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The Danish-German border: Making a border and marking different approaches to minority geographical names questions

Peter GAMMELTOFT*

The current German-Danish border was established in 1920-21 following a referendum, dividing the original duchy of Schleswig according to national adherence. This border was thus the first border, whose course was decided by the people living on either side of it. Nonetheless, there are national and linguistic minorities on either side of the border even today – about 50,000 Danes south of the border and some 20,000 Germans north of the border. Although both minorities, through the European Union’ Charter for Regional and National Minorities, have the right to have signposting and place-names in their own language, both minorities have chosen not to demand this. Elsewhere in the German- Scandinavian region, minorities have claimed this right. What is the reason behind the Danish and German minorities not having opted for onomastic equality? And how does the situation differ from other minority naming cases in this region? These questions, and some observations on how the minorities on the German-Danish border may be on their way to obtaining onomastic equality, will be discussed in this paper.

INTRODUCTION

Article 10.2.. of the Council of Europe’s European Charter for Regional and National Minorities (ETS no. 148) calls for the possibility of public display of minority language place-names.１ This is in accordance with the Council of Europe’s Convention no. 157: Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. Here, the right for national minorities to use place-names is expressed in Article 11, in particular sub-article 3,２ which allows for the possibility of public display of traditional minority language

* Professor, University of , . １ ETS Convention no. 148: http://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-conventions/rms/0900001680695175: Article 10 – Administrative authorities and public services: [...] 2. In respect of the local and regional authorities on whose territory the number of residents who are users of regional or minority languages is such as to justify the measures specified below, the Parties undertake to allow and/or encourage: [...] g) the use or adoption, if necessary in conjunction with the name in the official language(s), of traditional and correct forms of place-names in regional or minority languages. ２ ETS Charter no. 157: http://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/search-on-treaties/- /conventions/rms/090000168007cdac:

Peter GAMMELTOFT 1 names, street names and other topographical and geographical features. In implementing this principle, States are entitled to take due account of the specific circumstances and the framework of their legal systems, including possible bilateral agreements with other States. If implemented, this provision does not, however, constitute an official recognition of place names in minority languages. The provision was formulated "flexibly" in order to ensure that those countries in which the coexistence of the majority and the national minority/minorities have not yet been adequately strengthened to allow for accession to the framework agreement. The article relates to areas traditionally inhabited by a considerable number of members of a national minority. The obligation under Article 10.2.g. is to make topographical references also in the minority if there is sufficient demand. The charter is implemented in in the settlement areas of the Sorbs in Saxony and Brandenburg, as well as in the Frisian settlement area. With regard to the German Sinti and Roma, the requirements of ETS no. 148, Article 1, are not met due to a lack of a traditional settlement area.３ In Germany, the national Danish minority does not claim the right to bilingual sign- posting.４ The local governments in two towns in Schleswig-Holstein, and

Article 11: 1) The Parties undertake to recognise that every person belonging to a national minority has the right to use his or her surname (patronym) and first names in the minority language and the right to official recognition of them, according to modalities provided for in their legal system. 2) The Parties undertake to recognise that every person belonging to a national minority has the right to display in his or her minority language signs, inscriptions and other information of a private nature visible to the public. 3) In areas traditionally inhabited by substantial numbers of persons belonging to a national minority, the Parties shall endeavour, in the framework of their legal system, including, where appropriate, agreements with other States, and taking into account their specific conditions, to display traditional local names, street names and other topographical indications intended for the public also in the minority language when there is a sufficient demand for such indications. ３ Article 1 – Definitions: For the purposes of this Charter: a) "regional or minority languages" means languages that are: i) traditionally used within a given territory of a State by nationals of that State who form a group numerically smaller than the rest of the State's population; and ii) different from the official language(s) of that State; it does not include either dialects of the official language(s) of the State or the languages of migrants; ) "territory in which the regional or minority language is used" means the geographical area in which the said language is the mode of expression of a number of people justifying the adoption of the various protective and promotional measures provided for in this Charter; c) "non-territorial languages" means languages used by nationals of the State which differ from the language or languages used by the rest of the State's population but which, although traditionally used within the territory of the State, cannot be identified with a particular area thereof. ４ https://www.nationale-minderheiten.eu/ortsschilder-9430/: “… Die Regelung ist in Deutschland in den angestammten Siedlungsgebieten der Sorben (Wenden) in Sachsen und Brandenburg

