - CDA (Source: CDA 2005)
Chilika’s varying water characteristics (saline, fresh and brackish water) support high levels of bio-diversity, for which the lagoon is world-renown.
4.3.6 Ecological Significance of the Lagoon
Ecologically the lagoon is divided into four different zones, namely the northern, central, southern and the outer channel areas; these divisions follow those of the water salinity and depth (Figure 4.3). A total of 96 species of phytoplankton, 26 species of macro algae and several species of aquatic weeds have been reported in Chilika
(Panigrahy, 2000). There are also 170 species of zooplankton, 117 species of benthic invertebrates, 77 species of phytal fauna, 217 species of fishes, 30 species of shrimp and prawns, 151 species of resident and migratory birds and 2 species of aquatic mammals (i.e., sea cow and dolphin) found (Panigrahy 2000). Because of this variety, the Chilika fishery is the region’s most valuable natural resource and provides a 129 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
livelihood for much of the local population. Chapter 5 will provide specific information on these fisheries resources and the local population’s interaction with them. A potential alternate livelihood source, which relies upon but does not deplete the region’s natural resources, is ecotourism. The potential for ecotourism is discussed in the next section.
4.3.7 Ecotourism
Chilika is an integral part of local culture as well as the ecosystem of the coastal
Orissa. It was one of the outlets for maritime trade from which Orissa’s traders would sail for South-east Asian destinations such as Java, Sumatra and Bali. Manikpatna was the major port for quite some time. The lagoon supports the largest congregations of the migratory and non-migratory birds in the country, particularly during the winter.
Flocks of migratory waterfowl arrive from as far as the Caspian Sea, Lake Baikal, Aral
Sea, remote parts of Russia, Kirghiz steppes of Mongolia, Central and South East Asia,
Ladakh and the Himalayas, to feed and breed on its fertile waters (CDA 2005). In
1989-90, the Department of Tourism in Orissa estimated that around two million birds that visited the lagoon (Lenka 2002). As per the report of the Asian Waterfowl Census
(2001), Chilika supports more than a million water-birds every winter has and this is also supported by Nayak (2003) in a later work. It hosts over 205 species of birds during the peak migratory season of which at least 97 are intercontinental migrants.
During the year of 2003-04, ornithologists counted about 8.66 lakh10 migratory birds belonging to 137 families visited Chilika Lake in winter and the congregation of
10A lakh (also written lac) is a unit in the Indian numbering system equal to one hundred thousand (100,000; 105). It is widely used both in official and other contexts in Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Pakistan, and is often used in Indian English. 10 lakh = 1 million. 130 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
migratory water-fowl was 9.58 lakhs in 2003-04 (Government of Orissa, Department of Forest and Environment 2005).
Therefore, Chilika provides excellent opportunities for ecotourism, with the potential to generate alternate employment opportunities for the local community as well as create awareness of the need for conservation and wise use of the lagoon’s natural resources amongst stake-holders as well as the visitors. Some of the sites that the
Chilika Development Authority considers to have promising ecotourism potential include: Rambha, Becon Island, Breakfast Island, Somolo, Dumukudi, Bird’s Island,
Parikuda, Kalijai Temple, Satapada, Manikapatna, Rameswar, Humakantigada,
Narayani Temple, Baliharachandi, and Nalabana (CDA 1998).
Inside the lagoon itself, islands surrounded by vast stretches of blue water are the main tourist attractions. The lagoon is an excellent site for island trips as each island has some uniqueness. There is a Panthaniwas (Guest house) at Rambha run by OTDC
(Orissa Tourism Development Corporation), which also can support the ecotourism by providing tourist accommodation as well as supporting or assisting the tourist to visit the nearby tourist location at a minimal cost.
The Chilika area is located within an approachable distance of 150km from the nearest airport at Bhubaneswar. The nearest railway stations are at Balugoun and Rambha, whereas National Highway No. 5 touches Chilika at Balugoun, Barkul and Rambha.
Different sites around the lagoon afford potential for different types of ecotourism: bird watching, boating, dolphin watching, fishing and scenic view (Figure 4.6).The lagoon provides tourists with ample opportunities for fishing, boating and bird watching, particularly from November to mid- February, when large numbers of migratory birds come from distant places around the globe to Nalabana and its 131 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
neighborhood. The Irrawaddy dolphin is a rare species, and is found in various parts in
Chilika Lake. Dolphins are most abundantly noticed along the outer channel up to
Satapada.
Figure 4-6 Tourist Points in and around Chilika
(Data source: Department of Tourism, Bhubaneswar)
As has been discussed in this chapter, Chilika is a complex ecosystem encompassing several micro-environments. Each micro-environment has its own characteristics that provide specific ecological niches for various life forms. The lagoon has a backdrop of low lying hills of the Eastern Ghats and several islands inside the lagoon. These areas are inhabited by a large population that depends on the lagoon for their sustenance. A
132 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
number of villages and towns around the lagoon are closely associated with the lagoon in many ways for economic activities. The next section, discusses the human population residing in the Chilika region.
4.4 Chilika’s Human Population
There are seven blocks within the three districts that surround Chilika Lake. These blocks are Ganjam, Khallikote, Chilika, Tangi, Kanasa, Brahmagiri and Krushnaprasad
(Figure 4.2). The villages in and around Chilika are represented in four different
Assembly Constituencies: Brahmagiri, Khurda, Chilika and Ganjam. In total, there are
273 villages (among which 132 are primarily settled by traditional fisherfolk) around
Chilika.
4.4.1 Settlement History
There was no human settlement until 1781 in the heart of Chilika which, at present, constitutes the Krushnaprasad block, which itself consists of 22 small and big islands.
In 1781, Srihari Sevak Mansingh, the king of Bankad Garh (West Bengal) was defeated by the king of Khurda (Orissa), Bir Kishore Dev, and fled from his kingdom.
He settled on the sand mounds hiding inside Chilika presently known as Parikuda and constructed Nrushinghsgarh at Gurubai. Gradually, he brought in people from outside and engaged them in agriculture, salt cultivation and fishing and collected tax from them. Over time, many fisherfolk came and settled down in and around Chilika and earn their livelihood from fishing in the lagoon (CDA, 1998). Since then, many fishing villages have been established on the lagoon shore.
4.4.2 Chilika’s Livelihoods
Basically there are two occupational groups in the Chilika area: fishing and non-fishing.
133 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Non-fishing occupations include agriculture or small businesses from which people earn their livelihood. A few people are also employed by the government. A majority of
Chilika’s population is involved in fishing activities. Traditional fisherfolk typically belong to lower castes, whereas the non-fisherfolk belongs to higher castes. Non- fisherfolk are typically migrants from outside the local area. However, due to recent increases in the market price of prawns and fish, there has been a substantial change in occupational structure of these people (i.e., the migrants) in that they are also becoming involved in fishing activities (Pradhan & Flaherty 2008).
The socioeconomic condition of the local population depends to a great extent on the available resources of the lagoon, specifically its fisheries. The social structure of the area is dominated by traditional fisherfolk. The majority of households in the three case study villages depend on fishing and the rest depend upon agriculture, business and government jobs (Figure 4.7).
Figure 4-7 Occupational Structure in the Three Case Study Villages
(Data source: Field observations and questionnaire) 134 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
There is also a significant difference in access to infrastructure and facilities between the three villages (Table 4.2), with village ‘A’ having poorer access than villages ‘B’ or
‘C’. The closest infrastructural facilities to village A are approximately 10 kilometres from the village. Formerly established facilities in the village, such as a school and a medical centre are not currently in operation. Villagers from village A complained that due to the poor road access and infrastructure facilities, professionals such as teachers, doctors, and nurses are unwilling to stay in their area and provide them with needed services.
Table 4-2 Infrastructure & Facilities in the Case Study Villages
Facilities Education Medical Drinking Post Bank Power Village Water Office Supply A 0 0 0 0 0 0 B 1 1 1 1 1 1 C 2 1 1 2 2 1
(Data source: NIC 2008)
Similarly, household income in villages ‘B’ and ‘C’ is substantially higher than in village ‘A’ (Figure 4.8). Annual household incomes collected from the household survey (40 HH in each village) have been analysed and classified as Very Poor (< Rs
1000)11, Poor (Rs 1000 - 5000), Marginal (Rs 5000 - 10000), Rich (Rs 10000 - 20000) and Very Rich (> Rs 20000). None of the households from village ‘C’ fall into the Very
Poor category. In contrast, one can also see that there are no households from village
‘A’ that fall into the Rich, Very Rich or Marginal categories. Village ‘B’ contains households that fall into all five categories, but has fewer households in Very Poor and
11 The present exchange rate (as of March 2010) is 1AUD = Rs41.16 (Indian rupees) 135 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Poor categories when compared to village ‘A’. These statistics indicate that the economic condition of village ‘C’ is the best of the villages, while villages ‘B’ and ‘A’ less well off. It is hard to compare these statistics from any census data as there is no such information available from Indian Census Report at village level.
Figure 4-8 Economic Structure of Study Villages
(Data source: Survey questionnaire)
Both physical environmental and human environmental factors act to influence the socio-economic condition of people living in the Chilika area. At present, Chilika Lake is threatened by natural and anthropogenic threats discussed in chapter 2.2.3 which are the major challenges in managing the lagoon resources. But most significant challenge is the conflict over resource use, which is having serious hazardous impacts on both the human and natural environment near Chilika Lake. This conflict over resource use is responsible for both direct and indirect threats to the Chilika resource bases. The next
136 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
section highlights this with a specific attention given to encroachment and related conflicts.
4.5 Conflict over Resource Use: Encroachment
The Chilika Development Authority (CDA)’s hydrological intervention in 2000, when they opened a new mouth to the Bay of Bengal in Krushnaprasad block created several issues. The villagers near the old mouth complained that the opening up of new mouth farther away from their village has had effects on their livelihood because the largest volume of fish is found near the mouth. As the villagers who also stay near to the old mouth have no legal rights to the area near the new mouth, their level of access to fish has diminished. On the other hand, the people who live near the new mouth are catching more fish and as a consequence their standard of living has improved. Having no other option for potential employment in the government or private sector, the traditional fisherfolk feel the effects of the shifting pattern of resource availability most acutely.
This inequality in access to the resource has become the main driver of resource use conflict in this area as the residents of traditional fishing villages trespass (encroach) on other lease areas.
Beginning in 1953, most of the Chilika’s fishery resources were vested with the Orissa
Department of Revenue and fisheries leases were auctioned off, mainly to traditional fisherfolk (Ghosh et al 2006). At this time, traditional fisherfolk did not have access to non-local (i.e., national and international) markets and thus did not benefit from improved prices generated by exports. To resolve this problem, the Central Fishermen
Co-operative Marketing Society, Ltd. (CFCMS) was formed in 1959. In the Chilika
Reorganization Scheme of 1959, the open auction of fisheries leases was suspended and all the fishery sources were leased out to the Central Fishermen Co-operative Marketing
137 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
Societies (CFCMS). This apex body was used to sub-lease fishery resources to the
Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies (PFCS) (Samal 2002).
From 1959 until 1990, there was no management distinction between capture and culture processes. After 1990, changes to the lease policy legalised aquaculture by allotting aquaculture sources in the area and allowing new-fisherfolk to obtain leases for aquaculture, hence allowing both traditional fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk to practice aquaculture in the lagoon. Non-fisherfolk communities have forcibly occupied the land and water or have taken the water rights on a sub-lease basis. They use their social, economic and muscle power to keep hold over the land and water and also to acquire more land illegally. There are 14,000 acres of land earmarked to non-fisherfolk for prawn culture. Another 20,000 acres of land encroached on mostly by non-fisherfolk for prawn culture and declaration of a portion of the lagoon as a bird sanctuary by the government, have badly affected the socio-economic condition of most traditional fisherfolk (Pattanaik 2006). Gradually these traditional fisherfolk are realizing this social and economic sub-ordination and want to take back control over their traditional rights and to change this subordinate status. Village level opposition to this subordination and efforts has led to conflicts and to law and order problems.
The competition between the traditional fisherfolk and other groups to gain control over resources will only increase as prawn culture becomes more profitable. Also more and more people with capital to invest on prawn culture are allowed to enter the area. This competition not only creates conflict among groups but adds extreme pressure on the lagoon’s resources. To gain access to these resources, people try to enter into these practices, both legally and illegally. Currently, encroachment is a major threat to the lagoon and often results in social conflicts and resource exploitation. Therefore, it is
138 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
essential to restrict encroachment to protect the sustainability of livelihoods and bio- diversity of the lagoon and lagoon resources.
4.6 Conclusions
The traditional fisherfolk in the Chilika area have been deprived of their traditional rights to the lagoon’s fisheries. Non-fisherfolk from neighbouring villages as well as outsiders have usurped their rights. Moreover the government both in the past and at present has failed to provide a sustainable livelihood to both the traditional fisherfolk and local poor. The government is therefore responsible for regulating community access rights to maintain the quality and quantity of resources without destroying them, a task at which it has been less than successful. It would be hard to describe the current management framework as a form of CBNRM. The current lease policy fails to account for social differences within communities and as well as for location-related differences in its impacts on Chilika’s residents, generating conflict in the region. The next chapter focuses on natural resource management policies in Chilika and will discuss some of the implication of these policies on the lagoon environment.
139 Chapter 4 –An Introduction to Chilika’s Resources, Population and Resources Management Problems
140 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
CHAPTER 5 -Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
5.1 Overview
In most places, including Chilika Lake, natural resources are managed by multiple agencies such as government, private and community organizations (Seixas & Berkes
2004). Resource management is also carried out at different political scales (e.g., local, municipal, state, national or international) and over different economic sectors (e.g., fisheries, tourism, and urban development). There is often a lack of co-ordination be- tween management organizations and local populations. For example, fisheries de- partments may only deal with regulations pertaining to the access to and use of fish stocks, and pay little or no attention to the broader ecology of the area and fisherfolk’s livelihoods (Iwasaki et al 2009). Fisheries regulations also often overlook the diverse impacts of management policies on different spatial localities, which allow the popula- tion to react differently towards the policies. Some populations may support the man- agement policies, while others may not. When management policies are not sensitive to differences in the socio-ecology of the population and the environment in different places, they can result in conflicts among user groups (e.g., traditional fisherfolk, non- fisherfolk and government officials), and ultimately can result in over-exploitation of resources and environmental degradation.
Co-ordination between different management sectors and the participation of the local stakeholders (e.g., both traditional fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk) are essential for sustainable resource management. As stated in Section 2.3.2, according to Cocks et al
(2001), there is a link between institutional failure and lack of support from local people. This is a result of the local peoples’ belief that state intervention in management
141 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
practices negates the need for their own proactive participation in resource management. Therefore, in order to avoid this situation, the best management interventions would deliver national-level outcomes without compromising local-level needs and profits.
In the Chilika area, there are several institutions that play an important role in natural resource management, including fishery resource management. The activities of fishery resource management and mobilization (marketing, transportation, trade) are more closely linked to local institutions than to those outside. Although national level management should not be overlooked, the solution to specific problems related to resources and the geography of the resource site can often only be effectively tackled at the local level. Efforts focusing on a particular locality using participatory approaches are perhaps better suited to solve local management problems more efficiently than regional or national approaches (Seixas & Berkes 2004). Therefore, a deep understanding of the institutional environment in addition to the natural, social and political environments may help in achieving sustainable natural resource management goals. Furthermore, sustainable resource management also requires an understanding of the resources themselves and their utilization patterns, including the ease of resource access and conflict over resource use in the area.
Similarly, Leach et al (1999) (Section 2.2.2) claimed that in a majority of cases, communities are viewed as a homogeneous social groups rather than including individuals who have different views, perspectives and resource use priorities. This misconception leads to the adoption of measures that prioritise the needs of some stakeholders over those of others, leading to conflict and presenting a major obstacle for sustainable management.
142 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
This chapter outlines both present and past resource use patterns and management practices and policies in Chilika, highlighting the impact of changing governance on the social and biophysical environments near the lagoon. Furthermore, this chapter elaborates on differential impacts of the management policies in different geographical localities, which influences resource use practices and has both negative and positive impacts on Chilika’s resource base.
5.2 Fisheries Resources and their Utilization Patterns
The lagoon is fed by both fresh and saline water, and is thus inhabited by freshwater and marine fish species. Fish species migrate seasonally in response to the lagoon’s sa- linity changes (Mohapatra et al 2007). Freshwater fish species enter into the lagoon un- til the salinity increases; they then either acclimatize or are driven back into the river.
Marine fish enter the lagoon from the outer channel as juveniles and remain for the re- mainder of their lifecycle. Although both freshwater and marine fish species inhabit the lagoon, most of the important commercial fish are of marine origin (CDA 1998).
Prawns and crab are also major sources of lagoon-derived income for local traditional fisherfolk. There are two major types of prawn species found in Chilika: penaeids and palemorids. Among the prawn species found in Chilika, tiger prawns (Panaeus mono- don) are in demand throughout the world. Prawns can also be grown by aquaculture or captured using a number of methods. Prawns captured by traditional methods have soft skins and decay quickly, which exporters see as a disadvantage as they prefer thick and hard-shelled prawns that resist natural processes of decay. This factor, along with the relatively short period that prawns require to mature, has contributed to increasing le- vels of prawn culture, which was introduced to the Chilika area during the 1980s and
1990s (Pattaniak 2006). The overall prawn catch has increased significantly in recent 143 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
years because of the increase in prawn aquaculture that has developed around the la- goon (Figure 5.1).
Figure 5-1 Species Landing in Chilika
(Data source: Directorate of Fishery 2008)
Chilika’s fish and crustaceans are the principle source of livelihood for the local population. About 70% of the local population depends upon fishing as their only means of livelihood. Fisheries directly support a population of 127,000 people, while associated industries and marketing operations support at least another 50,000 (Kumar et al 1997). While the lagoon’s biodiversity and scenic views (Figure 5.2) provide potential for eco-tourism, most households are engaged primarily in fishing, which is a common practice across the area.
144 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Figure 5-2 Chilika View
(Author’s photograph)
One of the important factors that influences the utilization and development of the fishery resources in Chilika is the socio-economic condition of the traditional fisherfolk.
Fishing is generally considered to be a low-class profession in India and is practiced mostly by members of a number of Scheduled Caste communities. These communities primarily use traditional fishing methods that do not have negative impacts on the resource bases (e.g., noise pollution, water pollution, or over-extraction of the resource).
Until the 1970s, the human population in the Chilika area and fish production grew consistently at nearly the same rate. During this period, the population growth (2.3%) was similar to the growth rate of fish farms (2%) (Kadekodi et al 2000). After the mid-
1980’s, due to both increased demand from high population growth and a steep increase in the market price of prawns, many local farmers entered into fishing and prawn
145 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
culture. The number of active fisherfolk in Chilika increased from 8,079 in 1957 to
27,200 in 1996 (Sekhar 2004).
The methods available for catching fish have also changed since the 1970s, due to the introduction of nylon nets, zero nets, and motorized boats in the lagoon (Samal &
Meher 2003). Field observations showed that there are several shops in nearby markets that stock nylon nets (Figure 5.3). Historically, traditional fisherfolk used non- motorized boats and cotton nets and traps for fishing. However, since the entry of non- fisherfolk (hereafter this group is referred to as ‘new-fisherfolk’) into fishing, there has been increased competition for the fish catch among traditional fisherfolk and new- fisherfolk.12 Today, both groups try to maximize their catch. For example, to catch enough fish to survive and to improve their economic situation, traditional fisherfolk now attempt to increase their catch from the lagoon using non-traditional fishing methods such as zero nets, night fishing and catching juveniles. This competition for fish catch often encourages the use of mechanised equipment, which leads to destructive fishing practices.
