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Staying the course? Tim Bale The black widow effect Why Britain’s coalition might have an unhappy ending David Dutton Re-establishing the faith in , 1931–63 Andrew Whitehead God gave the land to the people The Liberal land song Chris Cooper ‘The best for ’? Liberals, coalitions and the right to dissent David Cloke Ownership for all The Liberal Party, co-ownership and industrial relations Liberal Democrat History Group ‘This new volume, taking a long view from the later seventeenth century to the Cameron-Clegg coalition of today, is a collective enterprise by many hands … This is an excellent book.’ Kenneth O. Morgan, Cercles

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2 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 Journal of Liberal History Issue 76: Autumn 2012 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Neville Masterman; new online resources at the Bodleian Library Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Letters to the Editor 5 Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Island residents (Mike Falchikov); Campbell-Bannerman (Sandy Waugh) Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery The black widow effect 6 Patrons Why Britain’s Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition might have an unhappy ending; by Tim Bale Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent Re-establishing the faith 16 Editorial Board David Dutton examines the revival of Liberalism in Dumfriesshire, 1931–63 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; Prof. Richard God gave the land to the people 26 Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Andrew Whitehead traces the origins of the Liberal Land Song Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; Tony Little; Prof. Ian Machin; Dr ; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; ‘The best for England’? 34 Dr Iain Sharpe Liberals, coalitions and the right to dissent: the ‘agreement to differ’ revisited; by Chris Cooper Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and Report 44 book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Ownership for all: the Liberal Party, co-ownership and industrial relations, Contributions should be sent to: with Tudor Jones and Andrew Gamble; report by David Cloke

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Liberal Democrat History Group Payment is also possible via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, occasional publications. c/o 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. September 2012 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 3 Liberal History News Autumn 2012

Neville Masterman (1912–) New online resources at the On 28 November 2012, a link will that ‘when Lloyd George returned Bodleian Library be reaffirmed with a brilliant archi- to the party, ideas returned to One of the current catalogu- tect of Edwardian Liberalism at its the party’. After some years of ing project at Oxford’s Bodleian glorious high noon. On that day, declining health and morale, he Library is the papers of Roy (later Neville Masterman, former Sen- died prematurely in 1927. He Baron) Jenkins (1920–2003). The ior Lecturer in History at Swansea had married another remarkable papers reflect Jenkins’ professional University, celebrates his hun- highly gifted Liberal, Lucy Lyt- career as a politician, author, and dredth birthday. telton, much admired by Lloyd Chancellor of the University of He is the son of Charles Freder- George, who wrote a fascinating Oxford. The papers will be acces- ick Gurney Masterman (1874–1927), life of her husband, and died in sible when the cataloguing is com- one of the most powerful intel- 1977 at the age of 93. plete, at: www.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/ lectuals of the New Liberalism of Neville was born during the bodley/library/special/projects/ social reform after the turn of the industrial troubles of the autumn roy-jenkins century. A disciple of F.D. Maurice, of 1912. A distinguished scholar Available online now, how- after a double first at Cambridge himself, he kept up the family’s ever, are the proceedings of two he wrote several influential works, intellectual concern with Chris- seminars focusing on the Jenkins of which the most notable was The tian Socialism and the post- papers. On 6 February 2012, John Condition of England (1909). In effect Gladstonian Liberal Party. Some Campbell spoke about his research a Christian Socialist analysis of years spent in Hungary (where C. F. G. for his forthcoming biography of British society, it depicted the stark he learnt the language) gave him Masterman Jenkins. Campbell’s talk, and the gulf between the ostentatious ‘con- an additional interest in cul- (1873–1927) documents he chose to illustrate querors’ in suburban villadom and tural nationalism. These interests the social destitution of ‘the pris- were reflected in two fascinating oners’ in city slums. As late as 1920 books, a volume on the pioneer he wrote two eloquent works, The welfare reformer and Christian New Liberalism and How England is Socialist, John Malcolm Ludlow, Governed. The Builder of Christian Socialism But Masterman was also an (1963) and The Forerunner (1972), important political practitioner as a study of the ideas and career of well as an author. He worked very Tom Ellis, the Welsh nationalist- closely with Lloyd George on the Liberal who became Liberal chief land clauses of the Finance Bill and whip under Rosebery in 1894. He was a key figure in devising the has also written more widely on National Insurance Act of 1911. the New Liberals, notably J.A. He became Financial Secretary to Hobson. the Treasury in 1912 and was given Neville has flourished in in early 1914. How- Swansea over many decades, and ever, bad luck struck him; he lost remains full of life and inexhaust- his seat at Ipswich at the subsequent ible intellectual curiosity. I learnt by-election and resigned from the a great deal from him myself Cabinet in February 1915. There- when sharing an office with him after he and Lloyd George drifted in Swansea. His academic work, apart. supplementing his father’s dis- He worked on British propa- tinguished career as government ganda during the war, stood as an minister, Liberal politician and anti-Lloyd George Liberal in 1918, political philosopher, is enduring and was briefly Liberal member for testimony to the creative achieve- Manchester (Rusholme) in 1923– ment of a fine Liberal dynasty. 24. He became, however, again His century will be greeted with a close policy associate of Lloyd acclaim and affection by Liberals George at the Summer Schools of and socialists everywhere. Happy the 1920s and worked to prepare birthday, Neville! Penblwydd the ‘Yellow Book’ on economic hapus iawn! recovery. He famously observed Kenneth O. Morgan

