European Public Law, Volume 9, Issue 2 # Kluwer Law International, 2003

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

European Public Law, Volume 9, Issue 2 # Kluwer Law International, 2003 DENMARK The Position of Greenland and the Faroe Islands Within the Danish Realm Jùrgen Albñk Jensen* The Danish Realm consists of three separate parts ± Denmark, Greenland and the Faroe Islands. The population of Denmark is a little more than five million, whereas the populations of Greenland and the Faroe Islands are about 50,000 each. This fact alone indicates that Denmark is the dominant part of the Realm. On the other hand, both Greenland and the Faroe Islands are separate entities with their own culture and language, and ± for Greenland ± also their own ethnic origin as part of the Inuit people. It is obvious that this situation involves a great potential for conflict, and, although it has been possible until now to adapt the relationship between the three parts of the Realm to the changing circumstances so that major conflicts have been avoided, there has in recent years been a growing feeling of national identity in the two small parts of the realm ± especially in the Faroe Islands. The purpose of this article is to explain the position of the Faroe Islands and Greenland within the Danish Realm from a legal perspective. In the first part of the article, I will look at the historic relationship between Denmark and the two other parts of the Realm. In the second part of the article, I will discuss the details of the present constitutional arrangement between the three parts of the Realm, which can be characterized as a form of home rule for Greenland and the Faroe Islands within a unitary state. In the final part of the article, I will discuss some of the constitutional problems that are connected with this arrangement, and the growing wish for full independence ± especially in the Faroe Islands. * University of Aarhus, Denmark. European Public Law, Volume 9, Issue 2 # Kluwer Law International, 2003. 170 RAPPORTS: DENMARK 171 The Historic RelationshipBetween Denmark and the Faroe Islands and Greenland The relationship between Denmark and the Faroe Islands and Greenland respectively has evolved quite differently. The Faroe Islands were recognized as an integral part of the Danish Realm from the very first Constitution in 1849, which meant that the islands were represented in Parliament and that the civic rights of the Constitution were directly applicable in the islands. Although formally an equal part of the Realm, there has always been a feeling ± probably somewhat justified ± in the Faroe Islands that Denmark was in reality a sort of colonial power in the sense that all major decisions concerning the islands were taken in Copenhagen. During the Second World War, the connection between Denmark and the Faroe Islands was interrupted by the German occupation of Denmark ± followed by the British occupation of the Faroe Islands. This meant that the islands could in this period manage their own affairs without interference from Copenhagen, and this experience led to a surge in the claim for independence for the islands. After a tied referendum in 1946 and hard negotiations between the Danish Government and the Faroese authorities, agreement was reached on the introduction of home rule for the islands in 1948. The 1948 Act on Home Rule for the Faroe Islands is still the basis for the relationship between Denmark and the Faroe Islands, even after the introduction of a new Danish Constitution in 1953 in which the special status for the Faroe Islands as agreed upon in 1948 is not mentioned at all. Whereas the Faroe Islands had thus been a formally equal part of the Danish Realm in the whole democratic period, the situation was quite different for Greenland. Up until 1953, Greenland was a Danish colony ± a situation which for several reasons had become unacceptable at that time. In the period up to the Second World War, the Danish Government had tried to isolate Greenland from foreign influence and had left the Greenlandic population to live more or less as they had lived traditionally for centuries. This policy had been pursued because the Danish Government thought that modern influences would corrupt the traditional patterns of the Greenlandic society ± the policy was thus the result of a paternalistic wish to preserve the `noble savages'. However, reality did not correspond to this idyllic picture as modern influence was in fact present in the form of, for example, diseases connected to poverty (tuberculosis etc.). The isolation of Greenland was broken abruptly by the German occupation of Denmark, which overnight severed the connection to the Danish authorities in Copenhagen. In 1941, the Danish ambassador to Washington ± without the agreement of the still functioning Danish Government ± signed an agreement with the US Government which gave the US permission to build military facilities in Greenland. This meant that a great number of US officials came to live in Greenland, and the Greenlandic population for the first time