Resolution on Impeachment of Bush and Cheney Whereas George W
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COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War?
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? MAGNUS NORELL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI Memo 3123 Memo Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 March 2010 SE-164 90 Stockholm Magnus Norell COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? “If you don’t know where you’re going. Any road will take you there” (From a song by George Harrison) FOI Memo 3123 Title COIN in Afghanistan – Winning the Battles, Losing the War? Rapportnr/Report no FOI Memo 3123 Rapporttyp/Report Type FOI Memo Månad/Month Mars/March Utgivningsår/Year 2010 Antal sidor/Pages 41 p ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12004 Godkänd av/Approved by Eva Mittermaier FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys Department of Defence Analysis 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm FOI Memo 3123 Programme managers remarks The Asia Security Studies programme at the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Department of Defence Analysis conducts research and policy relevant analysis on defence and security related issues. -
Preview Excerpt
Against All Enemies — Excerpt Evacuate the White House I ran through the West Wing to the Vice President’s office, oblivious to the stares and concern that brought. I had been at a conference in the Ronald Reagan Building three blocks away when Lisa Gordon-Hagerty called to say an aircraft had struck the World Trade Center: “Until we know what this is, Dick, we should assume the worst.” Lisa had been in the center of crisis coordination many times in exercises and all too often in the real world. “Right. Activate the CSG on secure video. I’ll be there in less than five,” I told her as I ran to my car. The CSG was the Counterterrorism Security Group, the leaders of each of the federal government’s counterterrorism and security organizations. I had chaired it since 1992. It was on a five-minute tether during business hours, twenty minutes at all other times. I looked at the clock on the dashboard. It was 9:03a.m., September 11, 2001. As I drove up to the first White House gate Lisa called again: “The other tower was just hit.” “Well, now we know who we’re dealing with. I want the highest level person in Washington from each agency on- screen now, especially FAA,” the Federal Aviation Administration. As I pulled the car up to the West Wing door, Paul Kurtz, one of the White House counterterrorism team, ran up to me. “We were in the Morning Staff Meeting when we heard. Condi told me to find you fast and broke up the meeting. -
The Afghanistan Question and the Reset in US-Russian Relations
The Afghanistan Question and the Reset in U.S.-Russian Relations Richard J. Krickus J. Richard Relations U.S.-Russian and Resetthe in Question Afghanistan The etortThe LPapers THE AFGHANISTAN QUESTION AND THE RESET IN U.S.-RUSSIAN RELATIONS U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Richard J. Krickus Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Strategic Studies Institute U.S. Army War College, Carlisle, PA The Letort Papers In the early 18th century, James Letort, an explorer and fur trader, was instrumental in opening up the Cumberland Valley to settlement. By 1752, there was a garrison on Letort Creek at what is today Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. In those days, Carlisle Barracks lay at the western edge of the American colonies. It was a bastion for the protection of settlers and a departure point for further exploration. Today, as was the case over two centuries ago, Carlisle Barracks, as the home of the U.S. Army War College, is a place of transition and transformation. In the same spirit of bold curiosity that compelled the men and women who, like Letort, settled the American West, the Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) presents The Letort Papers. This series allows SSI to publish papers, retrospectives, speeches, or essays of interest to the defense academic community which may not correspond with our mainstream policy-oriented publications. If you think you may have a subject amenable to publication in our Letort Paper series, or if you wish to comment on a particular paper, please contact Dr. -
Constructivism, Strategic Culture, and the Iraq War
ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 4th Quarter 2011 Constructivism, Strategic Culture, and the Iraq War TOBY LAUTERBACH* ccording to constructivists, the United States went to war in Iraq because the dominant strategic cultural norm, that of seeking geopolitical stability through multilateral deterrence, appeared bankrupt to the Bush administration after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 (9/11). This led elites in the administration to view Ademocratic regime change in Iraq as imposing an international norm of hegemonic global policing through unilateral preventive war. Given short- comings in the existing literature, this article makes the constructivist case for explaining the Iraq War. For constructivists, a proposed normative shift in American strategic cultural ideas played a causal role in the US invasion of Iraq. For those constructivists who take an ambitious perspective, the attempt to shift the norms of America’s strategic culture—and thus its national security policy—precipitated that invasion. A more cautious analyst would contend that the normative shift advocated by the Bush administra- tion worked in tandem with interest-based calculations, such as geopolitical logic, in leading to that military action. The Iraq War was supposed to prove the viability of a new norm—unilateral preventive war—advocated by neo- conservative norm entrepreneurs and traditional conservative converts as well as sympathizers in the Bush administration. This was part of a larger strategic cultural vision advocating the hegemonic promotion of democracy through force. Advocates intended that a new perspective on war, the hege- * Theauthor is a PhD candidate and former instructor at Purdue University. His research interests include the role of strategic culture in the Iraq War, the theory and practice of counterinsurgency, the study of realist theories such as Power Transition and Offshore Balancing, the future of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- tion and the Western European Union, the rise of China as a peer competitor, and Pacific Rim security concerns. -
