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Political Participation of National Minorities in the Danish-German Border Region
Political Participation of National Minorities in the Danish-German Border Region A series of studies on two hard-to-identify populations in a role-model-region Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades Doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) an der Fakultät Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften, Fachbereich Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg vorgelegt von Adrian Schaefer-Rolffs Hamburg, den 06.06.2016 Erstgutachter : Prof. Dr. Kai-Uwe Schnapp Zweitgutachterin : Prof. Dr. Tove Hansen Malloy Tag der Disputation : 26.09.2016 “Always the hard way. Nothing was ever handed to me. Always the hard way. You taught me truth, you gave me strength. I learned everything the hard way” (Nicholas Jett and Scott C. Vogel) Contents Contents Contents ............................................................................................. V List of tables ............................................................................................ IX List of figures .......................................................................................... XI Abbreviations ....................................................................................... XIII Acknowledgements ................................................................................ XV Part I. Introductory part ..................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................ 3 1.1. Positioning and reflexivity .................................................................... 7 1.2. Relevant literature -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
The Danish-German Border: Making a Border and Marking Different Approaches to Minority Geographical Names Questions
The Danish-German border: Making a border and marking different approaches to minority geographical names questions Peter GAMMELTOFT* The current German-Danish border was established in 1920-21 following a referendum, dividing the original duchy of Schleswig according to national adherence. This border was thus the first border, whose course was decided by the people living on either side of it. Nonetheless, there are national and linguistic minorities on either side of the border even today – about 50,000 Danes south of the border and some 20,000 Germans north of the border. Although both minorities, through the European Union’s Charter for Regional and National Minorities, have the right to have signposting and place-names in their own language, both minorities have chosen not to demand this. Elsewhere in the German- Scandinavian region, minorities have claimed this right. What is the reason behind the Danish and German minorities not having opted for onomastic equality? And how does the situation differ from other minority naming cases in this region? These questions, and some observations on how the minorities on the German-Danish border may be on their way to obtaining onomastic equality, will be discussed in this paper. INTRODUCTION Article 10.2.g. of the Council of Europe’s European Charter for Regional and National Minorities (ETS no. 148) calls for the possibility of public display of minority language place-names.1 This is in accordance with the Council of Europe’s Convention no. 157: Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. Here, the right for national minorities to use place-names is expressed in Article 11, in particular sub-article 3,2 which allows for the possibility of public display of traditional minority language * Professor, University of Copenhagen, Denmark. -
Everyone's Treasure Chest
Everyone’s treasure chest THERE’S MONEY IN OUR BUILT HERITAGE EVERYONE’S TREASURE CHEST CONTENTS There’s money in our built heritage © Realdania 2015 PAGE 3 Edited by: Frandsen Journalistik Design: Finderup Grafisk Design Preface by Hans Peter Svendler, Cover photo: Steffen Stamp executive director at Realdania Proofreading: Anna Hilstrøm ISBN: 978-87-996551-9-9 PAGE 4 Our shared narrative PAGE 6 Our built heritage makes home prices rise PAG E 11 Hasseris: A historic wealthy neighbourhood PAGE 14 Troense: The pearl of the South Funen Archipelago PAG E 17 Ballum: Built heritage at the edge PAGE 19 Lønstrup: Residents saved their town PAGE 25 Ribe: Flourishing tourism PAGE 42 Behind the analysis 2 WHAT IS BUILT HERITAGE WORTH? he Danish built heritage is a resource which Innumerable articles, analyses and studies have focussed In terms of the bottom line, built heritage creates value, for holds architectural qualities and which holds and on the sometimes hard-to-define qualities of built heritage. example by attracting tourists and creating jobs. Tgreat potential for development of Danish society; The numerous SAVE evaluations have brought us a long both in establishing identity and as a source of income. way, by grading the best of built heritage and prioritising We hope that the stories in this publication will encourage Every day, many of the Danish population enjoy the ‘soft’ values. decision-makers and planners in municipalities as well as attractive, solid buildings around them, and every day these owners and users of the built heritage to have a little more historic and exciting surroundings contribute to the quality However, there have been no analyses which examine focus on preserving, developing and exploiting the rich of life in Denmark. -
Opposition and Legislative Minorities: Constitutional Roles, Rights and Recognition
Opposition and Legislative Minorities: Constitutional Roles, Rights and Recognition International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 22 Opposition and Legislative Minorities: Constitutional Roles, Rights and Recognition International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 22 Elliot Bulmer © 2021 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. Design and layout: International IDEA DOI: https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.67 ISBN: 978-91-7671-443-0 (PDF) Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................ 6 2. What is the issue? .................................................................................................. 9 2.1. The principle: democracy and dialogue ........................................................... -
The Parliamentary Electoral System in Denmark
The Parliamentary Electoral System in Denmark GUIDE TO THE DANISH ELECTORAL SYSTEM 00 Contents 1 Contents Preface ....................................................................................................................................................................................................3 1. The Parliamentary Electoral System in Denmark ..................................................................................................4 1.1. Electoral Districts and Local Distribution of Seats ......................................................................................................4 1.2. The Electoral System Step by Step ..................................................................................................................................6 1.2.1. Step One: Allocating Constituency Seats ......................................................................................................................6 1.2.2. Step Two: Determining of Passing the Threshold .......................................................................................................7 1.2.3. Step Three: Allocating Compensatory Seats to Parties ...........................................................................................7 1.2.4. Step Four: Allocating Compensatory Seats to Provinces .........................................................................................8 1.2.5. Step Five: Allocating Compensatory Seats to Constituencies ...............................................................................8 -