12 New-fisherfolk exclusively uses modern fishing technologies because they do not have the knowledge required to use traditional fishing methods (e.g., knowledge of the time of year at which to use particular methods or the relationship between fish movement patterns and the tides). 146 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Figure 5-3 A Local Shop Selling Nylon Nets
(Author’s photograph)
There are three main types of boats that operate in Chilika: dug-out boats (donga), flat- bottomed boats (naha), and motorized boats. Dug-out boats are less common than the other two types. In order to maximize their catch traditional fisherfolk are increasingly approaching commission agents to acquire mechanised equipment. This shift from traditional to modern fishing techniques indicates a general need for larger incomes. A survey carried out by the Chilika Development Authority in 1998 counted 454 motorized boats and 4,971 traditional boats that were used in Chilika Lake (CDA 1998).
Sekhar (2004) has presented statistics that show the changes of fishery status in Chilika over time, with the number of mechanised boats increasing more rapidly than traditional boats (Table 5.1).
147 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Table 5-1 Boats used for Fishery
No of Boats 1986 – 1987 1996 – 1997
Mechanised 253 456
Country (Traditional) 4147 4971
(Data source: Sekhar 2004)
Traditional fisherfolk use several types of nets to capture fish, including cast nets, drag nets, catamaran nets and entangle / gill nets. Traditional fishing nets are constructed from cotton yarn, but in recent years, nylon gill nets (which also include ‘zero nets’) have been introduced to replace the traditional nets (shown in Figure 5.3). The mesh size in these nylon nets has been reduced, causing increased by-catch13 of small fish as well as the larger targeted catch.
13 By-catch is the unintentional or accidental catch of fish or prawns when fisherfolk intended to catch other fish. 148 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Figure 5-4 A Traditional Fisherwomen Showing a Traditional Net (Author’s photograph)
5.2.1 Types of Fisheries in Chilika
Chilika fisherfolk (both traditional and new) operate five major types of fisheries
(fishing techniques). These include Jana fisheries, Prawn fisheries, Bahani fisheries,
Diana fisheries and Uthapani fisheries (Table 5.2). There are 310 fisheries that operate in the lagoon applying one of these fishery techniques (CDA 1998). The techniques that are applied vary by season.
Table 5-2 Chilika Fisheries
Types Number Seasons
Jana 109 October – January
Prawn/Shrimp (Trap) 71 March – June & October – January
Bahani 33 January – December
149 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Dian 88 June – September
Uthapani 9 July – October
Total 310 -
(Data source: CDA 1998)
5.2.1.1 Jana
Jana fisheries (Figure 5.5, upper left) are widespread bamboo enclosures in the shallow water near the banks of Chilika where fish come for shelter and food. These enclosures are cut off from the rest of the water, and fish in them are kept confined for daily capture until the enclosure dries up and all the fish are caught. Each of these enclosures is more than a mile long and around several hundred meters wide. Fish are captured by this method from October to January. The types of fish caught in Jana fisheries consist mainly of mullets, perches, beloniforms and other varieties of fish as well as prawns.
This type of fishery is used mostly in the southern half of the lagoon (Directorate of
Fishery 2008). As per the information available from the CDA, there are 109 Jana fisheries that are leased out in Chilika. About 25% of the lagoon’s total fish catch is derived from this type of fishery.
5.2.1.2 Prawn (Trap) Fishery
Plenty of prawns are available in the lagoon from the end of March to the end of June and from October to January, due to favourable weather conditions. Trap fishery tech- niques are used particularly for catching prawns from the lagoon. In this type of fishery, two types of bamboo traps are used to catch prawns. One type is a large trap known as
Dhaudi (Figure 5.5, lower right) while the smaller one is known as Baja. Dhaudi is a bamboo, box-type basket with a conical top. It is around 120 cm high, 115 cm long and
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40 cm wide at the bottom. There are two to three openings at one side with thin bamboo strip intersections through which the prawns can enter but cannot exit. Around five to ten such traps are arranged in a circular manner, leaving a narrow opening from which the leader line, which is made of bamboo strips, emerges extending up to the shore. The prawns that strike the leader line follow the line and enter into the trap (Directorate of
Fishery 2008). Baja is a smaller version of Dhaudi and the technique is very similar to
Dhaudi.
5.2.1.3 Bahani
Bahani is a type of net fishing (Figure 5.5 lower left). Although the Jana and trap fish- eries are seasonal in Chilika Lake, Bahani (net fishing) is utilized throughout the year.
Bahani is carried out by a group of traditional fisherfolk with boats and nets. The num- ber of boats varies between three and 12, depending upon the size of the group. Bahani contributes about 66 percent of the lagoon’s annual fish catch (Directorate of Fishery
2008).
5.2.1.4 Dian
Dian is common from June to September. It takes advantage of fish behaviour (jump- ing) to capture fish. When fish are in an enclosure, they try to move. When they strike the bamboo screens, they jump over them and fall into nets placed on the other side of the enclosure. Dian fisheries (Figure 5.5, upper right) are used in uplands areas that have small, shallow patches of water. Such fisheries extended approximately 100 to 200 yards from the shore towards jana sources (Directorate of Fishery 2008).
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5.2.1.5 Uthapani
Uthapani refers to fishing in shallow water during the first rainfall, beginning in the months of June or July and it continues until October. When the rainwater from the shore areas flows into the lagoon, fish rush against the flow of water and go to the small ponds nearby. Sometimes, the rainwater is checked by ridges in the terrain and fish get trapped there by these ridges (Directorate of Fishery 2008).
5.2.2 Impact of Modernized Fishing Tradition on Fishing
The introduction of modern fishing techniques such as using motorized boats, nylon nets, and zero nets has implications for those using traditional fishing techniques. The modern techniques support the shrimp business, has been highly lucrative in the markets both inside and outside the area. In particular, it has led declining use of other traditional techniques for prawn trapping. Using traditional techniques the fisherfolk do not alter the ecosystem because they were limited in where they could trap prawns. In the prawn trap process, the prawn farmer can only work in areas that are suitable for establishing traps. But using the modern prawn culture techniques they can convert any lagoon area to a prawn pond. Prawn farmers use both salt and fresh water to replenish their ponds and make them suitable for prawn culture. Normally the prawn farmers occupy shallow areas so that the prawn can grow in a quiet and undisturbed environment. This technique is subsequently replacing the traditional prawn trap method.
Furthermore, due to salinisation of water (as a result of booming prawn ponds) and unavailability of shallow water bodies, other traditional techniques such as baza14 and uthapani cannot be practised in the area. Additionally, the use of motorized boats and
14 Baza is a kind of trap made up of bamboo and conical in shape. 152 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
nylon and zero nets are also replacing the traditional boat and nets used in Bahani.
Figure 5-5 Chilika Fisheries
(Author’s drawings)
After the introduction of prawn culture during the 1980s and 1990s, the total number of fish captured from Chilika Lake began to decline (Table 5.3), except for a few species such as hilsha, perch, catfish, and beloniforms, from a total catch of 11988.88 MTonnes in 2002 to 1282.01 MTonnes in 2007. At the same time, prawn capture has increased, and the value of prawn exports from Chilika Lake has gradually increased as well. The market price of prawns varies from Rs 75 to Rs 800 per kilogram (AUD 1.82 to 19.42),
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15 depending upon their size and type. The field observations carried out in this research indicate that there are various types of prawns from Chilika available in the local market: tiger shrimp, white shrimp, spot prawns, pink prawns and bay prawns.
Tiger prawns are the most valuable and expensive species. The market price of prawns is around 25% higher than the price at the source (i.e., the lagoon), which acts as an incentive for the new-fisherfolk (those who do not belong to traditional fishing castes and who exclusively use modern fishing techniques) and attracts traditional fisherfolk to enter into the aquaculture industry. Some traditional fisherfolk participate in aquaculture as employees of new-fisherfolk who have the capital to hire their labour. The strong financial incentive provided by aquaculture to impoverished traditional fisherfolk enables their exploitation by ‘Commission Agents’16 (see Chapters 2.2.3 and 5.6.1 for more detail on commission agents).
Table 5-3 Fish Landing from 2002-07
Total Landing (in Species Total Landing (in MT) in 2007 MT) in 2002 P. Monodon 266.91 32.98 P. Indicus 368.43 139.76 Metapenaeid 1545.82 63.34 Mullets (large) 432.85 - Mullets (small) 157.8 7.96 M. monoceros - 70.21 M. cephalus - 29.65 Clupeids 2504.88 - L. macrolepis - 1.93
15 As per the exchange rate on 30th Mar 2010 1AUD= 41.16 INR 16 Some authors call Commission Agents ‘middlemen’. 154 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
L. subviridis - 13.34 L. calcarifer - 2.23 Thryssa & - 69.88 Stolephorus N. nasus - 76.02 Hilsa 7.67 34.23 Perches 429.59 - Crenidens - 13.15 Dafnioides - 5.29 Terapon - 19.97 Threadfins 415.25 - S. sihama - 3.25 Lutianus - 0.06 Gerreomorpha - 10.68 M. gulio - 39.47 Arius - 14.70 O. militaris - 2.43 P. canius - 29.14 E. machnata - 0.25 M. cyprinoiders - 0.16 Beloniform 276.23 37.05 E. tetradactylus - 11.81 E. suratensis - 3.78 Cat Fish 1612.09 - O. mossambicus - 4.61 Chanos - 0.62 Sciaenids 1033.87 66.44 Cichids 583.82 - Carps (fresh water) 88.5 1.33 W. attu/ Pangasius - 2.31 R. corsula - 2.61
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Murrels 345.59 - Featherback 631.35 - Prawn (fresh water) 166.62 396.29 Tricanthous 525.55 5.93 Channa - 10.40 N. notopterus - 11.03 Mastacembalus - 7.23 M. malcolmsonii - 9.25 Smaller - 2.78 Macrobrachium Misc. Fish 346.41 16.24 Cat Fish (fresh 138.58 - water) Crab 111.07 12.22 Total 11988.88 1282.01
(Data source: Directorate of Fishery 2008)
Although traditional prawn and fish capture methods are still used in the lagoon, culture fisheries have been adopted by both the traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk since
1998 (Mishra 1998), with serious implications for the survival of traditional fisheries as well as the sustainability of the resource base. Moreover, both the management policies and rules enforced by the state government in the fishery resource management sector have implications for resource sustainability. The Orissa State Government has changed the previous system of fishery operation and introduced several rules and regulations that had a negative effect on individuals using traditional fishing methods. The next section discusses these changing management practices and policies as well as their impacts on the livelihoods of traditional fisherfolk in the area.
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5.3 Fishery Resource Management Features at Chilika: Present and Past
Local people in the Chilika region are facing more complex problems with managing natural resources due to changing socio-economic, political, ecological and cultural conditions of their livelihood. Institutional structures govern the livelihoods of local populations both directly and indirectly by enforcing rules and regulations for managing resources that are crucial for resource sustainability. As Agrawal & Redford (2009) argued, environmental problems are generally related to the complex interplay between institutional factors, policies and the socio-economic conditions of the local people.
As was illustrated in Chapter 2.2.1, institutions are vital for resource management by providing various means to access and control resource use and management. However, control measures are not always successfully employed (cf. Cousins 1996, Agrawal &
Redford 2009, Beyene 2009). Implementation of any type of development intervention, including projects and policy reforms, depends on institutional changes. Management institutions are assumed to function smoothly and according to formal rules, but it is common that ineffective law enforcement and lack of accountability in institutions can lead to ineffective resource management (Emana et al 2006). Thus there is need for co- ordination between local, state and national level organizations to improve management outcomes. In Chilika, the institutional structure and management policies have varied over time (Table 5.4) thus influencing local populations’ livelihoods, both positively and negatively. In this trend of changing management practices, it is necessary to understand past and present management institutions with development of improved management arrangements for present and future scenarios.
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Table 5-4 Changing Management Policies and Structures in Chilika
Period System in Chilika lagoon
British colonial rule Several owners in Chilika lagoon, including the Rajas before 1952 (Kings), Zamindars, local landlords, and the government Control by Anchal Adhikari (1953– Open auction system, mostly to traditional fisherfolk 1959) Control by revenue Leased out mostly to primary fisherfolk cooperative collectors (1959– societies late 1980s) Large-scale prawn culture project was organised but it was From the late 1980s cancelled due to opposition movements by traditional to 1993 fisherfolk Fishing lease The allocation of fishing rights was officially granted to guideline in 1991 new-fisherfolk as well as traditional fisherfolk Orissa high court in 30% of fishing rights to new-fisherfolk 1993 Supreme court in Prohibition of aquaculture within 1,000 m of Chilika 1996 lagoon Orissa fishing in Chilika Lake bill was drafted but failed to Orissa legislative pass the bill because of strong resistance from traditional assembly in 2002 fisherfolk (Data source: Iwasaki & Shaw 2009).
5.3.1 Historical Perspectives on Resource Management in Chilika
From 1781 onwards, king of Khurda brought people from nearby places to the area and engaged them in agriculture, salt cultivation and fishing, and collected tax from them
(CIDA 1996). Afterwards the fertile fishing grounds of Chilika attracted fisherfolk who settled down in and around Chilika Lake in several villages. Most of them tried to earn their livelihood from Chilika’s fisheries, while the rest of the local population depended on agriculture.
5.3.1.1 Pre-Independence
Before independence, particularly during British period (around 1880), Chilika was
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under the Zamindari System17 of Parikuda and Khallikote. The Zamindars used to lease out Chilika’s fisheries to local traditional fisherfolk. In 1926, the British also initiated a co-operative store in Balugoun that provided fishing equipment to the local population at a reasonable price. In return for this service, the British Government collected tax from the local Zamindar. After the abolition of the Zamindari system in 1953, these traditional fishing rights continued to be enjoyed by traditional fisherfolk in the area
(Sekhar 2004).
In 1940’s, merchants from West Bengal introduced the subleasing system in Chilika.
They used to take fisheries leases from their owners (traditional fisherfolk who had sufficient lease areas18) and sub-lease them at a higher price to other local traditional fisherfolk who did not have sufficient lease areas. These merchants took delivery of the entire catch from the respective fishery and paid a low price for the catch. Once the original owners received the payments for their leases, they took no further interest in the area. In this way, merchants enriched themselves and tried to establish a monopoly over fishing in the area and a large number of local traditional fisherfolk were deprived of their fishing rights in Chilika. During this period, fishing was confined to lower caste people. Although upper caste people were involved in fishing activities to a limited extent, they did not take up fishing as their main profession (Rao et al 1998).
5.3.1.2 Post-Independence
From 1953 to 1959, the Chilika fishery sources were leased out by the head of the area
(Anchala Adhikari) through an open auction. Most of the fishery sources were leased
17A Zamindar is a landlord who is required to pay a land tax to the government. 18 Lease areas in the case of Chilika refer to the coastal areas over which the fisherfolk have customary control. 159 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
out to traditional fisherfolk and fewer were leased to new-fisherfolk. After 1959, the fishery sources were vested with the Orissa State Revenue Department and the fisheries were managed by implementing lease policies formulated by the Government.
1959 Lease Policy
From 1959 to 1988, the Central Fishermen Co-operative Marketing Society (CFMCS) was granted a lease from the Government Revenue Department. They in turn sub-leased their lease to Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies (PFCSs). Those sources that were not leased by the CFCMS were distributed through an open auction. The leases were renewed on a yearly basis. During this period, about 212 fisheries sources were sub-leased to traditional fisherfolk through PFCSs and 96 to new-fisherfolk (Rao et al
1998). This lease policy gave priority to the traditional rights of the fisherfolk but some of the PFCSs violated the terms of the policy by sub-leasing the sources to new- fisherfolk (particularly to private merchants) at a high price.
1988 Lease Policy
In the 1988 policy, all fishery sources were leased out to the CFCMS and the CFCMS sub-leased them to the affiliated PFCSs for a period of three years. These PFCSs were required to exploit the fisheries themselves, without subletting their rights to others during the period of their lease. If they violated the rules then the lease could be withdrawn. The CFCMS also had the right to sub-lease the sources to new-fisherfolk
(CIDA 1996). During this period, there was no demarcation of various fishery sources, which led to disputes between traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk over the position of boundaries of different lease areas. The policy also made no distinction between capture and culture fisheries, which also initiated further conflicts.
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1991 Lease Policy
The 1991 lease policy divided all of Chilika’s fishing areas into capture and culture lease areas and formulated management guidelines for each type of source. According to this policy, all the capture fishery lease areas were leased out to the CFCMS for three years with a ten percent increase in lease price each year. PFCSs were allowed to sub- lease from the CFCMS. The capture lease areas were restricted to 1,000 acres in size and if any current lease areas exceeded the limit, they were divided into smaller plots.
PFCSs could sublet culture lease areas at an initial price of Rs 800 (AUD 26.50) per acre per annum. The remaining culture lease areas were leased out to societies or organizations formed by new-fisherfolk, at a similar price and with similar management regulations. These lease areas were not permitted to be sub-leased. As this policy allowed the large-scale entry of new-fisherfolk into fishing, it was challenged by
Kholamuham PFCS in the Orissa High Court (Orissa High Court, 1994). The adoption of culture fishery practices had an adverse impact on Chilika’s ecosystem and jeopardized the socio-economic interests of traditional fisherfolk. This occurred because the lease policy allowed for a steep increase in the lease value for culture fisheries and poor traditional fisherfolk could not afford such a large rate hike.
The Orissa High Court recommended a number of solutions to the dispute between traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk, but did not offer a solution to control the culture fishery. For example, the judgment restricted the ratio of capture and culture lease areas to a 60:40 ratio. Also, instead of 1000 acre lease areas, culture fishery lease areas were limited to 100 acres in size. The judgment also allowed joint and equal sharing of fishery areas by PFCSs and new-fisherfolk and reduced the lease price for culture lease areas. This has led to increased incomes for some new-fisherfolk at the
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cost of the traditional fisherfolk, whose fishing allotments have been squeezed by giving space to aquaculture. Poor traditional fisherfolk who do not have capital to invest in aquaculture illegally sublease their allotted capture areas to a third party for minimal compensation, enabling unauthorized encroachment in the lagoon for prawn aquaculture. As a result, there has been a rise in social and economic inequality in the region (Samal & Meher 2003).
1994 Lease Policy
Following the judgment of the Orissa High Court, the state government revised its management policy and formulated the 1994 lease policy. It specifically focused on three aspects of fisheries management; the non-fishing zone, capture fishery and cul- ture fishery. According to this policy, non-fishing areas are those areas that are re- served for migration of fish and juvenile prawns, areas earmarked as nurseries and grazing grounds for fish, bird and wildlife sanctuary areas, migratory birds’ grazing areas and the lagoon’s navigational channel. The size of the capture leases was re- stricted to 1,000 acres. The culture lease areas were located and identified at the la- goon shore. The culture lease areas ranged from 100 to 500 acres in size. Under this policy, only the Collectors19 of the respective districts had the authority to divide the culture fishery lease areas for lease to PFCSs and no further sub-leases were allowed for these areas (CIDA 1996). The lease rate was decreased by Rs 50 (AUD 1.5) per
19 Today, District Collectors / Magistrates are officers of the Indian Administrative Service and are the most powerful government officials of the district. They are entrusted with the tasks of handling law and order, revenue collection, taxation, the control of planning permissions and the handling of natural and human-induced emergencies. Historically, a collector was a crucially important colonial officer placed at the district level and entrusted with the responsibility of revenue collection and other civil duties.