Dick Cheney Former Vice President
© 2009, CBS Broadcasting Inc. All Rights Reserved. PLEASE CREDIT ANY QUOTES OR EXCERPTS FROM THIS CBS TELEVISION PROGRAM TO "CBS NEWS' FACE THE NATION." May 10, 2009 Transcript GUESTS: Dick Cheney Former Vice President HOST: Mr. Bob Schieffer, CBS News This is a rush transcript provided for the information and convenience of the press. Accuracy is not guaranteed. In case of doubt, please check with FACE THE NATION - CBS NEWS (202) 457-4481 TRANSCRIPT SCHIEFFER: Today on "Face the Nation," former Vice President Dick Cheney, and he's talking. His old boss George Bush has left town and is keeping quiet, but Dick Cheney is not. He's speaking out, and we'll get his take today on the future of the Republican Party, the controversial interrogation techniques, Iraq, Pakistan, and the new administration of President Obama. Then I'll have a final word on a quiet kind of justice. But first, Dick Cheney on "Face the Nation." Good morning again. The former vice president is in the studio with us this morning, as he has been many times over the years. Mr. Vice President, thank you for being here. You're obviously here because we invited you here and we appreciate that, but I want to ask you something. President Bush has done what people normally do when they leave the Oval Office -- he has remained mum. He said very little. At one point, he said that he thought President Obama deserved his silence. But you have taken a very different tack, and I must say a very unusual tack for somebody just leaving the vice president's office. -
Enjoining an American Nightmare
CHAPTER 25 Enjoining an American Nightmare Matthew Harwood n a sweltering Washington, DC, day in late August 2009, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) released a special review from its inspector generalO entitled “Counterterrorism Detention and Interrogation Activities,” dated 7 May 2004.1 The 162-page report, more than five years old by its release, investigated the agency’s use of “enhanced interrogation techniques” (EIT) on high-value al-Qaeda detainees caught by the United States after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. The 10 specific EITs deemed legal by the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel for CIA use included stress positions, sleep deprivation, and waterboarding—all commonly considered torture by international law, the human rights community, and the United States prior to 2001.2 Unfortunately, those techniques would finally make their way into mili- tary interrogation rooms in Afghanistan and Iraq, most notoriously Abu Ghraib, in the United States’ Global War on Terror. Despite assurances from the Bush administration that such EITs were legal, the CIA’s inspector general launched the investigation after receiving informa- tion that “some employees were concerned that certain covert agency activities at an overseas detention and interrogation site might involve violations of hu- man rights.”3 The employees worried that CIA interrogators tortured detainees in contravention of United States and international law. Participants in the Counterterrorist Center (CTC) program, responsible for terrorist interroga- tion, damningly told investigators that they feared prosecution for torturing detainees.4 Worse still, the report could not determine whether the enhanced techniques worked, while acknowledging that the techniques’ practitioners knew they could harm the prisoner. -
THEORIES of CONFLICT and the IRAQ WAR Daniel Lieberfeld
International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 10, Number 2, Autumn/Winter 2005 THEORIES OF CONFLICT AND THE IRAQ WAR Daniel Lieberfeld Abstract The article examines the U.S. decision to invade Iraq from a range of analytic perspectives—realism, liberalism, elite interests, ideological influences, and personal and social psychology—in order to better understand the causes of the invasion decision and implications of the particular case study for general theories of war causes. The analysis distinguishes among different types of causal influences and traces links among the various analytic perspectives. The 2003 invasion of Iraq has become the largest, longest, and most costly use of armed force by the United States since the Vietnam war. It is the first major post-Cold- war U.S. military action taken apart from an international organization and the first U.S. experience as an occupying power in a Middle Eastern country. Although the invasion decision is in some respects unprecedented, particularly concerning extensive U.S. military involvement in an Arab or Muslim country, the contention here is that the Iraq invasion is not sui generis and can be usefully understood with reference to established theories of war causes. This article considers how theories concerning the causes of war can help explain the U.S. decision. It explores how contending interpretations of this particular war can add to understanding of war causes generally, and also traces linkages among the theoretical perspectives. Table 1 summarizes the theoretical perspectives under discussion, beginning with realism, which, emphasizes motives related to national security, power, and resources. By contrast, liberalism considers differences between democracies and non-democracies to be a fundamental cause of war. -
Bin Laden and Al Qaeda Thematic Bibliography No
