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Notes Introduction 1. Several recent studies have considered the role played by Communism in the history of the 20th century, as political orientation and organization: Archie Brown, The Rise and Fall of Communism (New York: Ecco; London: Bodley Head, 2009); Silvio Pons, The Global Revolution. A History of International Communism, 1917–1991, trans. Allan Cameron (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); David Priestland, The Red Flag: Communism and the Making of the Modern World (New York: The Grove Press, 2009); Robert Service, Comrades: A History of World Communism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: Macmillan, 2007); Steve A. Smith, ed., Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). Though argu- ing from various political points of view their focus remains on traditional political history, not on Communism as a collective experience and the Comintern as the site of a particular type of militant practice. 2. Reinhart Koselleck, ‘“Space of Experience” and “Horizon of Expectation”: Two Historical Categories’, in Koselleck, ed., Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time, trans. Keith Tribe (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), pp. 349– 375, here p. 354. 3. Koselleck, ‘Space’, p. 355. 4. Koselleck, ‘Space’, p. 355 (translation modified). 5. Raphael Samuel, ‘Faith, Hope and Struggle: The Lost World of British Communism, Part One’, New Left Review no. 154 ( November– December 1985), p. 11. 6. According to Erez Manela, The Wilsonian Moment: Self- Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), the hopes of self- determination for the colonies that had been prompted by Wilson’s rhetoric were extinguished by Spring 1919 at the latest. The principle would be restricted to Europe, and the people of the colonies would have to wait. Nguyen Ai Quoc (later famous as Ho Chi Minh) was one of those who had placed their hopes in the League of Nations and who then turned to Communism. 7. For the spatial scales of the Comintern’s political activity, see Chapter 1. 8. Gleb Albert, ‘From “World Soviet” to “Fatherland of All Proletarians”. Anticipated World Society and Global Thinking in Early Soviet Russia’, InterDisciplines. Journal of History and Sociology 3:1 (2012), pp. 85– 119, avail- able at http://www.inter- disciplines.de/bghs/index.php/indi/article/view/53 (last retrieved 13 January 2014). 9. Annie Kriegel, Aux origines du communisme français 1914– 1920. Contribution à l’Histoire du mouvement ouvrier français, vol. 2 (Paris, La Haye: Mouton & Co, 1964), p. 873. 10. Mikhail Narinsky and Jürgen Rojahn, eds, Centre and Periphery: The History of the Comintern in the Light of New Documents (Amsterdam: IISG, 1996). 151 152 Notes, pp. 5–8 11. The transnational is often understood as comprised of non- inter- state rela- tions. In this respect the Comintern only imperfectly accords with the definition offered by Patricia Clavin, which focuses on collective actors. Clavin understands by the transnational dimension the coordination of civil- society actors, by the international that of state actors, and by the supranational that of autonomous political authorities beyond the national- state context. Patricia Clavin, ‘Defining Transnationalism’, Contemporary European History 14:4 (2005), pp. 421– 439, here p. 425. 12. Jürgen Osterhammel, ‘Transnationale Gesellschaftsgeschichte: Erweiterung oder Alternative?’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft 27:3 (2001), pp. 464– 479, here p. 473; a revised version of this article was published in English as ‘Transnational History of Society: Continuity or New Departure?’, in Heinz- Gerhard Haupt and Jürgen Kocka, eds, Comparative and Transnational History: Central European Approaches and New Perspectives (New York: Berghahn Books, 2009), pp. 39– 50. 13. Akira Iriye, ‘Transnational History’, Contemporary European History 13:2 (2004), pp. 211– 222, here p. 213. 14. Robert Frank, ‘Emotions mondiales, internationales et transnationales, 1822– 1932’, Monde(s) 1:1 (March 2012), pp. 47– 70, here p. 66. 15. Bert Hoppe, In Stalins Gefolgschaft: Moskau und die KPD 1928– 1933 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2007), pp. 227– 289. 16. Sheila Fitzpatrick, ‘Stalin und sein Team. Jenseits der Gewalt’, Osteuropa 62:4 (April 2012), pp. 61– 69. 17. Katerina Clark and Karl Schlögel, ‘Mutual Perceptions and Projections: Stalin’s Russia in Nazi Germany – Nazi Germany in the Soviet Union’, in Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick, eds, Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 396– 441, here pp. 400– 401. 18. Among the great many studies of this question of transfers see for example Antony Sutton, Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development, 3 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press/Hoover Institution Press, 1968– 1973), in particular Volumes 1 and 2. 