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annum and became Rs 750 (AUD 25) per annum, with the same 10 percent rate in- crease in each successive year of the lease.
1996 Lease Policy
Nevertheless, the differences between the 1994 and the 1991 policies were minimal.
This led the traditional fisherfolk to challenge the policy again in the Supreme Court.
In 1996, the Supreme Court (11 December 1996) handed down a judgment which went some way towards appeasing the traditional fisherfolk groups and accordingly, the
1996 policy was modified. According to this judgment, no aquaculture ponds could be constructed within 1,000 meters of Chilika Lake. Those who did not obey this decree would be liable for compensation to the Environment Protection Fund and those funds would be used to compensate the loss of persons identified by the Fishery Department as being affected by the illegal construction of ponds (Das 1997).
Changing Policy Guidelines during 1998 and Onwards
Along with the growing aggravation amongst traditional fisherfolk in response to revised fishing rights, the resource-led conflicts finally resulted in the deaths of several traditional fisherfolk at the hands of the local police in 1999 (Samal and Meher 1999,
Das 2005). Thereafter, the Orissa government proscribed gherry (barricade) operations in Chilika. On the basis of the recommendation of the Supreme Court of India, the
Government of India created the Aquaculture Authority of India. This authority is a part of the Department of Agriculture and Co-operation in the Ministry of Agriculture.
Accordingly, the Government of Orissa has also created state and district-level
Aquaculture Committees. The rule outlines that new-fisherfolk who engage in aquaculture within 1,000 meters of the lagoon must apply for permission from the
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Aquaculture Authority of India. After the deaths and civil unrest, the government decided not to grant further leases or renew any aquaculture leases within the lagoon area (to either the PFCSs or new-fisherfolk). However, gherry operations and aquaculture still continue as illegal practices employed by new-fisherfolk in the lagoon and surrounding areas (Mohapatra et al 2007).
At present, there are several institutions or departments are playing significant role in fishery resource management in Orissa (Figure 5.5). These departments deal with different aspects of fisheries with a similar objective, that is, resource management. The
Chilika Development Authority (CDA) is a coordinating body for all stakeholder groups in the lagoon basin. It works closely with the state government to conserve and restore the Chilika’s ecosystem. The state-level governing bodies control the Orissa State
Fishermen’s Cooperative Federation (Matsya Sadan), which directly controls the
Central Fishermen Cooperative Marketing Society (CFCMS). According to the current lease policy, the leases are granted to the Primary Fishermen Cooperative Society
(PFCS) through the CFCMS and through themselves to private parties, traditional fisherfolk or new-fisherfolk. This institutional structure also controls Chilika Fish
Marketing, which has direct connections with local traditional fisherfolk, as well as with the traders and new-fisherfolk.
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Figure 5-6 Fishery Administrative Structure of Chilika
(Author’s diagram)
This series of policy changes and management structures has posed complex problems for the socio-economic, political, ecological and cultural conditions of local popula- tions and their livelihoods. These changes not only constrain people’s livelihoods, but also have negative implications for the local poor. The next section will discuss these problems and highlight their impacts upon the lagoon resources and the ecology of the surrounding area.
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5.4 Impacts of Changing Policy on Livelihoods
Fresh fish trading first began in Chilika in 1930 (Directorate of Fisheries 1970), when the market was established in Kalupada ghata, which is now the biggest fish exporting centre in Chilika. Other exporting centres now exist at Rambha, Khallikote, Balugoun,
Kuhari and Bhusandpur, which are important points for the export of Chilika fish to places like Rourkela, Calcutta, Kharagpur, Tata Nagar, and Cochin. Fish trading has historically been mainly carried out by commission agents, who purchase fish from traditional fisherfolk. Fish are taken to assembly grounds and sold to exporting merchants, who aggregate fish from various centers and send them to distant location in ice boxes to earn profit.
Because there were no rules or regulations relating to the price that commission agents pay when buying fish, traditional fisherfolk did not benefit from improved prices generated by sending fish over longer distances. Exporting merchants often own wholesale auction depots to further reduce their costs and increase profits. The benefits of economies of scale did not trickle down to the traditional fisherfolk as they have often had no opportunity to market their fish without going through carrier agents or exporting merchants.
To resolve this problem, the CFCMS was formed in 1959. In the Chilika Reorganization
Scheme of 1959, the open auction of fisheries leases was suspended and all the fishery sources were leased out to the CFCMS. This apex body was used to sub-lease fishery resources except Dian (see Section 5.2.1 for a description of traditional fishing methods used in the area) to the PFCS (Iwasaki & Shaw 2009). Legally, all fish caught by PFCS members must be marketed through the CFCMS. Although this condition is laid down in sub-leases, it was not strictly enforced, and as a result, most of the PFCS market their
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fish independently (Iwasaki & Shaw 2009). The CFCMS only markets the catches of willing societies and the rest market independently to undercut CFCMS prices:
The CFCMS are not providing enough profit while we try to sell our catch through them and also they are not even willing to bear the transportation cost. In contrast although the middlemen as well do not provide enough profit for our catch, at least they are taking all the responsibility for collecting the catch from individual traditional fisherfolk of our community. (FB1; Focus group Q10)
The only way for traditional fisherfolk to improve their economic situation is to maximize their catch from the lagoon or to illegally sublease their fisheries leases to third parties, resulting in over-extraction of fishery resources and conflict over the lagoon’s use.
From 1959 until 1991, there was no management distinction between capture and culture sources. The 1991 changes to the lease policy (discussed in Section 5.3.1), legalized culture fishery by allotting the culture sources in the area and allowed new- fisherfolk to obtain leases for culture fishery and practice aquaculture in the lagoon.
These changes in fishery resource management policies have implications for the livelihoods of local poor traditional fisherfolk, who are deprived of their livelihood by the new-fisherfolk groups. However, these changes do not occur evenly over the Chilika area.
5.5 Management Impacts at Different Geographical Locations
Diverse local populations inhabit the shores of the pear-shaped Chilika Lake. The shape of the lagoon and the location of villages around the lagoon have significant impacts on and implications for the lagoon’s ecology. The shape of the lagoon is important because it influences the movement and density of fish stocks. For example, both the central
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sector (see Figure 4.3), which is wider and deeper than other areas of the lagoon, and areas near the mouth of the lagoon, which is the outlet to the Bay of Bengal, have richer fish populations (in both diversity and absolute number of fish) than other areas.
Hence, villages that are located in or near these regions of the lagoon have better access to fish stocks than those that are far away from these areas. This section elaborates and provides evidence for these claims in by profiling the impacts on the three case study villages, which are located in different sectors of the lagoon (Table 5.5).
Table 5-5 Location and Dependency Level of Respondents on the Lagoon Dependency (%) on Village Location Lagoon Resources A 96 South Eastern Part B 23 Central Part C 3 Northern Part (Data source: Survey questionnaire. Q 9)
As derived from field work, 93% of the respondents in village A are traditional fisherfolk and the remaining 7% of the respondents are involved in boat rearing20 occupations (they rear the boats for the traditional fisherfolk). This village is located adjacent to the south-eastern part of the lagoon, which is the narrowest extent of the lagoon.
Village A does not have easy and direct access to fish stocks. This is a result of government-led modifications to the lagoon and the establishment of aquaculture infrastructure that has altered patterns of fish population movements. The CDA’s opening of a new mouth to the Bay of Bengal in Krushnaprasad block in 2000 created several issues for the residents of village A (Figure 4.2; the natural mouth was located in
20 Boat rearing is also known as rowing the boat. Boat rows are people who row the boats and assist fisherfolk during fishing. 168 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Bramhagiri). First, the opening of the new mouth farther from their village has led to a decrease in the number of fish near village A (village A is closer to the old mouth than the new mouth). This is because the greatest density of fish is found close to the mouth but village A’s residents do not have legal access to fishing grounds near the new mouth.
Second, the emplacement of shrimp barricades near the new mouth has redirected this smaller flow of fish away from the area of the lagoon that is near village A. One respondent from Village A remarked that:
We were getting 20 kg to 30 kg of fish per day in the past, but now the catch is reduced to 2 kg to 4 kg and which is even not of good quality (size). The vendors are collecting that from us by paying only Rs 20 / kg (less than AUD 1). (SA10)
Village B, located adjacent to the central sector of the lagoon, is home to both traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk. Village B’s residents, in contrast to village A’s, include members of all castes, including traditional fisherfolk. There are several village management committees that operate within the village. Upper-caste residents are the dominant group and they develop rules and enforce them. Although there is a traditional fishing community within the village, it comprises only 51% of the local population
(see Table 3.2), and currently, only about half of them (23% of the total village’s population) are involved in fishing activities. The village’s leaseholds are located in a nearby area in the central sector, which provides easy access to fisheries resources.
Although village B experiences management problems such as encroachment, residents from this village are generally satisfied with their leases (discussed further in 6.2.1).
Few Scheduled Caste people, who live in and around village C is adjacent to the lagoon’s northern sector and are not solely dependent on fishing for their livelihood. In this particular village only 3% of the total population is involved in fishing (Table 5.4).
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Most of the villagers are engaged in business. Residents also include government employees, farmers and several other occupational groups such as shopkeepers, businessmen, teachers, postmen, lecturers, milkmen, tailors and priests. Thus they are not heavily concerned with the fishery lease and management system.
5.6 Fish Marketing in Chilika
Historically, most of the catch was sold as fresh fish through the assembly godown21s
(Figure 5.6). The fish godowns are situated on the western shore of the Chilika in
Kalupadaghata, Sorana and Balugoun (Figures 5.6-5.8). Traditional fisherfolk themselves use to deliver their catch to the godowns and get a higher share of the market price (Rao et al 1998). The surplus fish that are not sold were usually cured and dried and kept by traditional fisherfolk for their own consumption.
21 Godowns are the assembly grounds where the fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk bring their catch and from which fish vendors and merchants buy fish.
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Figure 5-7 Fish Godown
(Author’s photograph)
During the 1940s an ice factory was established at Kalupadaghat, which then became the largest exporting centre during that period. By that time the fresh fish trade began to develop in Chilika. Several merchants from Kolkata and from Orissa started entering the trade after 1940. They tried to establish local contacts and establish links with local influential groups. With the help of these local contacts, the merchants ensured a regular supply of fresh fish (from traditional fisherfolk) by purchasing leases from the owners
(who are the primary lease holders) and sub-leasing them at higher rates to those traditional fisherfolk who did not possess any leases themselves. The merchants also demanded that the traditional fisherfolk sell their entire fish catch exclusively to them.
In this way, merchants, with the help of middlemen, started to become directly involved in fish marketing, resulting in an even smaller share of the profit going to traditional fisherfolk (Iwasaki & Shaw 2009). 171 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Figure 5-8 Fish Godowns of Chilika
(Data source: field observations and ORSAC)
Figure 5-9 Fish Landing at Landing Sites
(Author’s photograph)
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Later the rise in population spurred a greater intensity of fishing in Chilika. The introduction of prawn culture in the 1980s attracted new-fisherfolk into fishing. It also resulted in competition among the traditional fisherfolk with the new-fisherfolk for gathering resources (Sekhar 2004). Similar changes (entry of new-fisherfolk in the fishing trade) have occurred in fish marketing. As prawn landings have increased, prawn merchants have become the main businessmen in the fishing grounds and godowns. In both prawn and fish marketing, the function of commission agent cannot be avoided as it plays a crucial role in Chilika’s fisheries (Sekhar 2007).
5.6.1 Role of Commission Agents
In Chilika’s fisheries, activities are not undertaken uniformly throughout the year. There is a drastic fall in fish catch during March and April (as there is the smallest amount of freshwater inflow into the lagoon during this month), and due to traditional customs, traditional fisherfolk do not fish during mid-October to mid-November (Kartika month22) and mid-May to mid-June (Baisakha month23). During these periods, there is less demand for fish at the market. As a result, there is less income available to traditional fisherfolk, which strains household balance sheets and often compels them to borrow money from informal sector credit agents – the Commission Agents (Iwasaki
2007).
Commission agents are local individuals from either the traditional fisherfolk or new-
22 The month of 'Kartika' is considered to be the most sacred among all the twelve months of the year according to Hindu religious practice. During this month all pious Hindus refrain from eating fish, meat or egg. 23 People celebrated Baisakha month as the harvesting month and they worship the gods and also do not eat meat during this month.
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fisherfolk communities, with adequate economic resources to lend money. They provide funds to poor traditional fisherfolk for immediate medical treatment, ceremonial functions like marriage and funerals, purchase of nets and boats and the repairing of boats. Commission Agents also provide grocery items and drinking water on credit to traditional fisherfolk who fish inside Chilika Lake for months at a time.
Commission agents have a motorized boat that they use to deliver goods to traditional fisherfolk who stay inside the lagoon for lengthy periods of time. These boats are known as Commission Boats. Instead of charging interest for the money they lend in advance to traditional fisherfolk or for the items they supply to them on credit,
Commission Agents ask the traditional fisherfolk to sell all their capture exclusively to them. Many poor traditional fisherfolk find this an acceptable practice. However, they usually sell their catch to the Commission Agent (Figure 5.9) at a price that is up to 10 to 20 percent below the market price. The Commission Agent also takes 10 percent
(100gm in each kilogram) extra on the weight of fish, and determines the grade, weight and quality of the product (Iwasaki 2007).
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Figure 5-10 Commission Agents on their way to the fish godown after collecting fish from local traditional fisherfolk
(Author’s photograph)
As fish are perishable, traditional fisherfolk try to unload their product as soon as possible. This is most easily accomplished through the Commission Agent, given that the traditional fisherfolk have little access to other forms of transporting their fish to market. Those traditional fisherfolk whose lease areas that are far away from the shores of Chilika are most dependent on Commission Agents for both satisfying their daily sustenance needs and the transport of their fish to market. Commission Agents are prone to exploit poor traditional fisherfolk, who are in a dependent relationship with the agent.
Prawn farms also do not operate independently in the Chilika area. Although prawn culture has paved the way for the backdoor entry of prawn merchants into Chilika,
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prawn culturists are also not safe from the exploitation by prawn merchants, and middlemen who are locally known as Prawn Agents. As prawn culture requires a significant investment in infrastructure, some of the traditional fisherfolk who are involved in this business borrow money from Prawn Agents. The prawn farmer does not directly deal with the prawn merchants. Rather, the Prawn Agents act as ‘middlemen’, by providing market access through linking the farmers with the prawn merchants. In reality, the prawn merchant is the actual provider of the required materials and capital to the prawn farmer through the Prawn Agent, with the condition that all the catch from the culture sources must be surrendered to them at a set (typically inferior) price.
Although both the agent and merchant share the profits, the prawn farmers have borne the loss in profit in case of any reduction in prawn harvest.
In Chilika’s fisheries, the role of the agent is important and traditional fisherfolk, regardless of whether they are involved in fish capture or prawn culture, can be exploited. This exploitation creates insecurity, stress and economic havoc among traditional fisherfolk. Changes to the lease policy, which allowed the third party sublease, promoted the operation of commission agents. With their economic power, these agents have control over the lagoon’s resources and the Chilika fishing industry.
Commission agents are not the only threat to the livelihoods of traditional fisherfolk.
Another threat relates to management policies that favour one community group over another. For example, the granting of third party subleases also benefits new-fisherfolk both directly and indirectly. The new-fisherfolk buy third party sublease from traditional fisherfolk and practice aquaculture in the area, generating a direct profit. Due to poor management regulations they can also easily encroach on other traditional fisherfolk’s fishing areas and indirectly add profit to their established prawn farm. Management
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policies have protected neither the ecology of the surrounding area nor the local populations’ livelihoods. On the contrary, prawn culture at Chilika Lake (Figure 5.10) has exposed the area to environmental degradation (see Chapters 6.2 and 6.3 for further discussion of environmental degradation). The booming aquaculture industry has increased threats to the livelihoods of traditional fisherfolk, who have historically held first rights to the lagoon’s resources.
Figure 5-11 Aquaculture Ponds around Chilika
(Author’s photograph)
While analysing the resource use and user rights in case of Chilika, Sekhar (2004) cited different views of the role of the state in creating and enforcing property rights (North
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1990, Bromley 1991, Hanna et al 1996, Tang 1992). He argued that different government institutions provide user and access rights. However, these institutions are also embedded within the property rights regime, which considers the impact of these rights on the quality and quantity of the resource itself. As the environment is affected by socio-economic and policy changes, institutions are also subject to change, thus property rights should be modified accordingly. The following section will discuss property rights issues in the case of Chilika.
5.7 Chilika Resources: Open Access versus Common Property
In the early 1880s, traditional fisherfolk had valid legal possession of Chilika Lake and were involved in fishing activities as their sole occupation (Iwasaki & Shaw 2009).
Because fishing was considered to be a low-caste profession, new-fisherfolk were not interested in getting involved in the trade. During the time of the Mughal and Maratha rulers, traditional fisherfolk were given the rights to fish in Chilika and paid royalties to the rulers. During British colonialism, traditional fisherfolk communities also enjoyed exclusive rights to fish in Chilika. Because of these practices, traditional fisherfolk came to consider the lagoon to be their private property. They were also confident that non-fisherfolk (who would become the new-fisherfolk groups in the latter part of the
20th century) were not interested in their occupation and hence were not concerned that anyone would usurp their rights to fish in Chilika (Rout 2006).
From pre-colonial times to the early decades of India’s post-independence period,
Chilika’s traditional fisherfolk communities employed a complex system of local rules and regulations that governed access to fisheries resources. During this period, use of the lagoon’s resources did not typically extend beyond the immediate local population.
The pre-existing traditional and communal resource management institutions evolved to
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accommodate equitable access to sustain the livelihoods of households in the coastal communities that surrounded the lagoon.
However, from the late 1980s, due to population pressure and demands on fishery resources, upper-caste groups started entering into the profession. As a result, clashes ensued between these two groups: traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk. Local institutional control began to break down during this period when the state passed national laws that superseded the local management framework. This allowed new- fisherfolk to legally access the lagoon’s fisheries resources. Much of the conflict present in the region today arose when local traditional fisherfolk no longer had effective representation (evidenced through a lack of government–citizen trust) in groups that made decisions about access to the lagoon’s resources, with a shift from local
(traditional) control to state government control over resource access (Sekhar 2007).
State regulations acknowledged Chilika as a Common Property Resource. A Common
Property Resource (CPR) is a natural renewable resource that is not produced but extensively harvested and the rights to its use are distributed between a number of co- owners, generally identified by their membership in a community or a village (Rout
2006). Rout (2006) argued that in common property resources, such as a lagoon, pond or forest, which belongs to a specific location or village or area, the distribution of property rights should extend to a well-defined set of users with a set of well-defined user rights (i.e., a rational user). All potential users who do not belong to this defined user group should be excluded.