4 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 Letters Island residents Campbell-Bannerman: I’ve only just got round to reading I am currently writing a new this excellent edition (Journal of Lib- biography of Sir Henry Camp- eral History 75, summer 2012). bell-Bannerman, with a view In the article on The Isle of to publication sometime in Wight, the writer names some 2013–14. If anyone is willing interesting residents, permanent to read and comment on one or and temporary, from the Victo- more of my early draft chap- rian period. He could also have ters for the period from 1880 to mentioned the Russian novelist, 1908, will they please contact Ivan Turgenev, who wrote most me. Copies of my current syn- of his iconic and still frequently opsis can also be supplied on read novel Fathers and Sons whilst request. living in Ventnor in 1860, during My contact details are 1 Pan- one of his long periods of (largely toch Gardens, Banchory, Kin- self-imposed) exile. Amongst other cardineshire AB31 5ZD; (01330) things, it has wonderful descrip- 823 159; s.waugh.bnchry@btin- tions of the Russian countryside – ternet.com. but nothing at all about the writer’s Dr Alexander (Sandy) S. Waugh residence at the time! Mike Falchikov it – an extract, dated 22 Octo- ber 1979, from the original type- (1920–2003) script of Jenkins’ European Diary describing his interview with the Conservative Prime Minister, Mrs and diary entries for 14–20 October 1968, 9 June 1975, 26 November 1979, and 22 October 1979 – are accessible at: http://www.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/ bodley/library/special/seminars/ authorship,-memory-and-manu- scripts-2012 On 13 February 2012, Char- lotte McKillop-Mash, archivist for the Roy Jenkins papers, out- lined progress with the project, which began at the end of 2011. The session opened with the pho- tograph featured on the catalogu- ing project webpage and continued with an opening from the diary of Roy Jenkins’ father, Arthur Jen- kins (1882–1946) for 2–3 Septem- ber 1939; Roy Jenkins’ letter to Prime Minister James Callaghan, 10 September 1976; a campaign poster for (what may be) the 1948 Southwark Central by-election; a list of speeches in the winter/ spring of 1989; and a list of books Jenkins read in October 1991. The talk and the documents referred to are accessible at http://www. bodleian.ox.ac.uk/bodley/library/ special/seminars/authorship,- memory-and-manuscripts-2012/ roy-jenkins-archive Helen Langley

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 5 The Black Widow Effect Why Britain’s Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition Might Have an Unhappy Ending

The UK may be relatively unfamiliar with coalition governments, but they are very common in other parts of the world – so much so that political scientists now have a very good idea of what makes hether or not Dis- between an older, established party raeli was right when and a newer, smaller party ended in some governments last Whe claimed that ‘Eng- tears – at least for the junior partner land does not love coalitions’, it is involved. and some end early. certainly the case that, after the Tim Bale summarises Second World War at least, it grew completely unaccustomed to them. 1. Cross-national portents the cross-national Partly as a result, perhaps, most There are factors which, on the evi- of those who inhabit the so-called dence from cross-national research research on coalitions ‘Westminster bubble’, be they pun- on coalitions, seem to favour the and on the entry into dits or politicians, know little or durability of the Conservative–Lib nothing of the wealth of overseas Dem government.1 Most obvi- government of parties evidence on the formation and con- ously, the two parties have put duct of multiparty governments together, consciously or other- that are unfamiliar and on the fate of small, self-styled wise, what is known in the jargon with its constraints, and radical parties who sometimes play as a ‘minimal-winning coalition’ a part in them. If they did, they – one that contains no more par- uses it, together with might not be quite so sanguine ties than are necessary to deliver an about the prospects for the admin- overall majority. This means that a case study of another istration formed by the Conserva- it has a much better chance of last- Westminster system that tives and the Liberal Democrats ing than, for example, a minor- in May 2010. This paper assesses ity government – the other option suddenly had to get used the potential durability and stabil- canvassed. That minimal winning ity of that administration in the coalition also contains the ‘cen- to ‘hung parliaments’, light of what we have learned from tral’ and ‘pivotal’ party, the Liberal to suggest that we decades of cross-national research Democrats, who most would agree on coalitions and ‘newly govern- (especially nowadays) sit roughly must not assume that ing parties’ before drawing some in the ideological middle in par- parallels with, and lessons from, liament and who were pivotal in the Cameron–Clegg another ‘Westminster system’ the sense that their participation coalition is somehow where two successive coalitions was necessary if any convincing bound to last the full © The Author [2011]. Published by on behalf of the Hansard Society; all five years. rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected]

