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Resolution on Impeachment of Bush and Cheney Whereas George W
Resolution on Impeachment of Bush and Cheney Whereas George W. Bush and Richard B. Cheney: 1. deliberately misled the nation and doctored intelligence, as described in the Downing Street minutes, http://www.downingstreetmemo.com/memos.html about the threat from Iraq in order to justify a war of aggression and an occupation of Iraq, as further described in House resolution H. Res. 333 http://kucinich.house.gov/UploadedFiles/int3.pdf and as listed in House Resolution H. Res. 635 http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=hr109-635 2. committed crimes against peace by initiating war against Iraq in violation of the UN Charter http://www.worldpress.org/specials/iraq/; 3. committed crimes against humanity in their conduct of the occupation of Iraq in which they killed hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians and created millions of refugees http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1892888,00.html and http://edition.cnn.com/2 006/WORLD/meast/10/13/iraq.main/index.html; 4. killed over 3700 American soldiers and severely wounded nearly 30,000 more in the pursuit of an illegal, immoral, and unjust occupation of Iraq. While Bush and Cheney have stated no truthful noble cause for the war, one of the central purposes appears to be to take control of Iraq's immense oil reserves to financially benefit private corporate interests. See Bush's benchmark listing fact sheet released the same day Bush announced the "surge" that expressly called on the Iraq parliament to "enact hydrocarbons law to promote investment . " http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2007/01/20070110- 3.html and http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/56672/; 5. -
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War?
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? MAGNUS NORELL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI Memo 3123 Memo Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 March 2010 SE-164 90 Stockholm Magnus Norell COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? “If you don’t know where you’re going. Any road will take you there” (From a song by George Harrison) FOI Memo 3123 Title COIN in Afghanistan – Winning the Battles, Losing the War? Rapportnr/Report no FOI Memo 3123 Rapporttyp/Report Type FOI Memo Månad/Month Mars/March Utgivningsår/Year 2010 Antal sidor/Pages 41 p ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12004 Godkänd av/Approved by Eva Mittermaier FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys Department of Defence Analysis 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm FOI Memo 3123 Programme managers remarks The Asia Security Studies programme at the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Department of Defence Analysis conducts research and policy relevant analysis on defence and security related issues. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
2003 Iraq War: Intelligence Or Political Failure?
2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Dione Brunson, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April, 2011 DISCLAIMER THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THIS ACADEMIC RESEARCH PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND DO NOT REFLECT THE OFFICIAL POLICIES OR POSITIONS OF THE U.S. GOVERNMENT, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, OR THE U.S. INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY. ALL INFORMATION AND SOURCES FOR THIS PAPER WERE DRAWN FROM OPEN SOURCE MATERIALS. ii 2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? Dione Brunson, B.A. MALS Mentor: Ralph Nurnberger, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The bold U.S. decision to invade Iraq in 2003 was anchored in intelligence justifications that would later challenge U.S. credibility. Policymakers exhibited unusual bureaucratic and public dependencies on intelligence analysis, so much so that efforts were made to create supporting information. To better understand the amplification of intelligence, the use of data to justify invading Iraq will be explored alongside events leading up to the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. This paper will examine the use of intelligence to invade Iraq as well as broader implications for politicization. It will not examine the justness or ethics of going to war with Iraq but, conclude with the implications of abusing intelligence. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thank you God for continued wisdom. Thank you Dr. Nurnberger for your patience. iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to Mom and Dad for their continued support. -
Preview Excerpt