The Chilika area is populated by traditional fisherfolk communities as well as new- fisherfolk who live in and around the area. As members of the local community, new- fisherfolk have similar rights to use the lagoon’s resources as the traditional fisherfolk. 179 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
Each rational user whether the user is historically from the traditional fisherfolk community or not, is motivated to extract increasing amounts of resources from the lagoon, either for profit or their own sustenance. This potential for over-extraction has been enhanced by population increase in the area, technological progress and the availability of new, effective technologies for exploiting the resource (e.g., mechanised boats and nylon nets) and available facilities for the processing and marketing of the product (e.g., road and rail services, the ice factory). Thus, as a CPR, the Chilika
Resource is at risk of serious degradation due to destructive competition among the users.
After independence, the control of this CPR was vested with the State Government. Due to top-down management policies, the local poor have been deprived of their livelihoods and are unwilling to co-operate in the management of the resource.
Furthermore, the lack of appropriate environmental policies, along with inefficient enforcement of the existing ones, has led to conflict in the area and caused degradation of this CPR. Government support, both direct and indirect, for private parties and entrepreneurs has encouraged overexploitation of the CPR in the name of commercialization. Thus, it is unlikely that these problems can be resolved through the introduction of technical changes or enforcing management policies. There is a need for changes or modification in human attitudes, behaviours and intentions. The following section highlights management actions that could be used in places like Chilika to conserve bio-diversity without depriving local people of the resources they need to earn a livelihood and meet their basic needs.
5.8 Management Needs
For peaceful co-existence of different communities and a more equitable distribution of
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income in and around Chilika, the poor, the landless labourers and the new-fisherfolk communities of the area should have the right to fish as a livelihood. There is a need for some restrictions on fishing to maintain the regeneration rate of stock of fish, shrimp and crab, on the one hand, and the well-being of Chilika’s ecosystem, on the other. As
Berkes (2006) notes (Chapter 2.2.2), exclusion and subtraction problems are the main constraints of CPRs and are the most difficult part to implement in their management.
Including the community in resource management can help to overcome these constraints. The group or the community has the capability to limit the access of new- fisherfolk and to self-regulate its own use. This can be achieved by assuring group members of equitable access to future harvests, which can facilitate the economic incentive for sustainable practice and livelihood support. Therefore, as a Common
Property Resource, Chilika might best be managed by local collective action through an autonomous body in which the traditional fisherfolk communities have the majority.
Overall, the government can help the local system by providing an appropriate legal framework and technical assistance.
As drafted and enacted, the Chilika Lease Policy, the fisheries management system, only weakly implemented its natural resource conservation program. It has created anarchy in fisheries operations, as seen in disputes among subsistence traditional fisherfolk, conflicts between traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk and the frequency of illegal fishing activities (discussed in more detail in Chapter 6.2.1). New-fisherfolk seek opportunities to participate in unlawful fishing activities, such as practicing aquaculture inside the lagoon, catching fish near the mouth and in the restricted zone, night fishing and using zero nets. Likewise, the problem illustrated by Berkes et al
(1998), a lack of cooperation from the local community and the inability of the existing fisheries laws to solve the current management problems, most of the prohibited fishing 181 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
activities are taking place in fisheries. Accordingly, there is a need for local collective action that involves both local populations and government officials in resource management.
5.8.1 The Need for New Forms of Local Collective Action
Different societies use various means to control access to natural resources. Control over access normally denotes a kind of ownership for use and management of the resources, which may not be considered to be sustainable (Gonsalves 2005). A case study of community fisheries in Cambodia, where encroachment has become a serious threat to sustainability, identified poverty as the key driver behind encroachment and argued that effective management of the resource is necessary for poverty reduction – a circular problem (NGO Forum 2003). They also argued that communities must be made active partners in the process of protecting, managing and sustainably using fishery resources. Likewise, in the case of Chilika, during the focus group discussion (Focus
Group Q10), the villagers of village A stated that:
As a result of government intervention by opening new mouth far away from our village access, we are deprived of earning a livelihood. By doing this, the government allows us to starve and die because of hunger. So there is no means left other than encroaching resource rich sites and carrying out illegal resource collection practices. (FA1)
Increasing the uptake of sustainable resource use practices is made more difficult by the low level of education present in many communities that struggle with resource management. The Fishery Committee for the Eastern Central Atlantic (CECAF) of the
FAO (2002) presented a working document on artisanal fisheries management, where they identified illiteracy and ignorance as the two main constraints. When the local population is unaware of the potential livelihood impacts of not following laws and 182 Chapter 5 - Impact of Access to Resources on Attitudes about Management
regulations, engaging local participation in the management process is challenging.
Similarly, in the case of Chilika, low levels of education are often responsible for the local population’s lack of involvement in management practices. Many of the respondents (22%) could identify neither the village head nor any member of the ruling party (Household Survey, Q20). About 45% of respondents in village A were unaware of this in particular, whereas in village B the ratio was only 20% and in village C all residents could identify the village head and members of the ruling party. Influential community members as well as the new-fisherfolk take the advantage of this ignorance and exploit traditional poor fisherfolk. For example, a traditional fisherman from village
A stated:
Although I have the lease, some new-fisherfolk approached me and forced me to give the sub-lease to them so that they can establish their aquaculture pond there. When I did not listen to them they destroyed my fishing boat, which I had hired from the agent. When I complained against them in the nearby police station nobody even registered the case and they forced me to settle the matter outside the court. This is not yet finalized and we are still waiting for justice. (SA8)
This study has identified that during times of need the population does not have an effective means for alerting the government to their problems and are thus dissatisfied with the management of resources. Due to Chilika’s recent resource degradation, traditional fisherfolk have been adopting unsustainable resource harvesting practices, such as the use of zero nets (Figure 5.11). Some individuals are unaware of the impact of using zero nets on the resource base, while others argue that if the system is allowing them to starve and die then there is no reason to think of future generations or resource sustainability. Regarding the use of zero nets, a respondent in village A mentioned that:
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Those who say zero nets are not suitable must be unaware of their utility. As you know without using them we might not catch any fish. Because the new mouth opened far away from our resource access site, fish now move and accumulate mostly in other parts of the lagoon. Zero nets allow us to catch even the smallest fish and thus we are surviving on them. (SA9)
Figure 5-12 Zero Net Lying Down in the Sun after Use
(Author’s Photograph)
As Suarez et al (2009) stated, in many developing nations, communities manage local natural resources themselves and consider such resources to be community rather than state property. If the government tries to forcibly interfere and allocate those resources to a government organization, then there can be potential effects on the community’s livelihood. As a result, conflict may then arise between these entities. Similarly, in
Chilika, locals considered the lagoon to be their own property, as indeed it was during
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the king of Parikuda’s rule. As their historic ownership rights were usurped by the government without acknowledging past community practice, traditional fisherfolk faced threats to their livelihood. These threats have become a significant driving force behind conflict in the region, further complicating effective natural resource management.
The CFCMS has failed to provide economic protection to poor traditional fisherfolk who already suffer from reduced fish stocks in the lagoon. Thus, it is clear from the discussion that the equilibrium between the ecology and local communities that existed before the lease system was introduced is under threat. The policy change that allowed aquaculture in the lagoon compromises environmental quality and also affects the livelihoods of the local poor (Pattanaik 2007). The establishment of the lease system in
Chilika has led to a weakening of community property management institutions. The new management reforms imposed by the government with the introduction of a new lease system in Chilika has led to similar negative outcomes to those experienced by coastal communities in Chile (Gelcich et al 2006) and Lake Chilwa (Njaya 2009).
As a Common Property Resource, Chilika should be managed by the government, regulating community access rights to maintain the quality and quantity of resources without destroying them. It would be hard to describe the current management framework as a form of CBNRM. Moreover, the current lease policy fails to account for social differences within communities and as well as for location-related differences in its impacts on Chilika’s residents, generating conflict in the region. Most of these conflicts relate to the growth of aquaculture in the region. Most of the social activists, environmentalists, NGOs (e.g., the National Fish Workers Forum) and even traditional fisherfolk in the area are against aquaculture in and around Chilika.
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Supporting the claims of Howe (2001), Sekhar (2004) agreed that the state should place a higher priority on supporting community decision-making, rather than adopting a command and control approach to resource allocation. Thus, a return to prioritizing the rights of capture fisheries, the traditional system of management on the lagoon, may go some way towards improving the sustainability of resource harvesting in the area. The current management plan is not sensitive to the different needs of the diverse local populations that surround the lagoon, which need to be addressed for a more sustainable resource management outcome.
For example, Geheb and Binns (1997) observed that fisherfolk in some areas have the option of returning to farming occupations. In some areas like Kenya, when fishery resources are under severe pressure, farming has increased in importance. But in case of
Chilika this option is not really available to the poor traditional fisherfolk. Due to the spreading of prawn ponds and their added salt and fertilizer nearby farming land has become salinised. People struggle to get the drinking water and water for domestic use
(Pattanaik 2007). In these circumstances there is no option left for returning to farming occupation again for these local poor who has already changed their occupation and became new-fisherfolk due to the pressure of livelihood.
Therefore a potential solution of returning to traditional methods of fishing cannot be avoided. If the public can be made more aware of environmental protection and sustainability that traditional fishing methods afford, then they might consider returning to traditional fishing systems in the future. It is expected that promoting the PPGIS prototype in the area can help to raise awareness among these local groups regarding the implication of modern techniques on their lives and livelihoods.
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5.9 Summary
This chapter provides the evidence to answer the RQ 1 (Chapter 1.4): “To what extent do fishery management policies have different impacts on different spatial localities in the Chilika area?” From integrating and interpreting the research findings, it can be concluded that the Chilika lease policy and its changing patterns have had different impacts and diverse implication in different locations within the study area. Current lease policy fails to account for location-related differences and their impacts on
Chilika’s residents. By not acknowledging the social differences within communities the current management policies generate conflict in the area, which has implications for local livelihoods. This chapter highlighted several of these implications. For example, management policies that have allowed illegal aquaculture in the restricted area resulted in both social clashes and environmental degradation. Due to growing aquaculture, the traditional fisherfolk using traditional techniques are deprived of their livelihood earning sources. Aquaculturists with man and money power have taken over the traditional fishery sources, and thus have resulted in social imbalance in the area.
Furthermore, the disadvantaged traditional fisherfolk try to carry out illegal fishing techniques (such as night fishing, using zero net, juvenile catch), which affects the lagoon’s ecology.
Considering the issues discussed in this chapter, it is clear that Chilika is in need of alternative management approaches that would reduce the stress of management and establish the ground for setting a better management strategy in the area. This study suggests that sustainable socio-ecological management requires transparency between management authorities and the local community in order to achieve the objective of sustainable lagoon resource management. The PPGIS prototype described in Chapter 7
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can be used to provide resource managers with accurate and recent information about the resource and its use. It will also allow the public to contribute their views of the changes occurring in the environment. As the communities are direct observers of both natural and anthropogenic activities occurring in the area, giving them the right to access and help update the resource management database with their views on what is happening locally allows them to be more actively involved in the management process.
The base data could include layers describing management criteria such as boundaries of lease areas, the location of the restricted zone, allotted aquaculture and fishing sites, reserved area and migratory birds’ grazing sites. The inclusion of these layers would provide the public with a good understanding of the lagoon management plan and increase public awareness of management strategies. Moreover, the ability to accurately demarcate lease areas will allow both traditional and new-fisherfolk to see the areas they have the legal right to access. It will make policy implementation much easier, as there would be less accidental encroachment.
Finally, it can be concluded that changes in social norms, traditions and land rights legislation should reflect the changes occurring in the localities in regards to both social and ecological settings. The management reforms need to account for the diverse economic and religious needs (e.g., the non-fishing months described in Chapter 5.6.1) of the local community. In cases where management strategies do not fulfil or consider the needs of local people, conflict may result between the community and resource managers. The findings of this section make it clear that in order to secure a livelihood, traditional fisherfolk try to maximize their catch from the lagoon and illegally sublease their fisheries leases to third parties, which ultimately results in over-extraction and encroachment of fishery resources. In addition, resource degradation results from
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increasing conflict among competing user groups. The next chapter examines in detail one result of the competition between user groups, highlighting the practice of encroachment over Chilika’s resources and its implications for the socio-environmental situation of Chilika.
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190 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
CHAPTER 6 -Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact
on Chilika’s Resource Base
6.1 Background
The economic health of Chilika depends upon the sustainable utilisation of its natural resources. But recently, changing management practices have threatened both the area’s economic health and use of the lagoon as a sustainable resource. These threats include encroachment and anthropogenic alterations to the region’s hydrology. Encroachment in the Chilika area has been driven primarily by increasing population growth and changing government policies on management of the resource (Mohanty 2008). The result of encroachment has increased biotic pressure on the lagoon’s environment.
Recent research has shown that severe biodiversity losses have led to a significant decline in the lagoon’s natural resources and have affected the quality of life around the lagoon (Kadekodi & Nayampalli 2003). Changing management policies have suppressed the local management framework and allowed outside parties to legally access the lagoon’s fisheries resources, creating social imbalance in the area (Section
5.1.1). As discussed in Chapter 5, much of the conflict present in the region today arose when local fisher groups lost effective representation in the management of access to the lagoon’s resources (Sekhar 2004). A shift in the control over access to the resources from local to state level deprived the traditional fishing groups of their source of livelihood. As a result, this shift widened the path of encroachment and conflict in the area. This chapter investigates the impacts of the management practices that encourage aquaculture-led encroachment (forcible occupation of private and government land), which has proved detrimental to the ecological health of the environment. Changes to 191 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
the governance of Chilika Lake over the past two hundred years and the geographically varying impacts of change (Chapter 5), have also had implications for the sustainability of fisheries resource use and have given rise to related conflicts. This chapter analyses the impacts of these management practices on the socio-cultural environment in Chilika and outlines their severity, in terms of biodiversity loss, including ecological and social imbalances in the area.
6.2 Resource Use Conflicts and their Socio-Cultural Impacts
The main driver of resource-related conflict in the Chilika area has been the change in management policy in which traditional fisherfolk no longer have effective representa- tion (evidenced through a lack of government–citizen trust) in groups that made deci- sions about access to the lagoon’s resources, with a shift from local to state government control over resource access (Sekhar 2007). This policy change allowed the rapid ex- pansion of prawn culture in the area. New-fisherfolk are more actively involved in aquaculture practice because the income potential of modern aquaculture has propelled them into an economically stronger position, yet does not require any traditional knowl- edge of fishing (Samal et al 2003). The market price of prawns (as of June 2008), which is around 25% higher than the price at the lagoon, varies from Rs 75 (AUD 1.87) to Rs
800 (AUD 20) per kilogram, depending upon their size and type. This high price has attracted both in-migrants and local residents to become prawn farmers. This increase in the number of people turning to aquaculture as a primary livelihood has resulted in con- flict within and between local communities.
Traditional fishing communities, historically, are groups with communal rights over the lagoon’s resources, but due to forcible occupation of the lagoon (i.e., encroachment) by aquaculturists (i.e., the prawn farmers), physical conflicts have arisen between
192 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
traditional fisherfolk and new fisherfolk, authorized and unauthorized prawn culturists, and between locals and outsiders. This competition for lagoon resources encourages the use of mechanised equipment, which leads to destructive fishing practices. Traditional methods, in contrast, use non-motorized boats and cotton nets and traps for fishing.
Using small mesh size nets (Figure 5.3 and 5.12), traditional fisherfolk have increased the level of by-catch of small fish as well as the larger, targeted catch.
Although traditional prawn and fish capture methods are still used in the lagoon, culture fisheries have been adopted by both traditional fisherfolk (who use traditional non- mechanised fishing techniques) and new fisherfolk (who use modern mechanised techniques) (Mishra 1998), which has serious implications for the survival of traditional fisheries as well as the sustainability of the resource base. Both the management policies and rules enforced by the state government in the fishery resource management sector have implications for resource sustainability. The Orissa State Government has changed the previous system of fishery operation and introduced several rules and regulation as discussed in Chapter 5.3.1. This has a negative effect on individuals using traditional fishing methods and has been a key driver for resource-based conflict in the region.
6.2.1 Geographical Differences in Resource Use Conflict
There are challenging economic and social demands on Chilika’s resources (discussed in Section 2.2.3.1). On the other hand, the shape of the lagoon and location of the villages around the lagoon have also significantly influenced the lagoon’s ecology. The villagers have diverse resource use patterns and differential resource needs at different localities around the lagoon. Since the shape of the lagoon influences the movement and density of fish stocks (section 5.5), villages located in or near specific regions of the
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lagoon have varied access to fish stocks. As discussed in section 5.5, due to government-led modifications to the lagoon, villagers from villages B and C have better access to fisheries resources than those in village A.
To deal with this problem, some of village A’s residents encroach on other lease areas to supplement the harvest from their own lease areas. Some households engage in illegal activities such as fishing at night in areas where fishing is banned (e.g., within a 5 km radius of Chilika’s mouth). By hiring mechanised boats, they try to catch as much stock as possible in order to be left with enough income to pay their lease fees. Although they are aware of the fact that over-extraction of the fish resource has unsustainable impacts, unsurprisingly, respondents in village A feel pressured to catch more fish and collect juvenile fish in order to survive (noted in Section 5.8.1).
They also experience encroachment on their own (lower-quality) lease areas, by non- fisherfolk from other villages for culture purposes (Table 6.1). Interview respondents claimed that outsiders often use their higher socioeconomic status to try to take advantage of ignorance about legal property rights and this has led to disputes between the villagers and outsiders. For example, a widow of a traditional fisherman from village A stated:
Last year in 2007 some people from a nearby village accompanied by some elite and known person (leader) approached me and mentioned that the government is going to provide Indira Awaas24 to the poor like us and for which I need to sign some papers. Then they took my thumb impression on the blank stamp paper. But later I came to know that they took my property rights and now they are the owners of my land. (SA1)
When respondents from Village A were asked whether the encroachers included
24 The objective of Indira Awaas Yojana is primarily to help in the construction of dwelling units for members of Scheduled Caste/ Schedule Tribes (SC / ST), freed bonded labourers and also non SC / ST rural poor below the poverty line by providing them grants-in-aid. 194 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
individuals from their own village, 5% believed there were inside (local) encroachers,
65% believed there were outside encroachers (from other areas), and 30% were unsure.
Table 6-1 Conflict Issues in Villages
(Number of respondents reporting instances of encroachment; n total = 120; n per village = 40)
Outside Inside Conflict in Solution Encroachers Encroachers the village Village Do Do not Yes No not Yes No Yes No Easy Difficult know know
A 26 0 14 2 26 12 40 0 5 35
B 11 17 12 13 22 5 14 26 32 8
C 7 30 3 6 21 13 6 34 36 4
(Source: Survey questionnaire)
In village B, 28% of respondents agreed that outsiders encroached on their lease areas, while 43% of respondents disagreed. About one-third of respondents were not aware of encroachment issues. However, when asked about inside encroachers, 33% of respondents agreed that encroachment occurs. All of the respondents who said that inside encroachment does not occur were non-fisherfolk. According to traditional fisherfolk in village B, non-fisherfolk residents of village B are the primary source of encroachers. The traditional fisherfolk in village B complained that the village management committees do not respond to them and that upper caste people from their own village encroach on their lease areas to develop aquaculture. This is in contrast to village A, where encroachment is carried out primarily by outsiders. Some traditional fisherfolk voiced the opinion that by allowing new fisherfolk fishing rights, the State
Government indirectly promotes illegal aquaculture. According to one respondent from
195 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
village A:
This management policy is not providing any incentive to our livelihood. Rather, it is supporting the rich people who have man and money power and are able to pay the lease amount and bribe to get a suitable lease area to establish their aquaculture farm. Although there is a restriction on capture fish and doing aquaculture near the mouth of the lagoon, some elite people are practicing aquaculture near the mouth and no one dares to stop them. (SA2)
Additional evidence of illegal aquaculture is provided in Figure 6.2, which shows aquaculture ponds near the mouth of the lagoon (circled).