19. Michael David- Fox, ‘Multiple Modernities vs. Neo- Traditionalism: On Recent Debates in Russian and Soviet History’, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 64:4 (2006), pp. 535–555. 20. Yves Cohen, ‘Circulatory Localities: The Example of Stalinism in the 1930s’, Kritika 11:1 (Winter 2010), pp. 11– 45. 21. See Richard Crosse, Norman LaPorte, Kevin Morgan and Matthew Worley, eds, ‘Communism and the Leader Cult’, special issue of Twentieth Century Communism: A Journal of International History 1 (2009). 22. Lise London, Le Printemps des camarades (Paris: Seuil, 1996), p. 142. 23. Lisa A. Kirschenbaum, ‘Exile, Gender, and Communist Self- Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union’, Slavic Review 71:3 (Fall 2012), pp. 566– 589, here p. 571. 24. ‘Dans tous les pays, des millions de travailleurs ont fait hier des obsèques mondiales à Lénine’, L’Humanité 28 January 1924, no. 7336, http://gallica. bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k4012093 (last retrieved 18 April 2014). 25. See Lisa McGirr, ‘The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti. A Global History’, The Journal of American History 93:4 (March 2007), pp. 1085– 1115. Notes, pp. 8–12 153 26. See Claudio Natoli, ‘Pour une histoire comparée des organisations com- munistes de solidarité: le Secours ouvrier international et le Secours rouge international’, in José Gotovitch and Anne Morelli, eds, Les Solidarités inter- nationales. Histoire et perspectives (Brussels: Editions Labor, 2003), pp. 17– 42. 27. See Frederick Genevée, ‘L’Association juridique internationale ( 1929– 1940)’, in Gotovitch and Morelli, Solidarités, pp. 101– 112. For the importance International Red Aid accorded to legal defence and struggle in the field of law see also Nikolaus Brauns, Schafft Rote Hilfe! Geschichte und Aktivitäten der proletarischen Hilfsorganisation für politische Gefangene in Deutschland ( 1919– 1938) (Bonn: Pahl- Rugenstein, 2003), pp. 167– 218; Carola Tischler, ‘“Die Gerichtssäle müssen zu Tribunalen gegen die Klassenrichter gemacht werden”. Die Rechtsberatungspraxis der Roten Hilfe Deutschlands’, in Sabine Hering and Kurt Schilde, eds, Die Rote Hilfe. Die Geschichte der internationalen kommunistischen ‘Wohlfahrtsorganisation’ und ihrer sozialen Aktivitäten in Deutschland ( 1921– 1941) (Opladen: Leske and Budrich, 2003), pp. 105– 130. 28. Babette Gross, Willi Münzenberg: Eine politische Biographie (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1967), pp. 131– 132. 29. Paul Nizan, The Conspiracy, trans. Quintin Hoare (London: Verso, 2011), p. 156. 30. Bernhard H. Bayerlein, ‘Das neue Babylon. Strukturen und Netzwerke der Kommunistischen Internationale und ihre Klassifizierung’, Jahrbuch für Historische Kommunismusforschung (2004), pp. 181– 270, here p. 182. According to Comintern data, the organization had 328,716 members in 1930 (at the lowest point in its history), down from 887,745 in 1921; 913,000 in 1935; and 1,200,000 in 1939: Annie Kriegel, Les Internationales ouvrières ( 1864– 1943) (Paris: PUF, 1964), p. 112. These figures do not include the membership of the Soviet party. 31. Pierre- Yves Saunier, ‘Les régimes circulatoires du domaine social 1800– 1940: projets et ingénierie de la convergence et de la difference’, Genèses 71 (June 2008), pp. 4– 25, here pp. 16– 17. 32. Kris Manjapra, M. N. Roy: Marxism and Colonial Cosmopolitanism (Delhi: Routledge, 2010). 33. Franz Borkenau, World Communism: A History of the Communist International (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962), p. 419. 34. For a genealogy of this term, see Brigitte Studer, ‘Totalitarisme et stalinisme’, in Michel Dreyfus et al., eds, Le siècle des communismes (Paris: Seuil, 2008), pp. 33– 63. 35. Hermann Weber, Die Wandlung des deutschen Kommunismus. Die Stalinisierung der KPD in der Weimarer Republik, 2 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1969), p. 8. 36. Weber, Wandlung, p. 8. The usefulness and the limits of this concept are discussed in Norman Laporte, Kevin Morgan and Matthew Worley, eds, Bolshevism, Stalinism and the Comintern: Perspectives on Stalinization (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). 37. Henry Pelling, The British Communist Party: A Historical Profile [1958] (London 1975), p. 191, cited in Kevin Morgan, Gideon Cohen and Andrew Flinn, eds, Agents of the Revolution. New Biographical Approaches to the History of International Communism in the Age of Lenin and Stalin, (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2005), p. 38. 154 Notes, pp. 12–16 38. Michel Foucault, ‘Of Other Spaces’ [1984], trans. J. Miskowiec, Diacritics 16:1, pp. 22– 27. 39. An American Engineer in Stalin’s Russia: The Memoirs of Zara Witkin, 1932– 1934, ed. with an introduction by Michael Gelb (Berkeley: University
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