Against All Enemies — Excerpt Evacuate the White House I ran through the West Wing to the Vice President’s office, oblivious to the stares and concern that brought. I had been at a conference in the Ronald Reagan Building three blocks away when Lisa Gordon-Hagerty called to say an aircraft had struck the World Trade Center: “Until we know what this is, Dick, we should assume the worst.” Lisa had been in the center of crisis coordination many times in exercises and all too often in the real world. “Right. Activate the CSG on secure video. I’ll be there in less than five,” I told her as I ran to my car. The CSG was the Counterterrorism Security Group, the leaders of each of the federal government’s counterterrorism and security organizations. I had chaired it since 1992. It was on a five-minute tether during business hours, twenty minutes at all other times. I looked at the clock on the dashboard. It was 9:03a.m., September 11, 2001. As I drove up to the first White House gate Lisa called again: “The other tower was just hit.” “Well, now we know who we’re dealing with. I want the highest level person in Washington from each agency on- screen now, especially FAA,” the Federal Aviation Administration. As I pulled the car up to the West Wing door, Paul Kurtz, one of the White House counterterrorism team, ran up to me. “We were in the Morning Staff Meeting when we heard. Condi told me to find you fast and broke up the meeting. -
Clean Break Or Dirty War? Israel’S Foreign Policy Directive to the United States Executive Summary Great Changes Are Seldom Achieved Without a Plan
Institute for Research: Middle East Foreign Policy Middle Eastern Policy Brief Policy, Inc. March 27, 2003 Clean Break or Dirty War? Israel’s Foreign Policy Directive to the United States Executive Summary Great changes are seldom achieved without a plan. The Israeli policy paper “A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm” (ACB) was authored by a group of policy advisors to Israel. Subsequently, nearly all members ascended to influential policy making positions within U.S. government, media, and academic circles. Many of the ACB policies such as toppling the government of Iraq are now in full implementation and present new challenges to the global community. Others, such as the reform of Israel’s economy have been abysmal failures, but generate little visibility or impact outside of Israel. (See Exhibit 1) Exhibit #1 “Clean Break” Policy Implementation Score Card through March, 2003 (IRMEP 2003) Increase U.S. Congressional Support “ Peace for Peace” Palestin- ian Strategy Contain, Destabilize and Roll Back Regional Challengers Domestic Economic Reform Rejuvenation of Zionism 0 1 2 3 4 5 Implementation Points (1 = Very Low, 5 = Very High) This paper provides an overview of the policy implementation of “A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm”. (http://www.israeleconomy.org/strat1.htm) Some of the events and trends that contribute to success or failure of the plan predate ACB by many years. And although many ACB authors ascended to new heights of political power in the U.S., the success or failure of the policies cannot be solely ascribed to them. However, ACB policies are, for the most part, extremely damaging to U.S. -
Iraq and the New American Colonialism Emmit B
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@CalPoly Moebius Volume 1 Article 10 Issue 2 Privacy 4-1-2003 Iraq and the New American Colonialism Emmit B. Evans California Polytechnic State University - San Luis Obispo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/moebius Recommended Citation Evans, Emmit B. (2003) "Iraq and the New American Colonialism," Moebius: Vol. 1: Iss. 2, Article 10. Available at: http://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/moebius/vol1/iss2/10 This The aG mut is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at DigitalCommons@CalPoly. It has been accepted for inclusion in Moebius by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@CalPoly. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Evans: Iraq and the New American Colonialism Iraq and the New American Colonialism Emmit B. Evans The following maxim encapsulates the politics and history of the Middle East: There is a saying in the West that the Middle East is a region too important to the outside world to allow it to be governed by M iddle Easterners.1 Within this context, the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States can be under stood as a variation on an old colonial theme, but with significant new implica tions for the American public and the global community. The importance of the Middle East to the West is historically geopolitical. The region forms a strategic land bridge connecting trade routes between the conti nents of Europe, Asia, and Africa. -
The Afghanistan Question and the Reset in US-Russian Relations
The Afghanistan Question and the Reset in U.S.-Russian Relations Richard J. Krickus J. Richard Relations U.S.-Russian and Resetthe in Question Afghanistan The etortThe LPapers THE AFGHANISTAN QUESTION AND THE RESET IN U.S.-RUSSIAN RELATIONS U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Richard J. Krickus Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Strategic Studies Institute U.S. Army War College, Carlisle, PA The Letort Papers In the early 18th century, James Letort, an explorer and fur trader, was instrumental in opening up the Cumberland Valley to settlement. By 1752, there was a garrison on Letort Creek at what is today Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. In those days, Carlisle Barracks lay at the western edge of the American colonies. It was a bastion for the protection of settlers and a departure point for further exploration. Today, as was the case over two centuries ago, Carlisle Barracks, as the home of the U.S. Army War College, is a place of transition and transformation. In the same spirit of bold curiosity that compelled the men and women who, like Letort, settled the American West, the Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) presents The Letort Papers. This series allows SSI to publish papers, retrospectives, speeches, or essays of interest to the defense academic community which may not correspond with our mainstream policy-oriented publications. If you think you may have a subject amenable to publication in our Letort Paper series, or if you wish to comment on a particular paper, please contact Dr. -