In general, villagers of village C agreed that encroachment is not common in and around their village, irrespective of the origins of the encroachers. This may be due to as the fact that none of the villagers are engaged in fishing and thus there is no conflict related to fishing. The sound economic status of these villagers allows them to afford all of their desired livelihood amenities and hence there is no need to look for others’ area or property to encroach upon. Above all, most of the villagers in this area are literate and well aware of the rules and regulations. They have a social prestige and status that they do not want to lose by engaging in conflict. Although a small number of Scheduled
Caste people live in and around village C, they are not involved in fishing activities.
These Scheduled Caste people also live in better conditions than those in villages A and
B, and own agricultural land and other properties, and are well-educated.
In village A, on the other hand, the problem of encroachment is facilitated by the fact that literacy levels are very low (only 53% of respondents in village A have at least some level of reading proficiency). Their illiteracy allows them to be exploited by outsiders and influential locals. Forty-three percent of villagers in village A have lost their property in a similar approach to the widow of a traditional fisherman described above. Although affected individuals have tried to bring this problem to the attention of
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the authorities, they have been unsuccessful in stopping this practice. According to another respondent in village A:
All the political leaders only visit us prior to election time. They assure us that once they are elected their first priority will be solving our problem. But all these visits are real drama and happen once every five years [elections are held every five years] and we know that the authorities are not going to do anything. So we will try to get justice by ourselves and for that we can do anything…means anything… [Here the interviewer observed extreme dissatisfaction of these villagers who are ready to do or die for their rights]. (SA3)
This lack of resolution of their problems has led to feelings of insecurity among poor villagers and motivates their involvement in conflict. Furthermore, their lack of education plays a vital role in sustaining resource-based conflict and makes it difficult to convince local residents of the importance of sustainable harvesting of the lagoon’s resources.
In contrast to village A, both new-fisherfolk and upper caste residents in village B are satisfied with government rules. Most of its villagers are literate and well aware of their property rights. Although a few Scheduled Caste people live in the area, most of them are literate, thus exploitation by outsiders is unlikely. It is perhaps reasonable to conclude that improved literacy rates and awareness of land policies has improved the living conditions in village B. Although traditional fisherfolk in village B are dissatisfied with the rules (discussed further in Section 6.2.2.2), they manage to extract sufficient fishery resources in their area, which allows them to live in a better conditions than traditional fisherfolk households in village A.
Literacy in the traditional fishing communities of Chilika is extremely poor compared to that of their counterparts in new-fisher or non-fishing communities. Almost all the members of a traditional fisherfolk’s family are engaged in fishing, with even young
197 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
children are involved in hand-picking fish and shrimp from Chilika. During the day, traditional fisher-women with school-aged children catch fish or shrimp and dry their daily catch in the sun. This practice occurs in both villages A and B. In contrast to the fishing communities such as villages A and B, the non-fishing communities (e.g., village C) in the Chilika area can afford the education/schooling expenditures of their children. Figure 6.1 shows literacy levels in Chilika communities: village A falls into the least literate category, village B in the medium level of literacy category and village
C in the most literate category.
Figure 6-1 Villages Showing Literacy Level
(Data source: NIC)
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Previous research discusses a continuous battle between traditional fisherfolk and new- fisherfolk in the Chilika area over fishing rights (Das 2005). Traditional fisherfolk feel that by allowing new-fisherfolk fishing rights, the state officials indirectly promotes illegal prawn culture and threaten the livelihoods of traditional fisherfolk. Upset traditional fisherfolk have destroyed prawn barricades, leading to mass conflict between the prawn farmers and traditional fisherfolk. Recently, four members of the traditional fisherfolk community were killed in a clash between the police and the traditional fisherfolk. These clashes between new fisherfolk and traditional fisherfolk have claimed more than 50 lives over the past 10 years (Das 2005). During the household interview in village B, answering HH Q. 32, one of the traditional fisherfolk responded:
In the last 3 years, some villagers [names are withheld to protect their identity] occupied and barricaded my lease area. Last month after lots of harassment from the government, we (the fishing community) decided to forcibly reoccupy our area. To achieve this we attacked them and destroyed their barricade at night. As a revenge attack they [the encroachers] set fire to our nets and boats and this resulted in a mass conflict in our village. With the interference of our village head the problem was resolved among us but the decision went in their [the new-fisherfolk’s] favour. [Both parties were asked to pay a penalty but the traditional fisherfolk claimed they were asked to pay more even though they had the right to the area which had been destroyed]. (SB1)
The changing management policies that allowed modern aquaculture into Chilika has grouped Chilika’s fisheries into two categories; capture and culture fisheries (Samal
2002). This in turn has led to the encroachment of traditional fishery sources and has caused environmental degradation followed by occupational displacement of traditional fisherfolk, especially those from the Scheduled Caste fisher groups. Traditional fisherfolk feel their profession is being threatened by the entry of new-fisherfolk into their occupation, particularly those with money and manpower. A psychological insecurity prevails among these traditional fisher groups, which then leads to ecological and social imbalance in the area. The next section emphasizes the shifting of
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occupational patterns and their impacts on the socio-economy and also the ecology of the Chilika environment.
6.2.2 Occupational Displacement and Feelings of Insecurity among Chilika Fishers
Around 14,000 acres of land have been allotted for prawn culture to the new-fisherfolk
(Samal 2002), which has significantly reduced the share of the lagoon’s surface area allotted to traditional fisherfolk for fishing activities. In addition to this, there has been
(illegal) encroachment of another 20,000 acres by prawn culture, mostly by the new- fisherfolk (Samal 2002), which has also affected the economic condition of the traditional fisherfolk in the area. Encroachers often deny traditional fisherfolk access to contested fishing grounds. Encroachers place barricades around what they perceive to be their fishing area and employ guards to protect these areas. In this process, traditional fisherfolk cannot access enough fish stock to earn a livelihood. The barricades also obstruct fish flow (both quality and quantity). As a result, the quality of fish caught by traditional fisherfolk under these circumstances is often poor (in terms of size) and is of limited market value. From the same fishing grounds, new-fisherfolk collect shrimp and sell them for a good price, which varies 75 – 800 rupees (1 AUD = 40 INR) per kilo, whereas traditional fisherfolk sell their catch for 20 – 80 rupees per kilo. Therefore, poor fisherfolk feel that their livelihood is threatened due to the entry of the new- fisherfolk, as they compete more effectively for the resource. Interview respondents strongly indicated that a psychology of insecurity now prevails among most of the traditional fisherfolk, who believe that if the situation continues, they may not be able to harvest sufficient resources to survive:
These days, both the quality and quantity of the catch is reducing and earning a livelihood from the lagoon is getting difficult. Our forefathers used to catch 100kgs of fish per day, whereas in this situation it is hard for us to catch even a
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kilo per day. These aquaculturists (new-fisherfolk) not only obstruct our path to the resource ground (lagoon), but also threaten us to stay away from the lagoon. (SA4, SA5, SB2, SB3)
The following aquaculture practices found in the study area are threats to the lake ecosystem. First, marine organisms, including fish and particularly juveniles, die in prawn ponds as a result of fertilizer used for prawn growth. This leads to a reduction of fish, prawn and crab stocks as capture sources. Secondly, when only the tiger prawn juveniles are saved, the rest of the catch is discarded, further depleting the stocks of fish, prawns and crab in the lagoon. Thirdly, prawn enclosures near the mouth of the lagoon cause problems for traditional methods of fishing, by obstructing the free migration of prawn and fish juveniles and causing the loss of juvenile maturation grounds.
All of these practices have adverse effects on the ecosystem, which in turn reduces the total catch and income potential for traditional fisherfolk using traditional methods.
Modern methods using mechanised boats, nylon nets and intensive prawn culture bring high returns in the export market. As a result, new-fisherfolk, who normally employ these modern techniques have started entering into the Chilika resource area, which has been historically and traditionally used by the traditional fisherfolk communities of the surrounding area. Clashes have often resulted between traditional fisherfolk and new- fisherfolk on the issue of Chilika resource user rights.
The household survey demonstrated that this competition for resources has even led to some traditional fisherfolk migrating to other places in search of a better livelihood. For example, in village B, some traditional fisherfolk’s family members migrated to other states of India namely Gujurat and Madhya Pradesh in search of formal employment in wage labour (Dadana Sramika). There are instances of families where only the elderly
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family members remain in Chilika. These elderly individuals financially depend on family members who have migrated to fulfil their basic needs. In seeking opportunities for wage earning employment, respondents from village B, explained that:
Every now and then a few outsiders [names and village origins withheld for confidentiality] visit our village and collect the poor people who are willing to go to other states (Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh) and work there in mines or in factories as labourers. These outsiders find at least 50 people from the area [the Chilika region] at a time and transport them to the Gujarat or Madhya Pradesh by truck. (SB4)
The above quote indicates that some traditional fisherfolk are abandoning traditional livelihoods in search of opportunities to earn a wage income, often far removed from their homes. The significance of this includes an increase in the remittance-based local economy, loss of traditional knowledge in fishing. This affects the socio-cultural composition of the Chilika area’s population.
6.2.2.1 Shifting Occupation of Space
The government’s introduction of subleases, described in Chapter 5.3.1, enabled third- party subleasing and has led to unintended consequences for the resource base, i.e., unsustainable resource use. These policies changed the traditional fishery management institutions in the area and also introduced prawn culture and several new fishing areas in the lagoon. These new areas constitute the areas that were used for trap fisheries by traditional fisherfolk.
6.2.2.2 From Capture to Culture
The pressure of population growth25 and the shift of new fisherfolk into fishing have forced traditional fisherfolk to participate in intensive prawn aquaculture as well. In
25 Between 1991 and 2001, Khurdha, Puri and Ganjam’s populations grew at 24.79, 14.8 and 16.01%, respectively (Patnaik 2004). 202 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
addition to conventional or legally assigned fishing sites, residents have started aquaculture in open areas on the lagoon and on the lagoon’s periphery. The lease policy that made the third-party sub-lease possible has also contributed to the booming of aquaculture in and around the lagoon. The PFCSs sub-lease from the CFCMS. The
CFCMS obtains their leases from Revenue Department of the Orissa State Government.
However, most of the PFCSs further sub-lease their areas to third parties, including both traditional fisherfolk and new fisherfolk.
Field interviews revealed that aquaculture requires a large investment of between Rs 50
000 (AUD1, 600) and Rs 80 000 (AUD2, 600) per acre. Efficient prawn aquaculture requires pond preparation by ploughing, liming, manuring and fertilizing the area, transporting saline water from the sea to pond, pest control, supplementary feeding, stock maintenance and disease control. In order to be able to prepare their ponds, PFCS members rely upon outside financiers. The alternative for PFCSs to directly participating in aquaculture is to illegally sublet their leases to outsiders (i.e., new fisherfolk) at a higher rate than they paid for their lease and earn profits without any labour. This profit is typically distributed amongst the PFCS’s members.
After subletting their fishing areas to a third party, traditional fisherfolk often work as labourers at the aquaculture sites, but the primary financial benefit of the catch goes to the financiers, who are often associated with local organised crime (Pattanaik 2006).
These financiers are typically new fisherfolk from nearby towns who have access to both labour and capital. Generally the third party sub-lease payment is about five times higher than the value of the lease. However, the new fisherfolk often do not pay for the full three year sublease at the sublease’s outset. Typically, a sublease payment will be split over the three years, with a payment made annually to the sub-letter. Although
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there is a written agreement between the sub-leaser (PFCS’s member or traditional fisherfolk) and the sub-lessee (new-fisherfolk), it is not a legal agreement. Third-party sub-lessee often refuses to pay during the second and third years of the lease. As sub- leasers typically have a written but not a legal document supporting the third-party sublease agreement, they cannot collect the final instalment(s) of the lease payments.
One such case was reported during the interview with a traditional fisherman from village B:
We have only pen and paper agreements, i.e., just both parties’ signatures on a plain, stamped paper in the presence of the local village head. But when they don’t pay the lease amount and we ask them to pay, they say we didn’t have any agreement with you and if you are talking about that paper, then that is not a valid, legal document. (SB5)
Traditional fisherfolk are thereby deprived of their leases and resort to unsustainable use practices. The household survey found two other instances of this problem in village B alone. Moreover, the conversion of capture to culture impacts agriculture as well as traditional fisherfolk.
6.2.2.3 From Agriculture to Aquaculture
Aquaculture is often perceived to have the potential for high economic returns and has thereby attracted many individuals into the industry (Pradhan and Flaherty 2008).
Farmers near Chilika as well as those in neighbouring areas have begun to convert their agricultural land to aquaculture ponds. There has been a substantial increase in both the number of ponds and total surface area devoted to aquaculture between 1994 and 2004, along with a decrease in the area of land under agricultural production (Table 6.2).
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Table 6-2 Comparison of Agriculture and Aquaculture in 1994 and 2004
Year Agriculture Land in sq km Aquaculture Pond in sq km
1994 175,413 3,856
2004 149,873 5,831
(Data source: GIS analysis of the ORSAC Chilika Land Cover data)
This aquaculture-led, haphazard conversion of agricultural land to ponds has not only put stress on local agricultural production, but also on the lagoon’s ecology by subjecting it to environmental pollution (Panigrahi et al 2007). Intensive farming methods use high levels of fish meal and fertilizer, which accumulate to create sludge, a significant source of phosphorous and nitrogen pollution (Pattanaik 2006). This makes the water unsuitable for irrigation, drinking, washing and other household- and livestock-related uses. One study of prawn aquaculture in the Kolleru lake wetlands in south India found that the sediments in aquaculture ponds at that site serve as pollution sinks, containing high concentrations of pesticides, Persistent Aromatic Hydrocarbons
(PAH), and heavy metals, all at levels higher than permitted by FAO/WHO health guidelines (Amaraneni 2006). Mohapatra et al (2007) did not find dangerously high levels of trace heavy metals in the flesh of prawns from Chilika Lake. However, this may be a function of where (within the lagoon) they sampled and their limited number of sample sites (n = 1). Prawn aquaculture sites that are in the lagoon experiences more regular water exchange with waters from the Bay of Bengal than those ponds located adjacent to agricultural land. These ponds are flushed during the monsoon season only, hence are more likely to experience higher level of heavy metal accumulation.
Although Table 6.2 shows a steep increase in the area devoted to aquaculture from 1994
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to 2004, the spatial distribution of aquaculture between 1994 and 2004 shows that there has been a shift in the location of aquaculture ponds (Figure 6.2). Much of the area that was classified as aquaculture in 1994, has now been converted to barren (unproductive) land (1147 of 1952 sq km (59%); see Table 6.3). Significantly, very few of the land conversions from aquaculture to another use have resulted in a productive land use (e.g., village or coastal plantation). This provides evidence of the environmental damage caused by aquaculture. The location of aquaculture ponds near cultivable land has led to the seepage of salt water from ponds to the agricultural land. This has reduced the productivity of the agricultural land and has contributed to the unemployment of landless labourers in the area. Additionally, net barricading (locally called gherry) in vast areas inside the lagoon and channel areas for aquaculture restricts water flow into and out of the lagoon. This allows the sediment load to settle, causing infilling. The construction of unauthorized earthen embankments in the creeks and mudflats also restricts the flow of saline water into the lagoon (Kumar et al 1997). This, in turn, affects the brackishness of the lagoon, which is developed from mixing of saline water
(from the sea) and fresh water (from rivers).
206 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
Figure 6-2 Areas Converted from Agriculture to Aquaculture between 1994 and 2004. (Data source: ORSAC)
Table 6-3 Conversion of aquaculture ponds to other land uses from 1994 to 2004
2004 Land Use Amount of land converted from aquaculture (sq km) Barren Land 1147 Water bodies 317 Crop Land 172
Swamp 73 Weed 71 Village 63 Water Logged 54 Scrub 20 Sand 20 Creek 3
Coastal Plantation 2
(Data source: GIS analysis of ORSAC Chilika Land Cover data)
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Aquaculturists commonly employ local traditional fisherfolk to collect juvenile prawns, paying Rs 5 (less than 15 cents) per 100 juveniles. Local men generally engage their wives or children in the collection of juveniles. Since, they only pick tiger prawn juveniles and throw away all other juveniles (tiger prawn juveniles are the only ones with significant market value). This by-catch thus depletes estuarine and coastal fishery stocks. Traditional fisherfolk, who are dependent on these fish stocks engage them in alternate and illegal source of income which has an impact on the broader ecology of the area. They try to supplement their declining income by poaching endangered birds and other animals and collecting wood from nearby forests. The household survey (HH
Q 23) revealed instances of poaching by villagers (from both villages A and B).
According to a respondent of village A:
Having no other option left for us to survive, we are depending on the nearby forest. The female household members go and gather firewood from the forest. If possible they try to catch bird and collect bird eggs for household consumption. (SA6)
They did not mention any particular bird species, but it is obvious that they are involved in unsustainable practices to some extent. Another traditional fisherman from village A mentioned that:
There are some bird species (namely Raja Hansa) that fetch higher prices in the market. Some outsiders [the respondent was reluctant to mention the name of the individuals]) have a deal with nearby restaurants to poach bird species that will attract a high market price. (SA7)
During field visits to nearby markets and the restaurants mentioned in the quote above, it was not possible to confirm these claims. The restaurant owners denied that poaching occurs in the area.
Village B is close to the bird sanctuary, where bird poaching is common. Although daily fish-catch is typically high, villagers (traditional fisherfolk) of this village are involved 208 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
in poaching activities as an additional income source. The growing demand for rare bird species provides incentives to these poachers. A respondent in village B said:
The new-fisherfolk left less space for us in the fishery by occupying our fishing ground, polluting the lagoon and also ultimately reducing the fish species. Thus we are forced to do other practices such as logging and poaching. It is easier for us to earn a substantial amount of money from these activities. (SB7)
Aquaculture operating in peripheral areas of the lagoon obstructs the path of fish towards their breeding grounds, resulting in decreasing stocks. Intensive fish trapping, mechanization of boats, use of fine mesh size nylon nets (zero nets), indiscriminate catching of juvenile fish and larva, blockage of creeks with prawn barricades, weed infestation and increased dependency of the local population on the lagoon have led to the depletion of Chilika’s fish stocks (Table 6.4). During the HH survey, respondents from villages A and B did not report any instances of poaching in their village. This may have been due to the unwillingness of villagers to admit that they are involved in this kind of unsustainable practice. Nevertheless both the focus group discussions and informal interviews (quoted in this section) made it clear that poaching does occur in these areas.
Table 6-4 Destructive Resource Utilization Practices in the Chilika Area
Destructive Resource Utilization Practices
Zero net / Juvenile Village Aquaculture Mechanised boat Poaching Fish A 14 8 8 -
B 10 9 - -
C 6 6 2 4
(Data source: survey questionnaire, Q 23)
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6.3 Chilika’s Sustainability under Threat
The problems of traditional fisherfolk are widely discussed all over the state and nation.