2 SESSION IV

Glücksburg have, however, implemented bilingual signposting in German (Flensburg, Glücksburg) and Danish (Flensborg, Lyksborg) since 2016 (see further below). In Denmark, on the other hand, no such implementation has hitherto been undertaken, in spite of local governments’ stated interest in the matter. Local opinion is still very vocally against implementing the charter on this point. With its ratification of the Charter, Denmark recognised the existence of one majority language (Danish), two regional languages (Faroese and Inuit in the Faroe Islands and Greenland, respectively), and one minority language – German in Southern .５

THE DANISH-GERMAN BORDER-A BRIEF HISTORICAL OUTLINE

The border between Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark is hardly noticeable: many people speak German and Danish interchangeably without necessarily stating national adherence. About 50,000 people with German citizenship claim Danish national minority adherence, whereas in the region of 20,000 persons with Danish citizenship recon themselves to be part of the German national minority. The members of the Danish minority live mainly in the border town Flensburg, the districts of Nordfriesland and Schleswig-Flensburg as well as in the northern part of the district Rendsburg- Eckernförde. In Flensburg and some smaller towns, up to 20 per cent of the population belong to the Danish minority. The German minority mainly live in the Southern Jutish towns of Haderslev, Løgumkloster, Nordborg, Sønderborg, Tønder and Aabenraa and in the rural areas of Broager, Bylderup-Bov, Højer, Gråsten, Padborg, Rødekro and Tinglev. In addition, Frisian is also spoken in the eastern parts of the German side of the border region. At the outset, there was no border at all between Denmark and Germany, as the area was taken up by the former duchy of Schleswig-Holstein. This duchy was ruled by Danish kings from 1460 onwards, thus swaying the region’s political influence towards Denmark, why the founding-letter was issued in Ribe of 5. March 1460. Importantly, the letter stated that Schleswig and Holstein must ”ewich tosamend ungedelt” – forever together, undivided.６ For centuries, it remained so. Germans, Danes and Frisians lived peacefully side by side in the region in a multi-lingual society where Danish, Low German, High German and to some extent also Frisian were normal modes of communication for much of the population. ７ However, increasing nationalism in the nineteenth century, in which especially Copenhagen worked for integrating the duchy of Schleswig into the kingdom of Denmark, destroyed the good relationship between Germans and Danes. With this came a period of unrest and repeated provocations from both sides. The Schleswig- Holstein uprising in 1848, which ended with a Danish victory, which was however

verwirklicht, ebenso im friesischen Siedlungsgebiet. Die nationale Minderheit der Dänen beansprucht keine zweisprachigen Ortstafeln.” ５ https://www.retsinformation.dk/Forms/R0710.aspx?id=22935. ６ Paludan, 1971, vol. 16, col. 216. ７ http://danmarkshistorien.dk/leksikon-og-kilder/vis/materiale/dansk-sprog-og-kulturpolitik-i- slesvig-1850-1864/.

Peter GAMMELTOFT 3 swapped for a Danish defeat by the German Confederation a few years later in 1864. Following this defeat, the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein became the province of the Kingdom of in 1866. The German defeat in WWI opened the way for a new decision. In 1920, a referendum decided the exact lineage of the border between Germany and Denmark, thus becoming the first ever border to be determined by popular vote.８ Since the border line was decided by majority vote, substantial national minorities have remained on both sides of the border. In spite of this, the border has not been questioned since the 1920- referendum, not even after the end of the Second World War. In the post-war years, first the Kiel Declaration of 1949 of the federal Schleswig-Holstein government and the Bonn-Copenhagen Declarations of 1955 created the basis for a continuous improvement of the German-Danish relationship. ９ They include the principle of ‘freedom of confession’, i.. the right to belong to a national minority. Out of the former conflicts between Germans and Danes, a close and peaceful coexistence of majority and minority has developed – possibly with exception of the contentious linguistic sphere of naming…

Figure 1. Map of the 1920 vote deciding the current border between Germany and Denmark (Beige and yellow colours indicate a German majority vote, red colours a Danish majority vote. The current border is indicated by a grey line)

８ http://denstoredanske.dk/Danmarks_geografi_og_historie/Danmarks_historie/Danmark_1849- 1945/Genforeningen. ９ Schroeder 2013, p. 150.

