Minneapolis and the Pragmatic Socialism of Thomas Van Lear

MINNEAPOLIS VIEW DOWN Minneapolis Fourth Street South about 1910 and the Pragmatic Socialism of THOMAS VAN LEAR David Paul Nord IN JANUARY, 1903, a young investigative reporter the open shop. These were problems that confronted named Lincoln Steffens published an article in many American cities, as they tried belatedly to come to McClure's Magazine called "The Shame of Min terms with the industrial-urban revolution. But the re neapolis." That article, along with five others Steffens sponse of Minneapolis was not altogether typical of the wrote on municipal corruption, came to be regarded as a new American city. In 1916 the voters of this tradi classic piece of muckraking journalism, and with its ap tionally Republican stronghold chose Thomas Van Lear, pearance Minneapolis suddenly took a place among the a Socialist, as their mayor. Although the Socialist party other great American cities of the new century — pub elected a number of mayors during these years of vigor licly revealed as unplanned, unkempt, and ungoverned. ous reform, few of them held office in major cities. In Minnesotans were shocked (if not really surprised) to fact, of the cities which turned for a while to municipal read in a national periodical of the ruling cliques, or Socialism, only Milwaukee was larger than Min ganized gambling, bribes, indictments, convictions, and neapolis.^ fast trains out of town for "Doc" Albert Alonzo Ames, The story of how this came about involves the per the Mdl City's popular but harried mayor.^ sonality of Van Lear; the political party structure in Min Minneapolis survived the Ames scandals, but during neapolis and throughout Vlinnesota; the growth of the the next fifteen years it experienced much of the other city's labor movement; and some serious municipal is turmoil that shook the nation's cities in the Progressive sues. But perhaps the most important factor was a fluid era: the struggle for home rule, the conflict over public ity of ideology in Minneapolis whicli allowed for the utility regulation, debates about new forms of municipal creation of a broadly based, umbrella-t>'pe Socialist coali government, and the fight over union organization and tion. This, in turn, was traceable partly to Van Lear's leadership. * Steffens" expose, which first appeared in the January, 1903, issue of McClure's Magazine (vol. 20, p. 227-239), was THOMAS VAN LEAR was born in Maryland in 1869 later published in a volume which included all six of his aiticles on municipal corruption. See Lincoln Steffens, The Shame of and went to work in the coal mines of Appalachia at the the Cities, 61-97 (New York, 1904). age of eleven. On his eighteenth birthday he joined the ^James Weinstein, The Decline of Socialism in America, Knights of Labor. Later he quit the mines, moved to the 1912-192.5, 107-109, 116-118 (New York, 1967). Midwest, and entered the army, where he served four years, including a year's re-enlistment during the Mr. Nord teaches journalism at the University of Wisconsin- Spanish-American War. After leaving the army, he went Madison. He received his master's degree in American business and labor history at the University of Minnesota. to Minneapolis to work at the trade of machinist. There This article is based on his master's thesis, which is a -study he soon became a popular union figure, serving as busi of Minneapolis politics during the Progressive era. ness agent for the Minneapolis lodge ofthe International Spnng 1976 Association of Machinists (JAM) and later as agent for gained more than ten times the votes cast for the District 32 of the JAM, which included railroad Socialist candidate in 1908, carrying all six labor wards macbinists on roads from St. Paul to the Northwest and running extremely well in the traditionally Demo Coast. He was also a vice-president of the international cratic wards. In its analysis ofthe election returns, the union for one term, a delegate to the Minneapolis Trades Review gave most of the credit for the strong showing to and Labor Assembly (forerunner of the Minneapolis Van Lear's own energy and style.® Central Labor ilnion), and an original member of the The tall, balding labor leader was widely respected in fioard of control ofthe Minneapolis Labor Review, the Minneapolis as a straightforward and honest friend ofthe ofBcial voice of organized labor in Minneapolis. Within little man. The Labor Review noted that "people know to the 1AM he was widely known as an advocate of industrial look at him that he is square, " and even one of his politi unionism. As chairman of its committee on extension cal opponents admitted that "he was the idol ofthe work of organization he consistently pressed for an amal ing people.'"' He was a tireless and apparently dynamic gamation of all metal trades unions into one powerful campaigner. Unfortunately, none of his 1910 speeches organization.