In criticizing new fisherfolk, the president of the Chilika Mastchyajibee Mahasangha (a local organization representing the interests of fisherfolk), Mr Balaram Das, claimed,
“Non-traditional fisherfolk [he identified them as ‘mafias of aquaculture’] con- trol about 40 per cent of the fishery sources in Chilika. Once their presence is legalised, the very survival of fisher folk will be jeopardized” (The Hindu 2008).
He also argued that traditional fisherfolk have sole rights over all fishery sources in
Chilika Lake while organised crime had slowly encroached into these resources with the active institutional support (i.e., government bodies and officials). This has decreased the options available to traditional fisherfolk families for earning a livelihood as it has increased the occurrence of unsustainable resource use practices.
These threats (unsustainable resource use practices) have negative impacts on the re- sources (particularly fisheries) and socio-cultural environment of Chilika. One of these impacts is the reduction of fish catch from the lagoon (Figure 5.1). Besides, mass scale trawling near the shore and fishing in the outer channel during the breeding season has also negatively influenced the Chilika fish stock levels. This depletion in stock en- hances competition among different groups of people (traditional fisherfolk and new- fisherfolk). Other factors that put stress on Chilika’s coastal resources are population growth and catchment degradation. The increasing human population and diversifica- tion of their activities, coupled with natural processes (weed infestation, change in salin- ity, and change in water spread area) threaten Chilika’s resource base.
6.3.1 Outcomes of Past Participatory Practices in Chilika
In the year 2002, the CDA was chosen for the prestigious Ramsar Award for its
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outstanding achievement in restoring Chilika Lake, a Ramsar Site
(http://ramsar.rgis.ch/cda/en/ramsar-activities-awards-2002-ramsar-wetland-
16149/main/ramsar/1-63-67-151%5E16149_4000_0__). As a major intervention, CDA opened a new mouth; considered an historic achievement in restoration ecology. Other participatory measures taken by CDA include the participatory management of the western catchment on a micro-watershed basis, restoration of Nalabana Bird Sanctuary and improvement of bird habitats. All of these interventions were promoted as evidence of a participatory approach to ecological management.
But field observation and some archival information show that the restoration action taken by CDA did not benefit all area residents positively and thus my argument here is that the CDA’s approach was not fully participatory. Their study was only carried out in the western part of the lagoon. This research has found that the population living in the south-eastern part of the lagoon has been heavily affected by the opening of the new mouth. This study has cited several instances where the majority of the fisherfolk (e.g.,
FA1, SA9, Chapter 5.8.1) are suffering from this new mouth. They claim that the fish catch has been reduced drastically in their area and the water flow has changed direction. Thus the people living near the narrow belt of Chilika (i.e., the south-eastern part) are unsatisfied with their non-productive lease areas.
While there has been a reasonable amount of increase in the fish catch after the opening of new mouth, there have also been several drawbacks. Several studies have demonstrated that due to the straight cut of the mouth the salinity of the lagoon is increasing drastically, which might affect the unique brackish nature of the lagoon in near future (Nayak et al 2004, Jayaraman et al 2007, Mahapatra 2008). As stated in
Section 2.2.3.1 the new natural mouth opened just few kilometers away from the new mouth, causing disaster in the nearby villages. The villagers have been threatened by 211 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
sea storms and flooding caused by the location of the two closely located mouths in the area (Bureau Report 2008).
Thus, considering all these outcomes of the CDA’s intervention, this researcher believes that this intervention and the CDA’s participatory initiatives have not always benefitted the whole lagoon and all of its population. Besides, the CDA’s intervention only considered the short-term profit or development and over-looked the long-term sustainability of the eco-system.
6.4 Discussion
This whole chapter was directed to answering RQ 2 (Chapter 1.4): “What are the socio- cultural impacts resulting from past and current fishery management policies in the region?”. The study indicates the existence of a direct and indirect relationship between the local community and Chilika Lake. This wetland plays a pivotal role in the socio- economic life of the community. The socio-economic status of the local community also influences the lagoon’s ecology. There are people in the study area who have no alternate source of income while others who have alternate sources of livelihood generate profit more easily from the lagoon’s resources. The result of this socio- economic imbalance has increased biotic pressure on the lagoon’s environment. In addition, the week law enforcement that allows encroachment has increased the conflict between traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk. Although traditional rights to the lagoon’s resources belong to traditional fisherfolk, these fisherfolk are willing to share the resources with outsiders as long as they (the locals) retain equal rights to access.
Sekhar (2004, 2007) has provided some evidence that Chilika’s lagoon-side village settlements are inhabited by a diverse range of communities. However, the economic condition of many low-income households leads to extensive dependence on lagoon 212 Chapter 6 – Fishery Management’s Socio-Cultural Impact on Chilika’s Resource Base
resources. This is a most critical issue where heterogeneous communities use the diverse manners of resource extraction (fisherfolk – fishing, new-fisherfolk – aquaculture, local poor – logging and poaching, etc). Therefore, equitable management of lagoon resources must consider the needs of all potential resource-user groups. As noted by Berkes et al (1998), the failure of commons’ institutions in resolving the resource management problem impacts poorly on equitable outcomes in a heterogeneous society. Likewise, Chilika’s resource management is facing challenging circumstances with respect to its social structure, economic status and geographical location. In this case, a necessary pre-condition for developing an effective CBNRM program lies in developing a more comprehensive understanding of both the social and the environmental variability in the area.
At present the institutional structure (lease policy) operating in Chilika cannot be portrayed as a form of CBNRM. This policy system not only neglects local issues but also fails to provide livelihood security to the local poor and does not sustainably use the lagoon’s resources. Besides it fails to acknowledge the diverse social and geographical aspects of the area. In addition, these reforms are creating conflict between the traditional and new-fisherfolk of the region. Most of these conflicts relate to the growth of aquaculture in the region. It is observed that although the traditional fisherfolk grant third party subleases to aquaculturists due to the economic pressures arising from decreasing fish yields, they are against aquaculture and prawn barricades
(gheris) in Chilika. According to a traditional fishermen respondent in Village B:
Mafias and non-traditional fisherfolk [new-fisherfolk] encroaches in our lease area with active support from the administration. They encroach around 40 per cent of the fishery sources in Chilika where we have the sole right of use. By legalising their presence in Chilika fishery with the lease policy, the management has jeopardized our livelihood. (SB8)
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In contrast to the new-fisherfolk, the traditional fisherfolk have the historical and tradi- tional rights to fishing in Chilika. Chilika’s traditional fisherfolk are caught in changes in social norms, traditions and even the law of the land. As these changing circum- stances have proved challenging to local people and their livelihood needs, there has been an increase in clashes between the community and the resource managers. Culture fishery, which has been supported by government because of its profit and contribution towards the economy, was legalised in Chilika. However, it has not benefitted the lives of the poor. For aquaculture, there is need for both land and money. As fisherfolk are disadvantaged, they don’t have sufficient capital to invest in aquaculture, and are thereby trapped by middlemen who exploit them.
In desperation, traditional fisherfolk occupy the land near the mouth of the lagoon through which the fish, prawn and their juveniles enter to the lagoon. This obstructs the path of the fish population leading to a decrease in fish population numbers and diver- sity. In the prevailing situation, there is a need for a ban on culture fishing in the re- stricted zone of Chilika. With regards to capture fishing, since the fisherfolk have tradi- tional and historical right to fishing in the lagoon, all the fisherfolk in the region must have the right to capture fish in Chilika. For a peaceful co-existence of different com- munities and more even distribution of income in and around Chilika, the poor, the landless labourers and other marginalised sections of the non-fisherfolk community of the locality should have the right to capture fish in Chilika as their livelihood. There is also a need for some restrictions on capture fishing, keeping the sustenance of ecosys- tem and regeneration rate of stock of fish, shrimp and crab in mind.
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6.5 Conclusions
Placing the management of fisheries resources in the hands of the local community than the current management regime is more likely to ensure the sustainable management of fishery resources. The outcomes may be sensible if decentralization policies and decision making are employed effectively. The process of decentralization should pay enough attention to the nature of property rights that the state delegates to local people.
It is obvious that Berkes’s (2006) exclusion and subtractability problems exist in this area but with effective engagement of the community, these problems can be overcome.
The approach should allocate the rights of future harvests in lagoon area to the community, providing them with the economic incentive to self-regulate. This may be most effectively achieved through establishing small-scale, community-based commons and scaling them up as a global commons. A CBNRM that acknowledges heterogeneity, different perceptions of resource use and interest by gender, age, class, socioeconomic group or ethnic groups in the area is also essential for the effective management implementation. Moreover, the local management system should be strongly supported by local and national level institutions.
This study has documented many management problems, including social as well as geographical differences and their differential impacts on the lagoon’s resources. It is revealed that some local communities are characterized by low levels of education, and a lack of knowledge on how management policies may have positive benefits to the ecosystem and therefore future livelihoods. For example, restriction on fishing near the mouth promotes improved levels of migration of marine fish and prawns into the la- goon, improving resource access of many communities. This lack of understanding of
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ecosystem impacts is a barrier to sustainable fishery resource management in Chilika, as the success of any management policy relies on its uptake by local communities.
Access to reliable and accurate data is vital for formulating a resource management plans. Accurate data are required not only to raise awareness in the community about state of resources but also to help formulate guidelines to sustainably manage them. Re- source management is a spatial activity. Thus geospatial technology can be a valuable tool for the management process. Goodchild’s VGI, Sobeih’s IT Club Network and
McKinnon’s MIGIS have shown that it is possible to use geographic information sys- tems to obtain information from the local level and implementing such data in sustain- able resource management processes. Kyem (2004) showed that it is possible to employ
GIS for conflict resolution. Taking these examples together suggests that a prototype
GIS that is based on a CBRNM approach may be a valuable contribution for promoting sustainable use of Chilika’s resources. To achieve this, there is a need for a database that includes all relevant social and ecological information, and which is reliable, acces- sible and useful for both the local people and other stakeholders or institutions with an interest in Chilika’s resources. The next chapter introduces a prototype Google mashup26 meant to serve this purpose.
26 A mashup is a web page or web application that combines information or data from different sources to create a new service.
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CHAPTER 7 - Chilika Resource Information Database (CRID) and PPGIS for
Sustainable Resource Management
7.1 Overview
Chapters 5 and 6 demonstrated that managers need information on human populations who depend on natural resources and their actions to be able to make effective management decisions to sustainably use the resource. The availability of this information is, however, only one piece of the puzzle. Knowledge about its actual use in the decision-making process at the local level is also crucial. Therefore an approach that aims to develop a database that provides public access (e.g., a PPGIS) might help to achieve sustainable resource management goals. The prototype database, the Chilika
Resource Information Database (CRID), presented in this chapter will make it easier for members of the public to visualize the spatial dimensions of resources, to analyse and integrate data sets and also to assess the potential impacts of interventions, thereby enhancing the transparency of decisions regarding resource use.
7.2 Chilika Resource Information Database (CRID)
A well-structured database is a useful tool for decision making because it can provide resource users with access to information on resource management rules and regulations. It can also provide resource managers with timely information about resource and resource extraction levels (Huizing et al 2002). Making the database available to the public can thus improve transparency in the management system and reduce the gap between the managers and local populations. This enhances the efficiency of management institutions responsible for resource use planning and management. When both the local community and managers have access to the same 217 Chapter 7 –CRID and PPGIS for Sustainable Resource Management
information, negotiation over changes to management policy is better supported.
Effective negotiation to find mutually beneficial policies can lead to increased compliance with these policies.
The main objective of the CRID is to support the design and implementation of resource management plans in the Chilika area by providing data and visualisations about the impacts of the management process on the local environment and livelihoods. This database provides a flexible environment to which both the public and other stakeholders can contribute by providing feedback on the management process. This feedback may include complaints that provide information on encroachment and other illegal resource use practices in the area. It also allows local populations to express their views to management authorities without hindrance. For example, if villagers are not satisfied with the quality of their allotted leases they can inform the fishery department directly without any interference from the local village leaders, the PFCS or CFCMS members. The updated information on resource management policy and regulations in the database can facilitate the awareness of policy changes among the community and thus facilitate the participation of the local community in the management process.
7.2.1 Overview of the Database
This database is composed of two major parts: a database providing information and monitoring features (a Google Mashup), which includes a simple set of software interfaces that provide users with basic querying and reporting capabilities. Kiosks in each block (Chapter 7.4) help the general public to operate the information database. As the database will be in the public domain, everybody, including the general public (e.g., local people including traditional fishermen, new-fisherfolk), stakeholders (e.g., CDA,
NGOs operating in the area), and government officials can access the database’s
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information.
7.2.2 Database Architecture
CRID consists of three components:
1. Monitoring Database
2. Google Mashup
3. Feedback
The monitoring database includes information derived from GIS layers, including thematic information (e.g., lagoon geography, natural sectors, geomorphology, land use, drainage, etc.) that can help the user to monitor the characteristics of the site (i.e., the
Chilika area). The Google Mashup consists of coastal resource data embedded in a
Google Map, including all of the attribute data in it. All the information is updated in the host site and the interface acts on the query of the database user to provide the results that are of interest to the user. The Mashup has attributes attached to it which can be popped up by clicking on the information on the Google Map. For example, when a user wants to find out where fish godowns are located, by clicking the specified checkbox s/he will see a theme that not only shows the location of the fish godowns but also provides further detail (e.g., major access of transportation, information on the surrounding area, nearby towns or market) on that site.
7.2.2.1 Monitoring Database
Both data sources and processing methods are needed to build this monitoring database efficiently. All the required spatial data that has been identified as important for supporting sustainable resource management has been included in this database. CRID was developed as a geo-relational database model and implemented in a GIS 219 Chapter 7 –CRID and PPGIS for Sustainable Resource Management
environment. It is designed to store a wide range of GIS data of the area. Each database consists of an ArcGIS project and its related data files. This project consists of multiple views, themes and tables.
The monitoring database incorporates the following information, each of which are described below in more detail:
1. Basic Information
2. Social Information
3. Fishermen Information
4. Tourist Information
Basic Information
Basic Information (Figure 7.1) (http://www.griffinstudents.com/shibani/Basic info.htm) includes information on the physical and environmental features of the area including topographical, climatic, bathymetry and geomorphologic information, with a brief description and links pre-developed thematic maps showing the details of these themes.
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Figure 7-1 Basic Information
Social Information
This part of the database (http://www.griffinstudents.com/shibani/Social Info.htm) provides information on the social features of the area. This site further assists in providing information at the village level including the facilities and amenities available at the block / village level. It also includes information on educational, health institutions and services existing in the area.
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Figure 7-2 Social Information
Fisherfolk Information
This part (http://www.griffinstudents.com/shibani/Fishermen Info.htm) of the database provides information about fish stocks, types of fisheries practiced in the area, rules and regulations related to the fishing practices in the area, lease information, areas allotted to the fisherfolk, fishing zones, aquaculture zones, restricted zones, etc. The main aim of putting this information in the public domain is to aid fisherfolk to practice fishing legally. This will also help the resource users or stakeholders (private parties) who have an interest in operating any kind of fishing activities (catching fish or aquaculture) obtain all the relevant information about fair fishing practices in the area.
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Figure 7-3 Fisherfolk Information
Tourist Information
This part (http://www.griffinstudents.com/shibani/Tourist Info.htm) of the database
(Figure 7.4) provides information and assists tourists in making plans for visits to
Chilika. It combines destination-specific information, guide maps and information related to accommodation options. It also includes information on available transportation options. This specific site provides information to promote the tourism industry in the area. If interested, the authorities can promote tourism by using this database to assist stakeholders interested in developing a more robust tourism industry in the area. The establishment of such an industry is a potential alternate income- generating source for the local community and can promote sustainable resource management.
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Figure 7-4 Tourist Information
CRID is a database that can be used to answer questions about lagoon resources and their use and, thereby, can be used for decision making with regard to the use of its resources. Databases can increase the efficiency of institutions responsible for resource planning and management organization at local, state and national levels.
Another important structure in CRID is the Google Mashup Database. This provides information on lagoon resources and available fishing or aquaculture sites with the geography of their availability. This assists the user by providing answer to their various queries on the state of Chilika’s resource and its surroundings.
7.2.2.2 Google Mashup
The monitoring database resides in the Management Information page of CRID. This database deals with information related to the area authorities and their functional areas
(http://www.griffinstudents.com/shibani/Management Info.htm), and includes the
Google Map Mashup (described further in Section 7.2) through which general public can trace out lagoon related information. This site focuses on the population-
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management interactions using the mashup. This is a trial to provide information both to the local community, tourists/visitors and stakeholders including the management authorities. These ideas are borrowed from experiences described below.
Duncan & Lach (2006) investigated the use of GIS technology in public involvement in the Coastal Landscape Analysis and Modelling Study (CLAMS) in western Oregon.
Although their GIS tool was developed by groups of scientists and GIS experts, it helped to reduce the gaps between scientists and non-scientists and enhance the resource users’ participation in the management process. Their tool combined data collected from remote sensing and field plots and developed multiple models of coastal landscapes. It also displayed their analysis and classification in the form of GIS maps.
Likewise, CRID also provides information in the form of GIS maps such as geomorphology, land use change, drainage pattern and natural sectors to help resource users better understand the environment (Chilika Lake and surroundings). It is obvious that people who live in the area may have ideas about present land use types, but they may be unaware of land use patterns that used to be there 10 or 20 years earlier if they are young or are not long-time residents of the area. If they can view these earlier land uses using CRID, they can draw an idea of how the land use has changed in that area and can think of or imagine how they might help mitigate problems related to land use change. Showing aquaculture areas (both legal and illegal) can help aquaculturists to become aware of how their aquaculture ponds near the mouth obstruct the marine fish flows into the lagoon and affect the socio-ecology of the area. Giving them an idea of lagoon’s bathymetry through a simple GIS map also aids them to think of establishing aquaculture in other equally suitable sites away from the mouth.
Feedback is another valuable structure in the database. This is designed to collect
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information from the general public on issues like encroachment, illegal fishing and farming (aquaculture) and poaching. It is also an attempt to try to integrate and collect the public’s feedback on policy reforms and on regulations’ impacts on their socio- economy with associated flow-on affects on Chilika’s ecology. For example, HH interviews in villages A and B (Section 6.2.2.3) showed that some respondents denied that poaching occurred, while other informants confirmed the practice was carried out near these villages. This denial may have been driven by respondents’ fears that either they might be penalized by the authorities if they admitted to poaching or that it may create disputes among families in the village if they complained about their neighbours who are involved in poaching. This database, by anonymising who is reporting different resource use practices, can help residents to bring instances of illegal practices to the attention of the authorities with fewer negative repercussions. This may help to control not only poaching but also several other related crimes occurring in the area (e.g., encroachment, illegal fishing and aquaculture).
7.2.2.3 Feedback
This site (http://www.griffinstudents.com/shibani/Feedback.htm) assists the public to become involved in resource management and allows them to voice their support for or disagreement with management reforms, policies or regulations. This site presents a form through which the user can give their feedback, comments, and suggestions or report on any illegal activities taking place in that area to the authorities. This report will be delivered directly to the block head or the responsible person in that particular sector as well as to the relevant government department. This site assists the public to report on issues like areas of conflict, the reasons driving conflict and to get assistance from management authorities to resolve their problem. The feedback interface’s
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development was informed by some of the experiences cited below.