Neo-Ottomanists and Neoconservatives: a Strange Alignment in the 1990S
ARTICLE NEO-OTTOMANISTS AND NEOCONSERVATIVES: A STRANGE ALIGNMENT IN THE 1990S Neo-Ottomanists and Neoconservatives: A Strange Alignment in the 1990s MALİK MUFTİ* ABSTRACT In a curious and hitherto largely overlooked episode, the revisionist “neo-Ottomanist” ambitions of King Hussein of Jordan and Turgut Özal of Turkey converged during the 1990s with the interests of an influential group of “neoconservatives” centered in Washington to press for a radi- cal redrawing of the Near Eastern political and territorial map. Due to a combination of material and normative limitations, neither Hussein’s nor Özal’s ambitions materialized, but the common central elements of their visions –a rejection of the nation-state system imposed on the region after the Ottoman Empire’s collapse; the evocation instead of past imperial greatness, updated to reflect contemporary democratic norms; and a style of rule characterized by a cosmopolitan and accommodating realpolitik– constitute an alternative to rival (authoritarian secular-nationalist, lib- eral, militant Islamist) prescriptions for the region’s future at a time when the erosion of the post-Ottoman status quo continues to accelerate. n a curious episode overlooked by the scholarly literature, the ambitions of two Near Eastern leaders generally viewed as conventionally conserva- Itive, King Hussein of Jordan and Turgut Özal of Turkey, aligned during the 1990s with the interests of a group of influential American and Israeli policy hawks to press for a radical redrawing of the regional political and territorial map. That such a revisionist agenda should arise during the 1990s is not in itself surprising, for this was a time of great upheaval, precipitated in part by broader developments such as the end of the oil boom and the collapse of Communism. -
Neo-Conservatism and Foreign Policy
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Master's Theses and Capstones Student Scholarship Fall 2009 Neo-conservatism and foreign policy Ted Boettner University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis Recommended Citation Boettner, Ted, "Neo-conservatism and foreign policy" (2009). Master's Theses and Capstones. 116. https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis/116 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses and Capstones by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Neo-Conservatism and Foreign Policy BY TED BOETTNER BS, West Virginia University, 2002 THESIS Submitted to the University of New Hampshire in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science September, 2009 UMI Number: 1472051 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI" UMI Microform 1472051 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. -
Congressional Record—Senate S7223
June 23, 2004 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S7223 Without objection, it is so ordered. Donald Rumsfeld, et al., he enlisted the sup- that immediately following the next port of the Project for the New American f votes, the Senate proceed to executive Century. session and votes on the following The plan hit paydirt with the election of 250TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE nominations on today’s Executive Cal- FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR George W. Bush. Perle took on the Defense Policy Board. Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and Feith endar: Calendar Nos. 592 and 609. I fur- Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, our Nation became one, two and three at the Defense ther ask consent that following the launches a 6-year commemoration of Department, and Cheney as vice president votes, the motions to reconsider be laid the 250th anniversary of the French took Scooter Libby and David Wurmser as upon the table, the President be imme- and Indian war. That commemoration his deputies. Clean Break was streamlined to diately notified of the Senate’s action, go directly into Iraq. and the Senate then return to legisla- is this year. As part of the celebration, Iraq, as a threat to the United States, was Members of the Senate and their staffs all contrived. Richard Clarke stated in his tive session, with no intervening action are invited to a special viewing of a book, Against All Enemies, with John or debate. handwritten autobiographical manu- McLaughlin of the CIA confirming, that Finally, I ask unanimous consent script of George Washington, which there was no evidence or intelligence of that there be 4 minutes of debate conveys unique insights of the war and ‘‘Iraqi support for terrorism against the equally divided prior to each of the young Washington’s personal reflec- United States’’ from 1993 until 2003 when we votes.