Guidelines on Political Party Regulation 2Nd Edition
Strasbourg, 14 December 2020 CDL-AD(2020)032 Study No. 881/2017 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) GUIDELINES ON POLITICAL PARTY REGULATION 2ND EDITION Approved by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 69th online meeting (7 October 2020) and Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 125th online Plenary Session (11-12 December 2020) on the basis of comments by OSCE/ODIHR Core Group of Experts on Political Parties Mr Josep Maria CASTELLA ANDREU (Member, Spain) Mr Pieter van DIJK (Expert, Former Member, the Netherlands) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute Member, Republic of Moldova) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2020)032 - 2 - Table of contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 II. POLITICAL PARTIES: THEIR IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND REGULATION ............ 7 1. The classification and importance of political parties and their functions ........................ 7 2. Three dimensions ........................................................................................................... 8 3. Two models ..................................................................................................................... 9 III. PRINCIPLES ................................................................................................................... -
Protection and Empowerment in the Danish-German Border Region
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 13, No 2, 2014, 80-103 Copyright © ECMI 2014 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/2014/Schaefer.pdf Minority Politics in Practice: Protection and Empowerment in the Danish-German Border Region Adrian Schaefer-Rolffs* University of Hamburg This article examines how the members of national minorities in the Danish- German border region are protected and empowered. This is done through an analysis of the institutions and mechanism with which the state and land governments preserve the minority culture in the region today. The article uses as point of reference the 2005 OHCHR Plan of Action: Protection and Empowerment, which states that human rights are best protected when people are empowered to assert and claim their rights. The OHCHR plan further claims that, while human rights are universally accepted theoretically, there exists an implementation gap in practice. This article shows that this is not true for the Danish-German border region. The first part of the paper outlines the meaning of the expressions “protection” and “empowerment” as they are used in the OHCHR plan. The analytical part later shows how national minorities in the Danish- German border region are “protected” and “empowered” by the Danish and German governments. The paper further describes the mechanisms for the protection and empowerment of both minorities in the region, and how the institutions promoting minority cultures are organized and structured. The case study is well-suited to show how the theoretical empowerment of national minorities can be transformed into genuine minority empowerment. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
Mobilization in Crisis – Demobilization in Peace: Protagonists of Competing National Movements in Border Regions
Mobilization in crisis – demobilization in peace: protagonists of competing national movements in border regions MARTIN KLATT University of Southern Denmark, Centre for Border Region Studies, Sønderborg Schleswig – a borderland? Border zones are characteristic for being the site of competing national movements’ struggle on a territory and its population: a population did not only have to awaken to a nationality, but also to the ‘correct’ nationality. Studying national protagonists of competing national movements in border regions therefore promises solid evidence of the reasons underpinning national movements’ success and/or failure to attract the masses. While the existence of European state borders’ normative influence on nation state building cannot be underestimated, some national movements which transcend European borders have been astonishingly pertinent during the centuries following the French revolution. Research has strongly focused on open secessionist movements such as the Irish, Basque and Catalan national movements. In this article, I will focus on pacified national minorities, i.e. national movements incorporated into a national minority, with no direct secessionist or border revisionist agenda. They are pacified by a liberal Martin Klatt, ’Mobilization in crisis – demobilization in peace: protagonists of competing national movements in border regions’ in: Studies on National Movements 4 (2019) Studies on National Movements 4 (2019) | Article minority regime in their state of residence, but continue to survive and recruit, even though there is high emigration from the region, and frequent assimilation into the majority nationality. I am connecting biographies of Danish and German national protagonists from Schleswig, a Danish- German border zone until its division after the 1920 plebiscite. -
European Public Law, Volume 9, Issue 2 # Kluwer Law International, 2003
DENMARK The Position of Greenland and the Faroe Islands Within the Danish Realm Jùrgen Albñk Jensen* The Danish Realm consists of three separate parts ± Denmark, Greenland and the Faroe Islands. The population of Denmark is a little more than five million, whereas the populations of Greenland and the Faroe Islands are about 50,000 each. This fact alone indicates that Denmark is the dominant part of the Realm. On the other hand, both Greenland and the Faroe Islands are separate entities with their own culture and language, and ± for Greenland ± also their own ethnic origin as part of the Inuit people. It is obvious that this situation involves a great potential for conflict, and, although it has been possible until now to adapt the relationship between the three parts of the Realm to the changing circumstances so that major conflicts have been avoided, there has in recent years been a growing feeling of national identity in the two small parts of the realm ± especially in the Faroe Islands. The purpose of this article is to explain the position of the Faroe Islands and Greenland within the Danish Realm from a legal perspective. In the first part of the article, I will look at the historic relationship between Denmark and the two other parts of the Realm. In the second part of the article, I will discuss the details of the present constitutional arrangement between the three parts of the Realm, which can be characterized as a form of home rule for Greenland and the Faroe Islands within a unitary state.