4 SESSION IV

MINORITY NAMING IN GERMANY AND

Although German, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish is the first language for 100 million people in Germany and Scandinavia, all the region’s countries are also home to a number of substantial linguistic minorities. When speaking of minorities in this paper and this context, the term covers only the languages of groupings which may be termed a minority language according to the Council of European Union Charter for Regional and National Minorities, such as Danish, Frisian, Roma, Sinti and Sorbian in Germany, German in Denmark and Finnish, Jiddish, Meänkieli, Roma and Sami (North Sami, South Sami, and ) in . For , The national minorities of Norway are Jews, , Kven, Romani and Roma. Although the Sami languages (North Sami, South Sami, Lule Sami and Skolte Sami) in Norway belong to the linguistic minorities, they are considered to be indigenous people and thus not a national minority. However, since the Sami minorities have traditional settlement areas, they are reckoned to be an onomastic minority. Since the national minorities Jews, Romani Roma and Sinti do not have a traditional settlement area,

they are not considered to be onomastic minorities. Most of the national and linguistic minorities of the German-Scandinavian area are what may be termed ‘fringe-phenomena’, being found mainly at the outer extremes of the individual states in the regions – in many cases the ‘fringes’ constitute borders to other countries. In some cases, the national, linguistic and onomastic minorities represent ‘overspill’ from the neighbouring country, such as the national minorities on either side of the Danish-German border. In other cases, as with the Sami peoples, the minorities constitute trans-national and cross-border groupings not belonging to the majority language on the other side of the border. In addition, some national and lin- guistic minorities are termed differently than where such peo- ples and languages are in minority. This is the case in Northern Sweden and , where the Finnish-speaking minor- ities are termed Meänkieli and Kven, respectively. To complicate matters, Finnish-speaking minor- ities outside of the traditional Meänkieli and Kven areas are called Finns (sometimes Forest- Finns (Skogsfinner) in South- Central Norway). Figure 2. General map of minorities in the German-Scandinavian sphere

Peter GAMMELTOFT 5

Thus, onomastic minorities

in the German-Scandinavian region are to be found in border regions, either as ‘overspill’ or as trans-border ‘fringe’ minorities. This fact has some bearing on the official status the minorities have attained in the area. There is a tendency in the Scandinavian part of the area to term ‘overspill’ minorities differently from the states/areas they consti-tute a majority. This can be seen with the finish minor-ities in Northern Scandi-navia, which are termed Kven in Norway and Meänkieli in Sweden. Al-though this is not explicitly stated by the respective states in which they are recognised national minor-ities, this, nonetheless repre-sents an effort to sever the minorities’ ties to their ‘motherland’ and thus (clockwise from left) Figure 3-6. Maps of the reduce the risk of territorial distribution of linguistic minorities and indigenous and national claims. By peoples in Scandinavia: Finnish minorities in Sweden assigning their own name (including Skogsfinner/Forest Finns in Norway (green), Meankieli to a national minority, the (purple) and Kven (red). The blue area indicates the general area minority becomes more where are spoken: North Sámi, South Sámi, Inari ‘one’s own’ and less part of Sámi, Lule Sámi, Pite Sámi, Skolte Sámi and ) an ‘other’.

The relatively substantial Finnish minority populations in Central Scandinavia, primarily in the Swedish industrial towns and as an older migration to the Swedish- Norwegian border by the so called Skogsfinner (Forest-Finns) are not designated differently from their national and linguistic origin, this is probably partly owing to the fact that these minorities are not in direct border contact with the state where they constitute the majority and partly because of a relatively late – in Sweden mainly the 20th century – migration period. On the surface, the name of the Sorbian national minority seems to be on par with the situation in Northern Scandinavia. However, Sorbs are not an ‘overspill’ minority, but