had more than sporadic contact with foreigners and experienced the commodities of modern life. After the end of the war, formal Danish sovereignty of Greenland was restored, 172 EUROPEAN PUBLIC LAW although US troops stayed in Greenland as a result of the 1941 agreement. The Danish Government soon realized that the pre-war status quo could not be reinstated, and after a visit by the Prime Minister in 1948 to Greenland, when he saw the dismal conditions of the ordinary Greenlandic population, a programme of modernization was begun with general political support. The Danish relationship to Greenland was also put under pressure from the United Nations, as the UN demanded that Denmark should report to its committee on colonies on the progress made in Greenland. When a new Danish Constitution was passed in 1953, it was therefore natural to make Greenland an integral part of the Danish Realm. This manifested itself in a new Article 1 of the Constitution, which declared that the Constitution applied to all parts of the Danish Realm, which meant that the various rights and guarantees of the Constitution now applied also in Greenland. It was specified in other Articles of the Constitution that Greenland was from that time represented in Parliament by two members (like the Faroe Islands). In the period following 1953, the programme of modernization in Greenland was continued and, particularly in the 1960s, development was rapid. The Greenlandic population was in effect transported from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century in less than twenty-five years. This, of course, created great problems, for example in increased levels of crime, alcohol consumption and suicide. At the same time, the development policy was a success in the sense that health improved dramatically, the level of education rose, and living conditions in general improved to make it possible for the Greenlandic population to have access to the goods that are ordinarily part of modern life. At the beginning of the 1970s, a surge in nationalistic feelings occurred ± primarily in the young, educated section of the Greenlandic population. This led to a home rule arrangement in 1979 very similar to the one that had been in force in connection with the Faroe Islands since 1948. The basis for the relationship between Denmark and the Faroe Islands and Greenland is thus on the one hand Article 1 of the Constitution, which states the unity of the Danish Realm, and on the other hand the two home rule Acts, which to a large extent give the non-Danish parts of the Realm a special position within the Realm. Before dealing with the obvious tensions laid down in these potentially conflicting sets of rules, I will in the following section of the article give an outline of the way that the two home rule arrangements are functioning. The Home Rule Arrangements for the Faroe Islands and Greenland in Practice The home rule arrangements for both the Faroe Islands and Greenland are the results of negotiations between the Danish Government and representatives of the Faroese and Greenlandic populations respectively. The arrangements have been established by the passing of ordinary statutes by the Danish Parliament. RAPPORTS: DENMARK 173 Contrary to the tradition of Danish legislation, both statutes are preceded by a preamble, which stress the special nature of these pieces of legislation. The text of the preamble inter alia states: In recognition of the special position that the Faroe Islands [Greenland] occupy within the Realm ± nationally, historically and geographically ± Parliament has in agreement with the decision of the Faroese Lagting [Parliament] [Landsting in Greenland] passed . the following Act concerning the constitutional position of the Faroe Islands [Greenland] within the Realm . The home rule Acts establish that the authorities in the two home rule areas shall consist of a democratically elected local Parliament and a local government subject to the rules of parliamentarism. However, what distinguishes the home rule arrangements from other forms of local government in Denmark is, in particular, the fact that a number of subject areas have been handed over to regulation by the Faroese (Greenlandic) authorities in the sense that these authorities have both legislative and administrative authority within these areas. The decisions of the local Parliaments in these areas are called home rule Acts and have the same legal effect as ordinary Danish Acts. The basic principle ± although somewhat modified in relation to Greenland ± for deciding which areas are considered to be subject to home rule is that the local authorities must finance these areas locally, and that areas can be transferred to home rule when the level of economic development makes it possible for the home rule authorities to appropriate the money needed for that area. Both the Faroese and Greenlandic economies are, however, supported by the Danish state by annual block grants ± the idea being that these grants shall be reduced when more areas are taken over by the home rule authorities.