In Lin & Ghose’s (2008) PPGIS application, they utilized a Data Centre network for developing associations with other stakeholders through territorial and thematic networks. These territorial connections facilitated the application’s use by seeking support from all the different bodies interlinked through these networks. They sought guidance from experts, data or feedback from reliable sources, hardware and software assistance from the experts. CRID relies on a similar scheme. Its feedback function uses a network that includes related authorities who can facilitate resource management by providing support for decision making and thus the public can get positive outcomes.
The feedback on updating the data can also be enhanced through the network shown in
Figure 7.7.
Figure 7-5 Network of Feedback Analysis
This site, which follows the principles defined in the network, allows the public to give their feedback on any changes that are affecting the resource base, as well as report any
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instances of resource use conflict to managers or to the authorities. Public-generated input to the feedback site generates email reports that are distributed to the actors in the network via email. When the same report is distributed among the above stated organizations, it is less likely to be ignored or dismissed. For example, in Chapter 6.2.2, there were several instances where the respondent complained to the authorities and the authorities did not take any action against the crime. There were mysteriously no records of these complaints with the authorities. In this case, this database provides an independent place in which the local public can register complaints, with a copy sent to the local police station. Having a backup of these records will further assist residents in having action taken on their complaints.
Including media organizations (e.g., newspapers) can also help to improve transparency in these matters. Furthermore, feedback received through this site can also be analysed by resource management experts, fact-checked and verified. Once reports have been confirmed, they can be integrated into the database by the developer.
Likewise, any comments or suggestions from public on management or policy reform also will work in the same way. For example, changes and reforms tend to be made by the Directorate of Fishery or CDA. It is less likely for the other departments (e.g., State
Fishery Dept., Dept. of Agriculture, Chief Minister’s Department) to observe the onsite impacts of these reforms and their implications for local livelihoods. These higher authorities currently only hear the positive impacts of these reforms, as reported to them by the CDA or Directorate of Fishery. This database allows the general public to report the impacts of policy changes, any disagreement with the reforms or suggestions towards further modifications of the policy through the website, which directly delivers the reports to the agencies involved. This process helps the mangers and the governing
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authority to analyses their decisions and its impacts, which allows them to think about any further modification or improvements. This also provides scope for the local community to raise their voice against the inadequate management and further participate in the management process by giving their comments or suggestion on the policy reform.
Authorities who can be persuaded to use the site can use it to keep track of local environmental changes that are caused by residents and can thereby take measurement actions for sustainable resource management. If the authorities do not show interest in using the site to better understand resource users’ behaviours then other stakeholders who are working in the same sector (e.g., NGOs and development organization) can be made aware of the issues and they can take further action or can try to solve resource use problems at a higher level (e.g., the state rather than local level). Overall, this brings clarity to the management process and all the interested parties (including national and international bodies) will be better informed about resource use practices. Also by bringing transparency to the system it will enhance public participation in resource management thus leading to more sustainable coastal resource management.
7.2.3 CRID Scripting (Local / Regional Language - Oriya)
As this is a prototype database developed to fulfil the PhD study requirement of the researcher and need to pass through the examination process, at this stage it is not possible to use local language in the scripting. As the examiner and research panel members (other than the researcher herself) are both from the non-regional language speaking background, and unaware of the language, this prevents the researcher from scripting the database in the local language. As the database is meant to be employed in the local setting, the researcher aware of the language issues and intends to rescript the
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database to simple Oriya language for use by the local population before its deployment.
As for the utility of the tourist information component of the database, while there are several tourist information sites that provide information in English to local and international tourists about interesting places in Chilika, after rescripting, this site would be the first tourist information database in Oriya language. This would definitely be an asset to the local tourist industry in addition to the resource management setup as a whole.
7.3 Google Mashup / PPGIS for Chilika
The Google Mashup is a simple form of PPGIS that has been developed by integrating
Google Map and thematic maps developed in a GIS. It is an application through which data from various sources can be combined to create a new service as per public requirements. This application is easy, fast integrating and open source, which is helpful to laypersons who do not have experience with or the capacity to access sophisticated mapping software. So it can be used to put information within the reach of the general public as well as stakeholder groups and managers. The PPGIS tool can be used in the following ways:
7.3.1 PPGIS for Fisherfolk
For instance, if the traditional or new-fisherfolk try to locate a nearby fish godown then they just need to click on the Chilika base map and check the box near the Fish Godown and the mashup presents information on name, location and routes to fish godowns in and around the lagoon. This information can help them to plan their business trips to carry their catch to the godown. Although traditional fisherfolk from the area are likely already aware of the location of the godowns, this display would help new-fisherfolk 230 Chapter 7 –CRID and PPGIS for Sustainable Resource Management
who have recently become involved in fishing profession and are not very familiar with the locality.
Figure 7-6 Mashup Showing Fish Godowns by Natural Sector
Another use of the mashup that would be of help to the fisherfolk communities (both traditional and new) is information on natural sectors in the lake. From this mash-up, they can locate their fishing area and look up information on salinity levels, which can help them to decide which type of fishing technique is suitable for their fishing site. As the salinity level as well as the lagoon’s water spread area changes frequently, timely information can help them to judge the condition of their fishing sites and take measures best suited to the present conditions. With some further modification of the mashup, they will also be able to get information on their specified lease area, which can help to decrease unintentional encroachment caused by the lack of clear lease area delineations
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in the lagoon.
Likewise, selecting other themes such as land use, prawn culture zones, salinity maps or
Chilika’s base map can also help the fisherfolk community to collect wide range of information on the lagoon and its resources. For example, more detailed salinity information might help aquaculturists to establish aquaculture ponds on sites that would neither interfere with the lagoon’s ecology nor with the capture fishery activities, hence, can safely carryout their aquaculture practice within the set guidelines.
7.3.2 PPGIS for Tourists
This interface allows tourists to get information on tourist location, routes from their desired site and the facilities available in a specified area. By selecting the Tourist place checkbox with the lagoon area map, they can find their areas of interest (fishing sites, boating, dolphin watching, and scenic views) and plan their trip accordingly. Also, from the major location checkbox, they can get information about the areas in and around the
Chilika Lake, which will also helps them to choose the area of preference for booking their lodging, boarding, etc.
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Figure 7-7 Mashup Showing Tourist Points of Interest
7.4 Integrating the Database with Google Maps in a Mashup
At present Google Maps is widely recognized for its user-friendly environment that provides information on detailed maps, aerial photos, business locations and also routes and driving directions. With the Application Program Interface (API), developers can add, modify and embed their own data in the Google interface, providing application- specific information. This technique, otherwise known as a mashup, displays user- developed content on the top of the Google Map and allows user interaction with the embedded data.
CRID also includes a Google Mashup that incorporates lagoon resource data in the
Google Maps interface and assists the community living in and around the Chilika by providing information related to resource management. This database mashup aims to present a simpler way of data hacking. Similar to Ball (2002)’s Parish Mapping, this is
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also a visual approach that provides resource related information to the general public.
CRID uses location and maps as a theme, and provide a simple visual interface for decision support. It uses a simple database and a Google Map to plot locations for almost any kind of coastal data (here only Chilika lagoon data). Through this it will be easier to communicate complex information related to the research area to a broad audience. Like the PFR tool (Ball 2002), this tool also involves the local community in decision-making about lagoon’s resource related problems. Basic training on the use of the database allows local people to participate in the management process.
For developing this user friendly interface, several scripts have been developed and used in the process. These scripts can be found in Appendix D. Script I initialises the program, providing the details of the Google API key, and setting which Google Map interface to work on. This command also defines variables used in the user queries.
Script II processes user input about which map theme s/he wants to see and identifies the appropriate XML file to load or display. Script III loads XML files developed from
GIS shape files using an XML converter tool (which can be downloaded from https://www.e-education.psu.edu/files/geog863/file/mashup_tools.zip). Script IV checks for errors with loading the XML file and displays the results to the user. Overall, all these scripts run together in a single set of scripts to mash up the GIS data with Google
Map and display the required output.
7.5 Establishing Kiosks
A kiosk is a booth with one or more computers and access to internet facilities. To make the PPGIS application accessible to local residents in the short-term, it will be necessary to establish a kiosk in each block in the Chilika area. In the longer-term, many residents will have access to internet enabled mobile phones. The kiosks can be operated by local
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individuals who have knowledge of computers and the internet. Although it is hard to find literate people in some villages, in the Chilika area there are literate people who can help assisting in the operation of the kiosk. Informal discussions with NGOs operating in the area established that they would be happy to run the kiosks with some financial support from the government. With the help of interested groups of people it will be easy to make the local people aware of operating the database. So with a limited guidance from the kiosk operator, local people can take advantage of CRID, the PPGIS developed for this thesis.
With an intention of overcoming the resource management related problems that exist in the Chilika area and bringing the community to participate in the management process, this PPGIS is a prototype in the field of coastal resource management. There are lots of advantages to using this mashup including:
- Availability of high quality of map with no cost
- Scalability to large number of users
- User friendly interface
- Use to keep up with technology advances
Although there are several advantages of using this open source data, its disadvantages also need to be considered while using this for any management and developmental organizations.
7.5.1 Employing the Database in a Remote Setting
Employing this Participatory GIS (CRID) in Chilika’s fisheries will allow increased participatory democracy and decentralization of management responsibilities. CRID can be used by the community to develop a common vision of the state of the resource,
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which can further serve as the basis for expressing the general problems in the area.
Through public awareness programs, the interest in participation can be generated among the local community. Weiner et al (2002) and Craig et al (2002) argue that a participatory GIS can empower the community by asking for their opinions on and contribution towards maintaining and updating the database, with the potential to develop awareness about their environment, resolve disagreements and difficulties, and allow them to participate actively in long-term planning.
The Indian government has been working to implement e-governance since 1990. It approved the National E-Governance Action Plan for implementation during the years
2003-2007 (Monga 2008). This encourages a citizen-centric environment for governance. The primary goal set by this system is government-citizen interaction in the management process. In this regard Indian government has also taken several initiative actions (Monga 2008, p. 55):
“Adoption of “Information Technology (IT) Act, 2000 by the Government of
India to provide legal framework to facilitate electronic transactions in 17
October 2002
Establishment of the National Taskforce of Information Technology and
Software Development in May 1998
Creation of Centre for e-governance to disseminate the best practices in the area
of e- governance for the use by the Central and State Governments and act as a
nodal centre to provide general information on e-governance, national and
international initiatives, and IT policies of the government(s)
Developing e-office solutions to enable various ministries and departments to
do their work electronically. Promoting e-file, e-notings, submission of reports,
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Setting up of a High Powered Committee (HPC) with Cabinet Secretary as its
Chairman to improve administrative efficiency by using Information Technology
in Government
Designating a Joint Secretary level officer as IT manager in every Ministry/
Department
Instituting websites by almost all Ministries and Departments and providing
information on aspects such as their objectives, policies and decisions, contact
persons, etc.”
E-governance is implemented through establishing operational kiosks in different areas.
Though the introduction and establishment of a sustainable kiosk system is challenging but test systems are still operational in several rural areas (Toyama et al 2004). One avenue that has been explored is getting software companies to agree to subsidise kiosk establishment. After trials, one revenue stream for companies was identified: villagers are interested in learning how to use computers and companies can thereby promote some computer training courses, which generates some revenue for the software companies (Toyama et al 2004).
In their technical report, Toyama et al (2004) analysed the challenges in delivering benefits of the kiosk and making the kiosk project economically sustainable in rural
India. This report was based on a kiosk project initiated by two profit-oriented companies (i.e., Telecommunications and Computer Networks (TeNet) group at the
Indian Institute of Technology, and the Madras and IT Service Company). The goal of this project was to deliver relevant services for rural socio-economic development through connected PCs and networks (Toyama et al 2004). Though these two kiosk projects are still operational in rural India, the main challenge these projects are facing 237 Chapter 7 –CRID and PPGIS for Sustainable Resource Management
is that posed by the economic condition of the poor villagers. In these rural areas where socio-economic development is most desired, expecting the sustainability of the kiosks in terms of economic profit is a daydream.
However, in Chilika, there are also universities and educational institutions (located in nearby districts e.g., Puri, Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, Rourkela) where students are involved in environmental research, and GIS and spatial studies. If the academics can be persuaded to allow young researchers to work on a short term project collecting local level information in Chilika’s communities, this may provide one avenue for data updates. In this way data can be updated in each semester by the academics. Similarly, students working on web development and maintenance can also contribute towards maintaining the database. Like the Oregon Coastal Atlas
(http://www.coastalatlas.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=27&Itemi d=2), this database can further improved by voluntary contributions of software and academic professionals.
7.5.1.1 Establishing the Setup
It is obvious that at some local settings the community organizations have the resources
(such as computer and related software and hardware requirements) to establish the Ki- osk. However, in other areas where people are struggling to earn their day to day neces- sities is hard for the community to support those kinds of arrangements. In this case the help from development organizations, interested government or non-government body is most essential. During the field visit the researcher had find out some NGOs (DBS.
Bhubaneswar), are interested in taking initiatives to establish the kiosk and taking charge of its functionality in some areas. Besides there are organizations such as offi-
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cials from Department of Tourism, State Forestry Department verbally appreciated this approach and are willing to provide help in future.
Like the Oregon Coastal Atlas (the Internet GIS data portals), which is jointly managed by the Oregon Ocean-Coastal Management Program, Oregon State University, and Eco- trust, CRID can also possibly managed in the same way. This helps to establish com- mon ground between controlling access and promoting the use of PPGIS data, similar to the Oregon Coastal Atlas (Haddad et al 2005).
7.5.2 Reliability of the Information / Validating the Database
According Agdalipe & Boromthanarat (2003), information collected from the local level and stakeholder groups can be an alternative to difficult to access remote sensing and satellite data. This study argued that community groups can estimate accurate information on the resources, which can overcome the issues related to the absence of highly technical tools. They also recommend that public integrated GIS is also about generating awareness among the community about resource management by involving both the community and the different levels (regional / local/ state / national) of government.
While Mahfud and Weir (1999) cited that the collecting of information by ground inventory using RS and GIS technology is extremely difficult, time consuming and moreover an expensive job, and Agdalipe & Boromthanarat (2003) found that their public participatory process shows promise for rapidly gathering, inexpensive and accurate information about local resources. This PPGIS can also use the public as local geographic informers to collect information which would be more reliable and easily accessible with little or no cost involved.
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7.6 Limitations of CRID
An open-source, well-structured and easily accessible database makes it possible to provide answers to many questions asked in natural resource management and thereby, is a useful tool for decision making for sustainable resource management. For CRID to work successfully in practice, a number of implementation issues will need to be further investigated and solved. These are given below.
- Restricting illegal exploitation of the data base
- Lack of availability of high resolution images
- Poor quality data and biased information
One problem with open source databases lies in restricting access to illegal users. As user-supplied information is anonymous (to protect users’ privacy and limit the potential for retribution for lodging a complaint) identifying illegal exploitation of the database is difficult. Moreover, some users may provide incorrect or biased information (to further their own self-interests), which affects the management process. This database currently does not allow the user to directly modify the mashup, but it does not place restrictions on what may be submitted to the feedback site. If the site can be further developed to incorporate the ability for users to directly add spatial data, the addition of new data to the database could become more efficient. However, the need to address the problem of incorrect or biased information means that feedback needs to be verified by someone, perhaps volunteer organizations or experts who can further help modifying the database and resolving issues of contradictory reports.
Some of essential data which have been collected from different primary as well as secondary sources are of low quality, out of date or missing information. Getting
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updated information required funds for data acquisition and also the co-operation of the concerned body. Providing trained staff to operate and provide assistance to the general public for operating this database is also a matter of concern. The initial awareness of this database and its potential effect on resource management and development is required. During the survey, it was found that although local people are willing to participate and co-operate in maintaining and providing information to update and manage this development strategy, there is less interest among leaders and government organizations. The potential of an information system such as CRID to make public decisions more systematic and efficient as well as transparent may in some government and managerial sector be less desired than is often assumed from an outsiders' point of view.
It is also obvious that as this is an open source data base, so the proper measures should be taken to restrict the illegal use of this data source, which is beyond the scope of developing this prototype. All of these are problems that should be resolved through user studies in future research.
7.7 Conclusions
PPGIS is a useful tool for presenting and integrating coastal resource information in a publicly available system. Although at present there are several sophisticated GIS maps and databases for the Chilika area, they are not easily accessible to the general public.
This information can also be presented in a simpler and more expressive GIS mapping format which further helps stakeholders to build awareness about various aspects of coastal resource use and their impacts on socio-environmental settings. It is obvious that communities are more focused on sustaining livelihoods than sustaining the ecological setting of the coast in this area. But proper implementation of this database could help
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to build the awareness of sustainable coastal resource utilization practices among stakeholders. At the preliminary stage it is the basic responsibility of the developer or the database manger to present as much information to the public in an accessible format so that the general public can get whatever information they are after. If the management and regulation guidelines, together with the lease are maps can be embedded with the mashup, it would help stakeholders to follow management rules and thus may reduce conflict among resource users. Secondly, it is also vital to monitor whether the staff who are guiding the general public to operate this prototype operate without any external influences. This can be done by NGOs operating in the area (with the consent of local communities), or also by joint efforts of local organizations (both those from the fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk communities), such as the Maa Mangala
Matsyajibi Sangha, Chilika Jubaka Gosthi, etc. Local organizations that are developed by the local communities will be important potential clients at the village and block level if the government supports their operation of a kiosk.
To get the support from government it is also required to present the whole setup to the government and convince them of its potential positive outcomes. Promoting this database in the government and management sectors requires a personal approach to the officials to raise awareness of the effectiveness of this database. A formal presentation on the organizational structure and operation of this tool can help the government to think about its implementation in the management process. Also with the help of media it can be promoted and get support from both the public and management.
The implementation of CRID has the potential to make decisions with respect to public participation and coastal resource management more efficient and effective for all members of the community. However, there are a number of barriers which need to be
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overcome for success of this project. Co-operation and support from all sectors like government, non government and local organization is required for the success of this project.
243 Chapter 7 –CRID and PPGIS for Sustainable Resource Management
244 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
CHAPTER 8 - Conclusions
8.1 Summary of Findings
The present research work has analysed how resource management policies and their changing patterns over time have influenced the Chilika’s socio-ecological environment differently at different spatial localities by affecting local livelihood systems. To overcome the issues related to resource management this is a systematic approach to investigate the scope for using public participation GIS (PPGIS) in Chilika.
One of the findings is that there are both direct and indirect relationships between the lagoon resources and the local community and thus managing this resource without including the local community is futile. Previously, there was a complex system of local rules and regulations employed by Chilika’s traditional fishing communities that used to govern access to fisheries resources. They had a well established local institutional control over the resources. With a shift from local to state government control over resource access, local traditional fisherfolk groups no longer had effective representation in groups that made decisions about access to the lagoon’s resources
(evidenced through a lack of government–citizen trust). The new management policy does not account for the differential impacts of the policy at different spatial localities.
This breakdown of local institutional control gave rise to resource use-related clashes and conflicts between the diverse communities in Chilika.
Another finding of this research is that the Chilika area is not only populated by traditional fisherfolk communities but also by several new-fisherfolk who live in and around the area in desperate economic conditions. These poor new-fisherfolk also claim
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to have similar rights to access the lagoon’s resources as the traditional fisherfolk.