6 SESSION IV rather a trans-border minority. Although the Sorbian language is related to the Polish and Czech languages, it constitutes an own language and an ethnic grouping known from the 8th century onwards. In fact, the name appears to represent an original ethnonym for the Slavic peoples, today only employed by Sorbs and Serbs.１０ For the Danish-German border region, there have been no official efforts to rebrand the minority populations and assign them new names. The Danish Minority south of the border is still termed Danish, as is the German minority north of the border known as German. Amongst themselves, the Danish minority term them- selves Sydslesvigere – Southern Schleswigers and the German minority likewise Nordschleswiger Figure 7. Map of minorities in the area of １１ – Northern Schleswigers. German speech: Sorbian (purple), Frisian Among the majority Southern Jutes, (green), Danish (yellow), as well as the German the local term for the German minority in Denmark (blue). national minority is hjemmetysker (Home-German or German-at-home), which is a de rogatory term stating the minority to be a foreign or non-original element in the area.１２ The actual naming situation in minority language areas – i.e. how minority language names are treated officially in signposting - mirrors to a large extent the way the minorities are designated by the individual nations. As a rule of thumb, where the linguistic minorities constitute trans-border ‘fringe’ minorities, the minority names are protected by law and used in public. This is the case with the representation of Sami place-names on road signs in Norway and Sweden, and in official buildings under local government jurisdiction in Norway. The same can be observed for so-called ‘overspill’ minorities in the cases where their ethnonym and name of language differs from the neighbouring state’s ethnonym and name of language. This can be observed in e.g. the Norwegian name Alta, which is signposted in North Sami Áltá and Kven Alattio and the Swedish Kiruna, which is represented as Giron in North Sami and Kieruna in Meänkieli

１０ Kamusella 2009, p. 302. １１ Sydslesvigsk vælgerforening: http://www.ssw.de/en/about.html, Bund Deutscher Nordschleswiger: http://www.bdn.dk/english. １２ https://da.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hjemmetysker.

Peter GAMMELTOFT 7

(Clockwise from left) Figure 8-10. Trilingual sign for the city of Alta in Norwegian, North Sami and Kven. Trilingual sign for the city of Kiruna in Swedish, North Sámi and Meänkieli. Bilingual North Sami and Norwegian sign for the Norwegian municipality of Tromsø/Romssa. on official road signs. Trilingual signs are among the rarities in minority naming, and bilingual majority/minority signs are much more frequent, such as the name for the Norwegian municipality of Tromsø, which is represented as Romssa Souhkan / Tromsø Kommune, with the minority name represented first.

In the Sorbian onomastic minority area of Germany, bilingual majority/minority signs are also relatively frequent. Here, a town can be represented as Bautzen in German is written Budyšin in Sorbian – or a a street may be named Karl-Marx Straße in German and at the same time be termed Ka rla Marxowa dróha in Sorbian. In the Frisian national minority area, the situation is similar to the Sorbian area, in as much as bilingual signage is common, as seen in e.g. the Frisian name form Bräist occurring under the form Bredstedt and with Frisian Naibel for German Niebüll.１３ When national minority rights have been established by law, there is in the above- mentioned areas a general tendency officially to abide by the law and implement minority naming in the public space. However, some governmental organs have been known to be overzealous in their interpretation of the law, thus preventing the correct implementation of minority naming in certain areas. One example of this is the Norwegian Public Roads Administration whose interpretation of the law led to an incorrect treatment of minority names for many years.１４

１３ Interestingly, the origin of these names is Danish, cf. Laur 1992, p. 179 and 480. １４ https://www.nrk.no/sapmi/vegvesenet-bryter-loven-_-vil-na-skilte-pa-samisk-landet-rundt-

8 SESSION IV

Figure 11. Bilingual German and Sorbian Figure 12. Bilingual German and Frisian sign for the town of Bautzen/Budyšin. sign of the village of Bredstedt/Bräist.

MINORITY NAMING ON THE DANISH-GERMAN BORDER The situation at the Danish-German border, at least with regard to the treatment of its Danish and German minorities, is, however, somewhat different than the examples above. Owing to the rather sensitive nature of the relationship in the area between the majority languages towards the minority language – particularly and mainly on the Danish side of the border, neither minority have demanded to have their names represented on official road signs and signposts. And this in spite of the fact of their stated right in the Charter for Regional and National Minorities to make use of their own place-names in public space. This is specifically stated by both minorities, although the reasoning is different on either side of the border. The Danish minority in Germany stresses the strong relationship between the German, Danish and Frisian communities. The German minority in Denmark, on the other hand, does not want to provoke the local Danish Southern Jutish population by demanding German language signs – something which a substantial part of the local population in Southern Jutland sees as a sign of German colonialism and oppression. Thus, the lack of an implementation of minority language signs in the German-Danish language continuum must be seen as an attempt on behalf of the minorities to please the majority wishes – or, at least, not to provoke negative sentiment.１５ Germany is a federal state on the model of the USA, and thus the local Bundesländer, federal states, carry considerable autonomy – something which is also carried through down into local government. And it is probably in this light that two cities on the German side of the border have started signing in German and Danish. The first to do so was Flensburg, with its considerable Danish minority, who decided to put up city signs with both the German language form Flensburg and the Danish form Flensborg as early as 2007, １６ whereas the town of Glücksburg opted for a bilingual German-Danish