Recommended publications
  • The Regional Distribution of Zeolites in the Basalts of the Faroe Islands and the Significance of Zeolites As Palaeo- Temperature Indicators
    The regional distribution of zeolites in the basalts of the Faroe Islands and the significance of zeolites as palaeo- temperature indicators Ole Jørgensen The first maps of the regional distribution of zeolites in the Palaeogene basalt plateau of the Faroe Islands are presented. The zeolite zones (thomsonite-chabazite, analcite, mesolite, stilbite-heulandite, laumontite) continue below sea level and reach a depth of 2200 m in the Lopra-1/1A well. Below this level, a high temperature zone occurs characterised by prehnite and pumpellyite. The stilbite-heulan- dite zone is the dominant mineral zone on the northern island, Vágar, the analcite and mesolite zones are the dominant ones on the southern islands of Sandoy and Suðuroy and the thomsonite-chabazite zone is dominant on the two northeastern islands of Viðoy and Borðoy. It is estimated that zeolitisa- tion of the basalts took place at temperatures between about 40°C and 230°C. Palaeogeothermal gradients are estimated to have been 66 ± 9°C/km in the lower basalt formation of the Lopra area of Suðuroy, the southernmost island, 63 ± 8°C/km in the middle basalt formation on the northernmost island of Vágar and 56 ± 7°C/km in the upper basalt formation on the central island of Sandoy. A linear extrapolation of the gradient from the Lopra area places the palaeosurface of the basalt plateau near to the top of the lower basalt formation. On Vágar, the palaeosurface was somewhere between 1700 m and 2020 m above the lower formation while the palaeosurface on Sandoy was between 1550 m and 1924 m above the base of the upper formation.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Participation of National Minorities in the Danish-German Border Region
    Political Participation of National Minorities in the Danish-German Border Region A series of studies on two hard-to-identify populations in a role-model-region Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades Doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) an der Fakultät Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften, Fachbereich Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg vorgelegt von Adrian Schaefer-Rolffs Hamburg, den 06.06.2016 Erstgutachter : Prof. Dr. Kai-Uwe Schnapp Zweitgutachterin : Prof. Dr. Tove Hansen Malloy Tag der Disputation : 26.09.2016 “Always the hard way. Nothing was ever handed to me. Always the hard way. You taught me truth, you gave me strength. I learned everything the hard way” (Nicholas Jett and Scott C. Vogel) Contents Contents Contents ............................................................................................. V List of tables ............................................................................................ IX List of figures .......................................................................................... XI Abbreviations ....................................................................................... XIII Acknowledgements ................................................................................ XV Part I. Introductory part ..................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................ 3 1.1. Positioning and reflexivity .................................................................... 7 1.2. Relevant literature
    [Show full text]
  • Appeal to the Greenlandic and Danish Governments Not to Abolish the Uranium Zero Tolerance Policy in the Danish Realm 1
    Appeal to the Greenlandic and Danish governments not to abolish 1 the uranium zero tolerance policy in the Danish realm Nuuk and Copenhagen, 26 April 2013 The following statement has been signed by 48 NGOs The newly elected Greenlandic government and the Danish government have given notice that they intend to abolish the uranium zero tolerance policy which has been in effect in the Danish realm for twenty-five years and was carried unanimously in the Greenlandic parliament. Hence, there could be several uranium mining projects underway in Greenland in the near future. The mining project in Kuannersuit at Narsaq in Southern Greenland could alone make Greenland the fifth largest uranium exporter in the world. In addition, there are uranium deposits at Illorsuit, Puissattaq, Ivittuut and Motzfeldt Lake in Southern Greenland, Sarfartoq, Nassuttooq, Qaqqaarsuk and Attu in Western Greenland and Randbøldal and Milne Land in Eastern Greenland, and there might be deposits that have not yet been discovered. WE APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments not to abolish the uranium zero tolerance policy, because uranium mining could contaminate the vulnerable Arctic environment and lead to nuclear proliferation. WE APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments to prevent the combination of rare earth elements and uranium mining and to work proactively to promote renewable energies and energy efficiency in the Danish realm, the European Union and the rest of the world. WE ALSO APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments to discourage nuclear proliferation and promote global nuclear disarmament. THE REASONS FOR OUR APPEAL ARE THE FOLLOWING: In addition to substantial chemical pollution from sulphuric acid, uranium mining leaves behind millions of tonnes of tailings containing radioactive materials.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards the Kalmar Union
    S P E C I A L I Z E D A G E N C I E S TOWARDS THE KALMAR UNION Dear Delegates, Welcome to the 31st Annual North American Model United Nations 2016 at the University of Toronto! On behalf of all of the staff at NAMUN, we welcome you to the Specialized Agency branch of the conference. I, and the rest of the committee staff are thrilled to have you be a delegate in Scandinavia during the High Middle Ages, taking on this challenging yet fascinating topic on the futures of the three Scandinavian Kingdoms in a time of despair, poverty, dependence and competitiveness. This will truly be a new committee experience, as you must really delve into the history of these Kingdoms and figure out how to cooperate with each other without sending everyone into their demise. To begin, in the Towards the Kalmar Union Specialized Agency, delegates will represent influential characters from Denmark, Norway and Sweden, which include prominent knights, monarchs, nobles, and important religious figures who dominate the political, military and economic scenes of their respective Kingdoms. The impending issues that will be discussed at the meeting in Kalmar, Sweden include the future of the Danish and Norwegian crowns after the death of the sole heir to the thrones, Olaf II. Here, two distant relatives to Valdemar IV have a claim to the throne and delegates will need to decide who will succeed to the throne. The second order of business is to discuss the growing German presence in Sweden, especially in major economic cities.