Therefore, the exclusion and subtraction problems are the main management challenges in the area and are most difficult to address. Chilika is a Common Property Resource
(Rakhita Anabadi) and therefore the government is responsible for regulating community access rights, maintaining the quality and quantity of resources without destroying them.
It would be hard to describe the current management framework as a form of CBNRM.
The current lease policy fails to account for social differences within communities.
There is also a lack of consideration for location-related differences and their impacts on Chilika’s residents. This gave rise to conflict in the region. Most of these conflicts relate to the growth of aquaculture in the region and many recent management reforms support the aquaculturists directly and indirectly. The policies have protected neither the ecology of the surrounding area nor the local populations’ livelihoods.
On this basis there is a strong argument that the management policies for Chilika must account for the potential differential impacts on communities in different parts of the lagoon and make a good faith effort to genuinely engage with communities in the area.
Sekhar (2004) agrees that the state should set a higher priority on supporting community decision-making rather than adopting a command and control approach to resource allocation. Granting more rights to capture fisheries may bring improvements in the sustainability of resource harvesting in the area.
Chilika Lake plays a pivotal role in the life of the surrounding communities and the health of these communities also influences the lagoon’s ecology (Iwasaki et al 2009).
However, the strength and nature of this relationship is geographically variable and residents living in some locations are more strongly dependent upon the lagoon’s 246 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
resources than those who live in other locations. The current management plan is not sensitive to the differential needs of the diverse local populations that surround the lagoon. The government could improve the health of Chilika Lake by developing a management plan that attends to social differences within communities and geographical variations in the relationship between lagoon-side communities and the lagoon’s resources.
Databases can be used to promote awareness of the quality and quantity of resources as well as to formulate guidelines for sustainably managing resources. Although much information about Chilika and its resource base is available, it exists in scattered formats within different private sector and government organizations. This is not accessible by the ordinary people. So this present work attempts to provide most of the information to the general public that is relevant for resource management in Chilika to enable broader access to the information.
On the other hand, this interactive database also can help the general public to provide resource managers with updated information on the resource and to participate in resource management by providing their valuable feedback on recent and proposed policy reforms. With the help of the NGOs or a government body, a kiosk can be established in each block in the Chilika area. With little training, local communities can operate this database. Local people using this database can also report on regulation violations, thus helping the management authorities to take immediate measures to address them.
8.1.1 Facilitating the use of CRID
According to Macnab (2002), GIS is a tool that can provide digital information and also
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support and assist in the documentation of local knowledge. He notes that knowledge, acquired by the interaction of fisherfolk with the researcher and research system generates reliable information. Nevertheless, information often needs proper filtration and transformation to fit into the GIS, requiring compilation and interpretation by the researcher (Macnab 2002). Likewise, CRID’s information, in particular the resource map can potentially be distributed via hard copies, and through which many more participants who do not have access to computing resources can participate in the management process or projects. This can be done in the fishing godowns where the local fisherfolk and non-fisherfolk bring their catch to sale in the market.
In their study, Leitner et al (2002), analysed different ways of making GIS available to the community and community organizations. The cited five dimensions of the availability such as; communication structures, nature of interaction with the GIS, location of GIS, GIS stakeholders; and legal and ethical issues surrounding GIS use. For making GIS available all these five dimensions need to be considered and analysed properly. Leitner et al (2002) argue that Internet Map Servers, neighbourhood GIS centres and publicly accessible GIS facilities at universities and libraries are a few of the recommended way of delivering PPGIS to the public. The kiosk idea behind CRID draws on aspects of each of these three methods and can be expected to bring some modicum of participation in resource management to the Chilika fishery’s stakeholders.
8.1.2 Motivations behind CRID
Local groups will be made aware of CRID, which is freely available in the Internet, by distributing leaflets in fish godowns. Taylor (2007) suggested that by allowing groups to draw their own opinions, make recommendations on management issues (such as conflict resolution) and take part in participatory mapping using GIS technologies
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(developing resource use maps) empowers the underprivileged. This process also promotes the participation of the local community in their own governance and in the management of resources, which is fundamental to their economic well-being.
Therefore, the key motivation of this PPGIS approach is to allow the underprivileged community in the area to raise their voice against the inadequate governance systems, indicate resource access sites they consider to be suitable, and judge and report on instances of encroachment. Through this system the local people can directly complain about any managerial interventions with negative impacts on the eco-system. In some cases (e.g., in Village A), management authorities may be unaware of the actual situation on the ground. In these cases using the CRID feedback functionality, local people can express their problems and situation directly to the authority, instead of passing their complaints through village-head – area representative – block member – local fishery department – CDA – State Fishery and so on.
8.2 Implications of PPGIS
Although this public participatory database, with its readily availability of up-to-date and easily accessible information, is one potential solution for complicated problems like public participation, , it also has several limitations which cannot be disregarded.
8.2.1 Challenges of establishing kiosks in developing areas
In Indian rural areas information from the government used to be disseminated among rural populations through radio, newspapers or through distribution of pamphlets or television advertisements. Although this was considered to be the most convenient way of passing information to local populations, some people were left out by this procedure. The illiteracy of the rural poor also became a constraint for them to receive
249 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
information and thereby to be able take advantage of various programs (Lahiri 2005).
There are several examples of kiosks which are operating in rural India with an aim of poverty reduction and providing information to the local poor (Cecchini & Scott 2003).
Without kiosks in rural areas, due to limited technology and resources (e.g., absence of high-speed broadband, lack of links to the website, problem of connectivity), computer literate rural people have to travel to towns or cities to access the internet.
Research undertaken by Kurian et al (2006) analyses the social and political challenges that exist in the application of information and communication technology (ICT) kiosk projects in rural India. This research focused on a particular project named Akshaya, which was implemented as a rural computer service kiosk in the Kerala, India. It was initiated in Kerala’s Malappuram district as a pilot project, and was eventually rolled out to the 13 other districts by the government. Both the state and an entrepreneur were involved in its establishment. The state subsidized e-literacy training, provided training for entrepreneurs for economic sustainability, facilitated loans for entrepreneurs, established the network and internet connectivity, developed curricula, provided general marketing and oversaw logistics. The entrepreneur was involved in creating awareness about the e-literacy program, attracting customers to provide services and maintain the financial sustainability of the business. During the process of implementation both the state and the entrepreneur had challenges addressing social and financial sustainability.
There was a difference in opinion between the state and the entrepreneur, and also between the entrepreneur and potential consumers. This necessitated that the state and entrepreneurs deal with the politics and pressures behind the state’s public-private strategy. It required integration of social development, which encourages local interests, and principles of entrepreneurship and business success. Thus the project exposed a trade off between social development and financial sustainability (Kurian et al 2006). 250 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
Despite these challenges, the Indian government continues to take measures to publish information on the internet. However, to date, providing information at the state / regional / local level has not been done in a timely fashion or with sufficient detail.
Even though the current system has many issues, there are still some sectors where attempts have been taken to provide the information to the public through the internet.
There are some state government sites from which people can get application forms through information kiosks (Lahiri 2005). There are several examples in rural India where information and communication technology (in kiosks) have contributed to poverty reduction, empowerment and security. Some of these include ‘Computerized milk collection centres’, ‘India Healthcare Delivery project’, Gyandoot and Smart
Cards.
Furthermore, it is a difficult task to establish the network of kiosks in developing areas like Chilika where political instability, economic hardship and changing public interests are more significant than other problems such as the availability of computer literate residents and the willingness of NGOs to operate the kiosk. The political instability that controls most of the technical and industrial sectors in many developing regions might have similar influences on the kiosks. In countries like India where there are always political clashes and the ruling party tries to overtake the established setup of the opposition party, the kiosk system might not get proper support.
8.2.2 Expenditure Involved
Establishing a kiosk needs a reasonable amount of investment. In addition to the staff, who are needed to run the kiosk, it also needs some financial support. In long run, the kiosks may not get sufficient financial and physical support from the government, which may lead to the breakdown of this institution. Clearly, as noted above, most
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kiosks are not (yet) financially self-sufficient.
8.2.3 Data Moderation
Effective employment of this PPGIS setup may be a complicated exercise without institutional changes at several levels. During this research it has become clear that collection of information, analysis and validation of this information, and conclusion drawing will require some modifications for use within the GIS. The data provided or updated by local populations that do not know anything about the GIS technology may be difficult to incorporate into the GIS. This necessitates the involvement of an individual with some level of GIS expertise to convert population-generated inputs into e GIS attribute or spatial data. This can be done by researchers involved in this area or the people who establish the kiosks.
Moreover at present it is complicated to work out each individual’s interest because there are huge expectations of the stakeholders on a limited resource base. So it is obvious that each of the stakeholders might be interested in maximizing their own profit, compromising the universal or community profit. The information provided by those informants might be biased or driven by self-concern. So this needs to be taken into account in order to meet the goal of sustainable management.
8.2.4 Ease of Database Access
Finally, the real challenge for the effective implementation of this PPGIS prototype is the potential for misutilisation of the web information, which is a major limitation of this kind of open access database. It would have little value if people provide inaccurate or biased information, which creates errors in the system and misleads resource managers. So the provision of new data for the database needs to be monitored regularly to avoid this type of misuse, which seems to be a tough task. However, there are other 252 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
initiatives that deal with similar issues (Baldauf & Frolich 2008, Cotfas et al 2009), from which this project can learn.
Baldauf & Frolich (2008), supporting Goodchild’s call for VGI, recommended the use of open source data for Location-Based Services. In their prototype mobile web browser application, there is an option for the public to modify and correct each other’s data inputs similar to that used in Wikipedia (Baldauf & Frolich 2008). They also found it was difficult to manage the exact amount of information which can be useful for the system. Also there is limited scope to filter the information to make the appropriate use of the data inputs made by the public. Nevertheless, their efforts can inform the development of procedures for public updating of the CRID database.
Despite the potential problems with deploying CRID, the need for more localized data
(in terms of community fishing grounds, fishery practices, lease, encroachment and exploitation) demands a participatory role for communities in both science and management practice. In this regard the local fisherfolk or new-fisherfolk as well as the general public can be a source for that valuable information. Likewise, community groups can also provide information on management impacts or implications, which is otherwise impossible to access through the government or other management databases.
GIS in general and PPGIS in particular have a potential to act as a link between a spatially knowledgeable public and science/policy development (Sheppard 1995, Kyem
2002, and Craig et al 2002). According to Sheppard (1995), GIS can draw out the relationships between objects of the world in terms of its graphic output (i.e. cartographic representations), its advanced data storage systems and its advance observations on the real world. Likewise, Kyem (2002) noted that with the availability of computer and software provides underprivileged groups with access to required
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information, the scope to express their own views or opinions and raise their voice against mismanagement). Utilizing these options they can create, store and analyse information in a way which it easier for the local groups to participate effectively in management or development process.
8.3 Future Research
This prototype is potentially an effective tool for sharing common interests of groups involved in resource management. Moreover, it integrates all required spatial information in one display, and helps provide information on management rules and regulations that aim to support integrated conservation and sustainable resource management and development. It can also help the public to understand common property rights and support peer-to-peer communication. In building a prototype Public
Participation GIS (PPGIS), CRID aims to motivate the exchange of information and makes progress in visualising community-based knowledge and perceptions to provide stakeholders (traditional fisherfolk and new-fisherfolk) and less-favoured community members (i.e., the local poor) an added stake in designing and owning development and lagoon resource management initiatives.
There are a number of ways in which this research can be extended. The suggestions are as follows:
The government, a non-government organization or even an individual with a
keen interest in this area can modify the database according to their require-
ments to promote more effective management practice.
254 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
This database can be linked to government sites like the Bureau of Meteorology,
Remote Sensing or Tourism, strengthening the prototype’s contribution towards
resource management by providing additional information.
The database can be integrated with Scribble Maps27 or Wayfaring,28 two tech-
nologies that will allow the public to add their own data and personalize their
interest in the mashup, enhancing the participatory process.
Instead of a kiosk, this technology can be integrated with mobile technology,
which will reduce the cost of establishment and operation of kiosks as well.
8.4 Recommendations for Database Use and User Training
The following recommendations are made as a part of formulating strategies to enhance the effectiveness of CRID for sustainable coastal resource management by the local community as well as government bodies:
Providing basic training to local people on operating computers.
Establishing a kiosk at each station or block and providing a computer
literate staff member who can assist the public in operating this database
Making the local populations aware of the importance of the information
stored in the database and restricting the potential damage of the data-
base from the provision of inaccurate or biased information.
8.5 Conclusions
The present research analysed the challenges that persist in the area of environment and resource management in the Chilika region. Effective resource management approaches
27 http://www.scribblemaps.com/. Last accessed 29 March 2010. 28 http://www.wayfaring.com/. Last accessed 29 March 2010. 255 Chapter 8 - Conclusions
rely on a large set of information derived from different sources. In addition, information technology has been demonstrated to provide efficient assistance in providing up-to-date and timely information with the help of spatial technology, simulation, multi-criteria optimisation models and computer graphics. This technology also provides assistance in decision support for coastal resource management.
Major constraints to sustainable coastal resource management include inappropriate policy reform, lack of adequate information and overall lack of public interest and participation. The failure of coastal resource management systems can give rise to serious problems like water pollution, resource exploitation, encroachment, and resource use conflicts. Overcoming these problems requires formulating appropriate policy that accounts for public interests and allows public participation. Additionally, sound and reliable information on the resource base is important for effective management. Moreover, transparency brings efficiency in policy decisions and implementations. Thus bringing coastal resource use planning in line with public participation for socio-economic development as well as sustainable resource use practice is one of the first measures to ensure sound management and sustainable use of coastal resources. Also, it can help to enhance the quality of life of the local community.
Finally, the aim of CRID is to provide an opportunity for coastal communities to advance the field of coastal resource management with their co-operation and participation. The ultimate objective is to improve planning and decision-making processes by providing useful and scientifically sound information to the actors
(including public officials, stakeholders and scientists as well as the general public) involved in the resource management process and thus achieve the goal of sustainable coastal resource management.
256 References
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274 Appendix A -Household Survey
Appendix A: Household Survey Questionnaire
Respondent’s Identification 1. Name of the household head:
2. Name of the respondent:
3. Gender: Male/Female
4. Age:
5. Religion:
6. Caste:
7. Name of the Village:
8. Education Level; Literate/Illiterate/Level passed
Household Demographic Features: 9. Description of Family Members
Name Sex Age Education Occupation
Status (Main/Supplementary)
10. Major source of income:
11. Dependent on Coastal resources: Yes/No
12. Nature of the resources:
13. Major site of resource availability in the area:
14. Types of resource available:
15. For what purposes do people encroach on the lake?
o Expand agricultural land
o Fishing gear 275 Appendix A -Household Survey
o Catching Animals
o Firewood
o Others
16. What types of local organizations are functioning in the area?
o Village Committee
o Youth Organization
o Fishermen Organization
o Other (Specify):
17. Do you know the national laws on coastal resource management? Yes/No
o Can you tell me what they are?
18. Do you follow that law: Yes/No
o Why or why not?
19. Does your community have village regulation for fishery resource management:
Yes/No
o Can you tell me what they are?
20. Do you know the members of “Village community committee”: Yes/No
o Who are they?
21. Does the “Village community committee” undertake activities in resource con-
servation? Yes/No/Do not know
22. If yes, what are their activities?
o Train villagers
o Ban on illegal resource extraction (Fishing)
o Arrest the offenders
o Meeting with villagers
o Others (Specify) ______
276 Appendix A -Household Survey
23. Are there any destructive resource utilization practice by people in your village:
Yes/No
o What are these practices?
o Who do you think carries out these practices?
o Why do you think they undertake destructive practices?
24. How did you and the community committee ban them to stop such fishing?
o Arrest them
o Train them
o Report to commune or district police
o Do nothing
25. Have you observed any outsiders encroaching into your area: Yes/No
26. If yes, how many outsider encroachers per day?
o Dry Season:______
o Rainy Season:______
27. Did the encroachers practise the destructive resource utilization practices?
Yes/No
28. If yes, what types of resource utilization prac-
tices:______
29. Does the number of encroachers increase or decrease in recent years:
o Increase
o Stable
o Decrease
30. Did the encroachers have conflicts with the villagers: Yes/No
31. If yes, how did authorities and village community committee solve the conflicts?
______
277 Appendix A -Household Survey
32. If no, how do you manage by yourself? ______
33. Please give the figure of your household income:
Source of Monthly Average Average household
income income(INR/Month) income(INR/Month)
Dry Season Rainy Season
Fishing
Rice Farming
Vegetables
Boat Making
Fishing Gear
Making
Boat rearing
Trading
Other
(Specify)
Total
278 Appendix B – Script for Focus Group Discussions
Appendix B: Script for Focus Group Discussions
1. Background Introduction about villages
o History
o Total households
o Caste distribution (SC, ST, OBC etc.)
o Land holding size
o Occupation distribution
o Literacy level
o Annual household income (min, max, avg)
2. Facilities and services
3. Fishing community
4. Boatmen (no. of boats)
5. Coastal resources as understood by the villagers
o Types of resources
o Collection
o Utilization (quantity procured, home consumption, role, processing,
etc)
6. Main occupation and source of income
o Agriculture
o Livestock
o Firewood collection
o Fishery / Capture fishery
o Aquaculture (shrimp)
o Off-farm / other activities
7. Resource boundary and utilization
279 Appendix B – Script for Focus Group Discussions
o Resource Collecting season
o Ownership status
o Equipment used
o Resource types
o Fishing season
o Aquaculture development
8. Dependency on the coastal resources for livelihood
9. Trend and awareness of resources
10. Problem and conflict associated with resource collection and utilization
11. Conflict resolution; practices and methods
12. Revenue and tax if any
13. Community operation / individual operation in harvesting the coastal resources
14. People’s participation (purpose, frequency, output)
15. Encroach / ledge of coastal land (history and no. of years)
16. Use of encroached land sharing revenue / Income generated from the en-
croached land
17. Existing rules and regulation to control and monitor the resource collection
o By the villagers
o By local government
o Local organization
18. Awareness about the depletion of resources
o Fish resources
o Bird
o Wood
o Other (if any)
280 Appendix B – Script for Focus Group Discussions
19. Conservation rules / practices
o Traditional
o Low intensity
o High intensity
20. Commercial / Mechanised Farming
21. Supreme Court Decisions and Directories
22. Implementation
23. Villagers thinking about ideas about conservation
24. Awareness about CDA (Chilika Development Authority) activities (Extracting
knowledge from the villagers)
25. Impact of new channel connecting the lake with the sea
281 Appendix C – Checklist for Secondary Data Collection
Appendix C: Checklist for Secondary Data Collection
Chilika Development Authority (CDA)
Department of Environment (studies and government / donor agency reports)
Universities (thesis and research reports)
Department of State Fisheries
Department of State Forestry
State Tourism Department
Department of Agriculture (Orissa State)
Block Development Office
NGOs involved in and around the Chilika Lake
Orissa Remote Sensing Application Centre (ORSAC)
Revenue of Statistics and Economics
National Informatics Centre
Census of India (http://www.censusindia.net/)
District Gazetteers
High Court case pending on Chilika
Department of Geography, Ravenshaw College, Cuttack & Utkal University,
Bhubaneswar
282 Appendix D – Script of Google Mashup
Appendix D: Scripts of Google Mashup
Script Part I
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