1.13418788; https://www.nrk.no/sapmi/bare-i-det-ene-fylket-skal-det-settes-opp-rundt-60- samiske-skilt-1.13528564. １５ https://www.nationale-minderheiten.eu/ortsschilder-9430/. １６ http://www.jv.dk/toender/FlensburgFlensborg-De-foerste-skilte-kom-op-i- 2007/artikel/1989403.

Peter GAMMELTOFT 9

Glücksburg/Lyksborg towards the end of 2016. １７ Neither of these places’ decision to use bilingual signs were born out of the wishes of the local minority, but rather out of the local governments’ wish. In Denmark, local Danish resistance to German minority place-name signs has been substantial. Although the German minority wishes to have bilingual road Figure 13. The recent bilingual German and signs for the towns in the region, they Danish sign of city of Glücksburg/Lyksborg. have not made use of their legal right to do so. This is entirely owing to the minority not wanting to stir up negative and anti- German sentiment in the region – a sentiment which, for historical reasons, keeps lurking in the region. Recently, however, the German minority has pushed for German language forms of the towns of the current Danish parts of the former duchy of Schleswig.１８ Local governments, however, have not been seen positively on this request. And it was not until 2015, when some local governments started to advocate an introduction of bilingual signs – for tourism reasons. Initially, the Mayor of the municipality of Haderslev, had a town sign produced on his own accord with the bilingual signage Haderslev/Hadersleben.１９ This act had two immediate consequences. Firstly, other local governments in Southern Jutland started investigating the possibility of bilingual signs, such as the municipality of Tønder Kommune, ２０ something which has come to nothing so far, as the local government parliament voted against this suggestion. ２１ Secondly, local sentiment was sufficiently hostile to the idea that the road sign was torn out of the ground and unceremoniously dumped in a nearby garden just a couple of days after it had been put up.２２ The issue of bilingual signing in Southern Jutland has therefore been well and truly buried for the time being, much to the Figure 14. The short-lived bilingual regret of the chairman of the German minority Danish and German sign of the city ２３ union. of Haderslev(/Hadersleben).

１７ http://www.graenseforeningen.dk/lyksborg-har-faet-tosprogede-byskilte.html#.Wcpqy7JJaaI. １８ http://www.dr.dk/nyheder/regionale/syd/apenrade-und-tondern-mindretal-oensker-tyske- navne-paa-danske-byskilte. １９ http://nyheder.tv2.dk/samfund/2015-04-21-soenderjylland-faar-sit-foerste-tosprogede-byskilt; http://www.jv.dk/haderslev/Geil-tog-byskilte-paa-tysk-i-egen-haand/artikel/1997800. ２０ https://www.b.dk/politiko/toender-stemmer-om-tosprogede-vejskilte. ２１ https://www.fla.de/artikel/Toender-siger-nej-til-to-sprogede-byskilte-1be18.html. ２２ http://www.jv.dk/haderslev/HP-Geil-Dansk-tysk-skilt-kommer-ikke-op-igen/artikel/2001512. ２３ https://www.dr.dk/nyheder/regionale/syd/tysk-mindretal-efter-toender-dropper-tyske-skilte- det-er-godt-nok-aergerligt.