    [Show full text]
  • Faroe Islands and Greenland 2008
    N O R D I C M E D I A T R E N D S 10 Media and Communication Statistics Faroe Islands and Greenland 2008 Compiled by Ragnar Karlsson NORDICOM UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG 2008 NORDICOM’s activities are based on broad and extensive network of contacts and collaboration with members of the research community, media companies, politicians, regulators, teachers, librarians, and so forth, around the world. The activities at Nordicom are characterized by three main working areas. Media and Communication Research Findings in the Nordic Countries Nordicom publishes a Nordic journal, Nordicom Information, and an English language journal, Nordicom Review (refereed), as well as anthologies and other reports in both Nordic and English langu- ages. Different research databases concerning, among other things, scientific literature and ongoing research are updated continuously and are available on the Internet. Nordicom has the character of a hub of Nordic cooperation in media research. Making Nordic research in the field of mass communication and media studies known to colleagues and others outside the region, and weaving and supporting networks of collaboration between the Nordic research communities and colleagues abroad are two prime facets of the Nordicom work. The documentation services are based on work performed in national documentation centres at- tached to the universities in Aarhus, Denmark; Tampere, Finland; Reykjavik, Iceland; Bergen, Norway; and Göteborg, Sweden. Trends and Developments in the Media Sectors in the Nordic Countries Nordicom compiles and collates media statistics for the whole of the Nordic region. The statistics, to- gether with qualified analyses, are published in the series, Nordic Media Trends, and on the homepage.
    [Show full text]
  • State of Populism in Europe
    2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European
    [Show full text]
  • Nordics - Alberta Relations
    Nordics - Alberta Relations This map is a generalized illustration only and is not intended to be used for reference purposes. The representation of political boundaries does not necessarily reflect the position of the Government of Alberta on international issues of recognition, sovereignty or jurisdiction. PROFILE NORDICS OVERVIEW . Danish, Norwegian and Swedish are the working languages of official Nordic co- Capital: Copenhagen (Nordic Council and . The Nordic countries are a geographical and operation. Council of Ministers Headquarters) cultural region in Northern Europe and the Northern Atlantic and include Denmark, Population: 26.7 million (2016) TRADE AND INVESTMENT Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, plus Languages: Danish, Faroese, Finnish, the associated territories of Greenland, the . The Nordic region is the world’s eleventh Greenlandic, Icelandic, Norwegian, Sami and Faroe Islands and the Åland Islands. largest economy. Swedish . The Nordic Council is a geo-political inter- . From 2012 to 2016, Alberta’s goods exports to Secretary-General of the Nordic Council: Britt parliamentary forum for co-operation between the Nordics averaged CAD $98.1 million per Bohlin Olsson (since 2014) the Nordic countries. It consists of 87 year. Top exports included machinery (CAD $31.6 million), nickel (CAD $12.5 million), President of the Nordic Council: Britt Lundberg representatives, elected from its members’ (elected for the year of 2017) parliaments. plastic (CAD $11.3 million), and food waste and animal feed (CAD $10.8 million). The Vice President of the Nordic Council: Juho . Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and export figures do not include trade in services Eerola (elected for the year of 2017) Sweden have been full members of the Nordic (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Rig44 Kuhl E.Qxd
    82 J Ø R G E N K Ü H L 83 N A T I O N A L M I N O R I T I E S A N D C R O S S - B O R D E R C O O P E R A T I O N B E T W E E N D E N M A R K A N D G E R M A N Y THE DANISH-GERMAN BORDER REGION AND ITS NATIONAL MINORITIES The Danish-German border region consists of the county (Amt) of This article introduces the case of the German-Danish experience on national minorities Sønderjylland in Denmark, and the city of Flensburg, and the districts of and cross-border cooperation in their borderlands. Firstly, the region will be characterized. Schleswig-Flensburg, Nordfriesland, and Rendsburg-Eckernförde located North Then the historical background and the present-day situation of the national Danish and of the River Eider in Germany. The German districts are part of the state of German minorities will be described. In the third section, the German-Danish experience Schleswig-Holstein within the Federal Republic of Germany. Up until 1864, most will be characterized and summed up in conclusive statements. Then, the development from minority regulations to cross-border cooperation will be characterised. Finally, the of this cross-border region formed an entity as the historical Danish duchy of 1 impact and relevance of the Schleswig experience to cross-boundary peace-building meas- Schleswig. Therefore, the Danish-German region in an international context usu- ures will be pointed out.