^ has been preserved, but a segment from one of his talks Van Lear's total devotion to unionism stood out in recorded by a reporter in 1914, when Van Lear made an nearly all bis activities. Gradually, however, he began to unsuccessful race for Congress, gives some idea of his view political action as a necessary phase of the work- hard-hitting oratorical style. He told an audience during inginan's struggle. In a revealing Labor Day oration in a debate at the Citizens' Club that "when fat, slick, well- 1912, be noted that the capitalists had begun to move the fed, well-dressed men, who never missed a meal in their fight from the industrial to the political field with mis lives, come down here and tell you workingmen that you applied antitrust laws, court injunctions, police action, should be patient and satisfied with things as they are, I and the use of troops to break strikes. They liad ""used think you ought to tell them to go to hell. " At that, the their power to control the government, until today the reporter noted, "pandemonium broke loose. "® real government of the United States of America is a Although popular, Van Lear was not so charismatic government instituted from Wall Street." Therefore it that the force of his personality alone could have re was time for the workiiigman to move into the political vitalized the Socialist party. He also brought with him an field, too. ""Working class political activity, " he declared, organization and the support of union labor in general. "does not decrease the interest in unionism, it infuses Before 1910 the Socialist political organization in Min into the whole working class movement enthusiasm, neapolis was little more than a skeleton; Van Lear and hope, confidence and militancy. He urged his listeners his followers put flesh on it. His own campaign for mayor to '"strike at the ballot box."* was spearheaded by a committee drawn from the Min Exactly when Van Lear joined the Socialist party is neapolis locals of the lAM, and afterward these not clear, but it was some time before he made his first machinists stayed to spark new life within the party it run for mayor in 1910. Until that year the Socialist party self. They established locals in most wards and set up a of Minneapolis had been dismally weak in municipal variety of city-wide foreign language Socialist clubs. elections. Called the "Public Ownership party, " it had Both types of groups grew rapidly after 1910 and began been organized as a local affiliate ofthe Socialist Party of to carry on sustained educational and organizational America shortly after the national party was founded in work and to sponsor dances, rallies, picnics, and other f901. Its first candidate for mayor had run in 1904 and entertainment. The Socialist press also made its appear garnered 2,682 votes out of a total of 40,391 votes cast. ance in Minneapolis about this time. Both the New This proved a high point for the Socialists in pre-Van Lear elections; their vote, both in absolute numbers and •*Biographical intoniiation on Van Lear is from tlie Min as a percentage of the total, fell in 1906 and dropped neapolis Labor Review, April 4, 1907, p. 7, November 10, 1910, p. 1; New Times (Minneapolis), April 4, 1914, p. 1, 3; even further in 1908. In the latter year their candidate Minneapolis Journal, Novembers, 1916, p. 1; Mark Perlmaii, received only 977 votes out of 4f,671. This was rock The Machinists, 288 (Cambridge, 1961). Van Lear's personal bottom in Minneapolis — .345 votes less than the Prohi papers ha\'e not tieen preserved, nor have many important bition party candidate.^ tetters fioni him been found in other manuscript collections. '^Minneapolis Labor Review, September 6, 1912, p. 1. Two years later, however. Van Lear nearly won elec ^Minneapolis City Council, Proceedings, 1904, p. 630, tion. He was edged out in a tight, three-way race, receiv 1906, p. 670-677, 1908, p. 739-744. ing 11,601 votes against 12,754 for the Republican "Minneapolis Cit>' Council, Proceedings, 1910, p. 965-970; candidate, Wdliam E. Satterlee, and 12,788 for the Minneapolis Labor Revieiv, November 10, 1910, p. 1, 4. incumbent Democrat, James C. Haynes, who thus barely '^Minneapolis Labor Review, November 10, 1910, p. 1; retained the office he had held with the exception of one George E. Leach, "The Personal Histon' of Major-General George E. Leach," 31, Leach Papers, in the Minnesota Histor term since f902. The Labor Review described Van Lear's ical Society. campaign as a "phenomenal run." And so it was. He had ^Minneapolis Labor Review, October 30, 1914, p.

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