10 SESSION IV

MINORITY NAMING SITUATUONS VS. INTERNATIONAL NAMING ISSUES

As the above paragraphs have shown, bilingual signposting in national and linguistic minority areas is not necessarily a straightforward issue. Whether such an attempt will be successful or not, depends to a large extent on the nature of the bilingual situation. The least complex situation is seemingly when the minority is a ‘true’ minority – in as much as not being in majority anywhere. In such cases the minority is not seen as a threat to the majority population and it is certain that a foreign nation will not start to lay claims on the area occupied by the linguistic minority. More complex is the situation where the minority constitutes a so-called ‘overspill’ from a neighbouring nation. Here, the nation with such a minority has two options.２４ Either it bestows the minority with a name different from that of the neighbouring nation’s majority and its language, such as is the case for Meänkieli for the Finnish-speaking minority bordering in Sweden. Alternatively, the nation may chose not to actively implement bilingual signing, as is the case in Denmark. At any rate, the minority affected by this situation is usually very cautious not to stand hard on its rights for use of own place-names in the public space. If any, they are acutely aware of local sentiments towards them as a minority and do not wish to sour an already fragile peaceful relationship. However, as the case of Flensburg, Glücksburg and to some extent Haderslev and Tønder have shown, changes are possible if local sentiments favour change – or at least, is not adverse to it. What can this analysis of minority naming situations in the German-Scandinavian region be used for? Apart from showing an outline of the mechanisms guiding acceptance and implementation of minority naming in general, it may also offer some ideas to solving international naming issues. If anything, this analysis has shown that historical realities die hard and slowly, and the strategy of waiting for public opinion to have forgotten the past will prove to be a long wait indeed. The analysis also shows that resolutions to minority naming issues virtually never comes out of nothing – there has to be a willingness on one part, preferably both, for change. For a nation, however, the acceptance of change may well lie in the wish to change the name of the ‘problem’. This can be done by implementing a new name for a minority grouping, so that it does not remind the majority (too much) of a possibly threatening neighbour. In a case where there is an international naming issue, a situation where two nations claims their own name for the same feature – be it within or outside of national jurisdiction, it can be worth considering if there is cause for using a name form acceptable for the disputing parties, if needs be an entirely new name. By doing so, the tension of being provoked by a name by the ‘other’ will effectively be alleviated and the linguistic side of a dispute will be reduced to a historical problem, not a current one.

２４ Nominally, there are three options, but the option of granting the minority full rights unconditionally does not seem to be at play in the investigated area – in spite of states possibly argumenting for this to be the case.

Peter GAMMELTOFT 11

REFERENCES

Kamusella, Tomasz. (2009). The Politics of Language and Nationalism in Modern Central Europe. Houndmills & New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Laur, W. (1992). Historisches Ortsnamenlexikon von Schleswig-Holstein, Neumünster. Paludan, Helge (1971). 'Slesvig'. Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder, 16, pp. 213- 19. Schroeder, Steven . (2013). To Forget It All and Begin Anew: Reconciliation in Occupied Germany, 1944-1954. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

WEBSITES VISITED http://www.bdn.dk/english. http://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/rms/0900001680695175. http://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/search-on-treaties/ /conventions/rms/090000168007cdac. http://www.dr.dk/nyheder/regionale/syd/apenrade-und-tondern-mindretal-oensker-tyske-navne- paa-danske-byskilte. https://www.dr.dk/nyheder/regionale/syd/tysk-mindretal-efter-toender-dropper-tyske-skilte-det- er-godt-nok-aergerligt. http://denstoredanske.dk/Danmarks_geografi_og_historie/Danmarks_historie/Danmark_1849- 1945/Genforeningen. https://www.fla.de/artikel/Toender-siger-nej-til-to-sprogede-byskilte-1be18.html. http://www.graenseforeningen.dk/lyksborg-har-faet-tosprogede-byskilte.html#.Wcpqy7JJaaI http://danmarkshistorien.dk/leksikon-og-kilder/vis/materiale/dansk-sprog-og-kulturpolitik-i- slesvig-1850-1864/. http://www.jv.dk/toender/FlensburgFlensborg-De-foerste-skilte-kom-op-i- 2007/artikel/1989403. http://www.jv.dk/haderslev/Geil-tog-byskilte-paa-tysk-i-egen-haand/artikel/1997800. http://www.jv.dk/haderslev/HP-Geil-Dansk-tysk-skilt-kommer-ikke-op-igen/artikel/2001512 https://www.nationale-minderheiten.eu/ortsschilder-9430/. https://www.nrk.no/sapmi/vegvesenet-bryter-loven-_-vil-na-skilte-pa-samisk-landet-rundt- 1.13418788. https://www.nrk.no/sapmi/bare-i-det-ene-fylket-skal-det-settes-opp-rundt-60-samiske-skilt- 1.13528564 https://www.retsinformation.dk/Forms/R0710.aspx?id=22935. http://www.ssw.de/en/about.html. http://nyheder.tv2.dk/samfund/2015-04-21-soenderjylland-faar-sit-foerste-tosprogede-byskilt. https://www.b.dk/politiko/toender-stemmer-om-tosprogede-vejskilte. https://da.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hjemmetysker.

12 SESSION IV