Public Diplomacy Division Room Nb123 B-1110 Brussels Belgium Tel.: +32(0)2 707 4414 / 5033 (A/V) Fax: +32(0)2 707 4249 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.nato.int/library Bin Laden and Al Qaeda Thematic Bibliography no. 5/11 Ben Laden et Al-Qaida Bibliographie thématique no. 5/11 Division de la Diplomatie Publique Bureau Nb123 B-1110 Bruxelles Belgique Tél.: +32(0)2 707 4414 / 5033 (A/V) Fax: +32(0)2 707 4249 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.nato.int/library How to borrow items from the list below : As a member of the NATO HQ staff you can borrow books (Type: M) for one month, journals (Type: ART) and reference works (Type: REF) for one week. Individuals not belonging to NATO staff can borrow books through their local library via the interlibrary loan system. How to obtain the Multimedia Library publications : All Library publications are available both on the NATO Intranet and Internet websites. Comment emprunter les documents cités ci-dessous : En tant que membre du personnel de l'OTAN vous pouvez emprunter les livres (Type: M) pour un mois, les revues (Type: ART) et les ouvrages de référence (Type: REF) pour une semaine. Les personnes n'appartenant pas au personnel de l'OTAN peuvent s'adresser à leur bibliothèque locale et emprunter les livres via le système de prêt interbibliothèques. Comment obtenir les publications de la Bibliothèque multimédia : Toutes les publications de la Bibliothèque sont disponibles sur les sites Intranet et Internet de l’OTAN. -
Independent Assessment of U.S. Government Efforts Against Al- Qaeda Julia Mcquaid, Jonathan Schroden, Pamela G
Independent Assessment of U.S. Government Efforts against Al- Qaeda Julia McQuaid, Jonathan Schroden, Pamela G. Faber, P. Kathleen Hammerberg, Alexander Powell, Zack Gold, David Knoll, and William Rosenau October 2017 DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. SPECIFIC AUTHORITY: N00014-16-D-5003 10/25/2017 Photography Credit: Cover photo compiled by CNA. Sourcing available upon request. Approved by: October 2017 Dr. Eric V. Thompson, Director and VP Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2017 CNA Abstract Section 1228 of the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) states, “The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide for the conduct of an independent assessment of the effectiveness of the United States’ efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al- Qaeda, including its affiliated groups, associated groups, and adherents since September 11, 2001.” The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations/Low Intensity Conflict (ASD (SO/LIC)) asked CNA to conduct this independent assessment, the results of which are presented in this report. i This page intentionally left blank. ii Executive Summary Section 1228 of the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) states, “The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide for the conduct of an independent assessment of the effectiveness of the United States’ efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al- Qaeda, including its affiliated groups, associated groups, and adherents since September 11, 2001.” The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations/Low Intensity Conflict (ASD (SO/LIC)) asked CNA to conduct this independent assessment. -
Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION the RAND Corporation. ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. RAND COUNTERINSURGENCY STUDYtVOLUME 4 Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan Seth G. -
Lions of Islam’: Foreign Fighters in Afghanistan and Pakistan, 1980-2010 by Brian Glyn Williams
On the Trail of the ‘Lions of Islam’: Foreign Fighters in Afghanistan and Pakistan, 1980-2010 by Brian Glyn Williams Brian Glyn Williams is Associate Professor of Islamic History at the University of Massachusetts at Dartmouth. This article is a revised version of a paper delivered at FPRI’s annual national security conference, last September, co-sponsored by the Reserve Officers Association in Washington, D.C. Abstract: This article provides a review of the history of jihadi foreign fighters in Afghanistan over the last 30 years. It details the post-9/11 period and the invasion of Afghanistan by U.S. forces, focusing on the ethnic origin of the foreign fighters and how different groups engaged in different aspects of the conflict. Additionally, the piece explains that while the foreign fighters who came to fight alongside the Taliban in Afghanistan included, among others, Uzbekistanis (not Afghan Uzbeks), Turks, and Arabs, there was also a significant force of Pakistanis—of both Pashtun and Punjabi origins—that joined, bolstering the Taliban army. n the summer of 2003, I made my way from Kabul over the Hindu Kush Mountains and across the deserts of the north to the Uzbek-dominated I town of Sheberghan. There I met and lived with the Northern Alliance Uzbek warlord, General Mohammad Dostum. During my time spent with Dostum—who made headlines when he led his horse-mounted anti-Taliban troops in routing the Taliban in November 2001—he let it be known to me that he had over 3,000 Taliban prisoners of war in his custody. -
Al-Qaeda Versus Boko Haram: Ideologies, Goals, and Outcomes Radhika Shah Emory University, [email protected]
International Journal of Security Studies Volume 1 | Issue 1 Article 5 2018 Al-Qaeda versus Boko Haram: Ideologies, Goals, and Outcomes Radhika Shah Emory University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/ijoss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Shah, Radhika (2018) "Al-Qaeda versus Boko Haram: Ideologies, Goals, and Outcomes," International Journal of Security Studies: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/ijoss/vol1/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Journal of Security Studies by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. Al-Qaeda versus Boko Haram: Ideologies, Goals, and Outcomes Cover Page Footnote I would like to thank Dr. Vincent Cornell for his patient support and guidance. Dr. Cornell is a wonderful mentor and an inspiring lecturer. This article is available in International Journal of Security Studies: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/ijoss/vol1/iss1/5 Introduction Since al-Qaeda’s September 11th, 2001 attack on the World Trade Center and The Pentagon, Islam has remained at the center of the global terrorism debate. Numerous insurgency groups with ties to Islam have risen into the international spotlight, attracting media attention and stoking fear among Westerners.1 Though an overwhelming majority of the American public expresses concern about extremism associated with Islam as a whole,2 each Islamist jihadi group harbors its own unique goals and ideologies.