    [Show full text]
  • COASTAL WONDERS of NORWAY, the FAROE ISLANDS and ICELAND Current Route: Oslo, Norway to Reykjavik, Iceland
    COASTAL WONDERS OF NORWAY, THE FAROE ISLANDS AND ICELAND Current route: Oslo, Norway to Reykjavik, Iceland 17 Days National Geographic Resolution 126 Guests Expeditions in: Jun From $22,470 to $44,280 * Call us at 1.800.397.3348 or call your Travel Agent. In Australia, call 1300.361.012 • www.expeditions.com DAY 1: Oslo, Norway padding Arrive in Oslo and check into the Hotel Bristol (or 2022 Departure Dates: similar) in the heart of the city. On an afternoon tour, stroll amid the city’s famed Vigeland 6 Jun sculptures—hundreds of life-size human figures Advance Payment: set in terraced Frogner Park. Visit the Fram Museum, showcasing the polar ship Fram and $3,000 dedicated to the explorers and wooden vessels that navigated the Arctic Sea in the late 1800s and Sample Airfares: early 1900s. The evening is free to explore Oslo Economy: from $900 on your own. (L) Business: from $2,700 Charter(Oslo/Tromso): from $490 DAY 2: Oslo / Tromsø / Embark Airfares are subject to change padding Take a charter flight to Tromsø, known as the Cost Includes: “gateway to the Arctic” due to the large number of Arctic expeditions that originated here. Visit the One hotel night in Oslo; accommodations; Arctic Cathedral, where the unique architecture meals indicated; alcoholic beverages evokes icebergs; and peruse the Polar Museum, (except premium brands); excursions; which showcases the ships, equipment, and services of Lindblad Expeditions’ Leader, seafaring traditions of early Arctic settlers. Embark Naturalist staff and expert guides; use of our ship this afternoon. (B,L,D) kayaks; entrance fees; all port charges and service taxes; gratuities to ship’s crew.
    [Show full text]
  • Greenland's Project Independence
    NO. 10 JANUARY 2021 Introduction Greenland’s Project Independence Ambitions and Prospects after 300 Years with the Kingdom of Denmark Michael Paul An important anniversary is coming up in the Kingdom of Denmark: 12 May 2021 marks exactly three hundred years since the Protestant preacher Hans Egede set sail, with the blessing of the Danish monarch, to missionise the island of Greenland. For some Greenlanders that date symbolises the end of their autonomy: not a date to celebrate but an occasion to declare independence from Denmark, after becoming an autonomous territory in 2009. Just as controversial as Egede’s statue in the capital Nuuk was US President Donald Trump’s offer to purchase the island from Denmark. His arrogance angered Greenlanders, but also unsettled them by exposing the shaky foundations of their independence ambitions. In the absence of governmental and economic preconditions, leaving the Realm of the Danish Crown would appear to be a decidedly long-term option. But an ambitious new prime minister in Nuuk could boost the independence process in 2021. Only one political current in Greenland, tice to finances. “In the Law on Self-Govern- the populist Partii Naleraq of former Prime ment the Danes granted us the right to take Minister Hans Enoksen, would like to over thirty-two sovereign responsibilities. declare independence imminently – on And in ten years we have taken on just one National Day (21 June) 2021, the anniver- of them, oversight over resources.” Many sary of the granting of self-government people just like to talk about independence, within Denmark in 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Different Paths Towards Autonomy
    Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Sagnfræði Different paths towards autonomy: A comparison of the political status of the Faroe Islands and th Iceland in the first half of the 19 century Ritgerð til B. A.- prófs Regin Winther Poulsen Kt.: 111094-3579 Leiðbeinandi: Anna Agnarsdóttir Janúar 2018 Abstract This dissertation is a comparison of the political status of Iceland and the Faroe Islands within the Danish kingdom during the first half of the 19th century. Though they share a common history, the two dependencies took a radically different path towards autonomy during this period. Today Iceland is a republic while the Faroes still are a part of the Danish kingdom. This study examines the difference between the agendas of the two Danish dependencies in the Rigsdagen, the first Danish legislature, when it met for the first time in 1848 to discuss the first Danish constitution, the so-called Junigrundloven. In order to explain why the political agendas of the dependencies were so different, it is necessary to study in detail the years before 1848. The administration, trade and culture of the two dependencies are examined in order to provide the background for the discussion of the quite different political status Iceland and the Faroes had within the Danish kingdom. Furthermore, the debates in the Danish state assemblies regarding the re-establishment of the Alþingi in 1843 are discussed in comparison to the debates in the same assemblies regarding the re-establishment of the Løgting in 1844 and 1846. Even though the state assemblies received similar petitions from both dependencies, Alþingi was re-established in 1843, while the same did not happen with the Løgting in the Faroes.
    [Show full text]