6 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 The Black Widow Effect Why Britain’s Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition Might Have an Unhappy Ending

majority government was to be number of seats, and cross-national ‘I’m off!’ Clegg that the fewer parties the better formed after the election in May. research tends to show that this fac- and Cameron at – particularly, if those parties do Coalitions that include such a party tor also leads to more durable coa- the start of the not have any obvious substitutes tend to last longer than coalitions litions. Moreover, there are also coalition, 12 May should they leave the government. that do not. The coalition also con- only two parties in the coalition, 2010 That government also contains tains the party with the largest and cross-national research shows the Conservative Party: although

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 7 the black widow effect the reasons are unclear (it may be of the next scheduled election. that the Liberal Democrats may to do with some sort of governing Cross-national research suggests well face. The first and most obvi- mentality), coalitions containing that such coalitions are less shaky ous point to make is that the con- conservative parties seem to last than coalitions that are formed later nectedness of this minimal winning longer. In addition, it is possible to on in the life of a parliament. coalition is contestable. How close argue – especially if one confines There are, however, plenty of in reality are the Lib Dems to the the analysis to the leaderships of the negative portents for the Con- Tories? True, we need to be care- two parties involved – that this is servative–Lib Dem coalition in the ful not to characterise (even cari- a minimal connected winning coa- cross-national research.3 Most obvi- cature) the Liberal Democrats as lition. In other words, it contains ously, that research suggests that having a right-wing leadership and parties that are apparently quite the risk of a coalition breaking up a left-wing membership (Evans and close to each other in terms of their before its time and thus precipitat- Sanderson-Nash, 2011). But few policies and values. The coalition ing an early election rises rather would deny that there is indeed a literature suggests that coalitions than falls as time passes. The idea, difference between the parliamen- that contain parties with big dif- then, that, as long as the current tary core and the extra-parliamen- ferences between them tend to be government can get through its first tary penumbra around , shorter lived. Furthermore, it must year or two, it will go the distance on the one hand, and, on the other be to the government’s advantage until 2015 is nonsense. It actually hand, a periphery of MPs whose that the two parties in this coali- gets harder to stay together as every faces do not quite fit and a fair pro- tion, while close, are not so similar year, even every month and week Research portion of members who have spent that their respective sets of poten- passes. And the coalition literature years delivering (or simply lapping tial rebels (the Tory right and the is clear about the phenomena that suggests up) Focus leaflets which denounced Lib Dem left) are likely to combine cause coalitions to break up, namely the Tories as incompetent and irre- together to threaten the coalition’s so-called ‘critical events’ – domes- that the risk deemably right-wing. For this lat- parliamentary majority: Europe is tic or international crises that ‘come ter group, and of course for many only the most obvious example of out of nowhere’ but divide the of a coali- voters, this is not so much a con- this ‘divide and rule’ advantage.2 parties involved – or else the slow nected coalition as a counter-intu- One can argue that there are agony endured when the econ- tion break- itive one. True, there is a history also some rules of the game, for- omy goes-belly up or simply fails (albeit a short one) of Liberal Dem- mal and informal, that benefit the to improve.4 Rising or persistent ing up before ocrats doing deals with the Con- current coalition. In a country unemployment and/or inflation servatives at a local level and this which operates ‘negative parlia- are the most common problems in its time and may well have made it easier for the mentarism’ – in other words, votes this respect, with inflation seem- leadership to gain consent to do the of confidence and supply do not so ingly a particular problem for coa- thus pre- same thing at Westminster. At the much have to be won as simply not litions which contain conservative cipitating an national level, however, the stakes lost – it is less probable that there parties since it is the one thing that are much higher and the issues more will be a parliamentary defeat in voters expect them to get right.5 early elec- ideologically loaded. the event that this government’s We also need to remember that Secondly, the Liberal Demo- majority is eroded sufficiently (per- the current coalition operates in tion rises crats are, in the jargon, relatively haps by defections) to make such a parliamentary system in which ‘weakly institutionalised’ com- a defeat a possibility (Bergman, there is a premium on party disci- rather than pared with their two biggest rivals. 1993). And the fact that the exclu- pline and in a governmental system Although its Liberal heritage means sive and unilateral power of dis- with a strong tradition of cabinet falls as time that it can hardly be described as a solution has been (or at least seems collective responsibility: cross- new party, it is nevertheless a party to have been) effectively removed national research tends to indicate passes. The that is still working out how to run from the Prime Minister by the that where this is the case, as in the itself as well as quite what to think, move towards a fixed term should UK, coalitions find it less easy to idea, then, with some of the faultlines arising also make a difference: where the ‘agree to disagree’, making them from its formation from a merger of PM gets to decide without con- more prone to falling apart when that, as long two parties (the Social Democrats sultation or constraint when to go certain critical events occur. That and the Liberals) still clearly visible the country, coalitions tend to be research also shows that culture and as the cur- (Grayson, 2010; Evans and Sander- shakier. It may also be significant tradition matter. This is why, for son-Nash, 2011). Even more so than that the allocation of portfolios (the example, minority governments rent govern- is the case for its bigger, older rivals, seats around the Cabinet table and in Scandinavian countries stand a its ideological and policy stance is the junior ministerial positions) is much better chance of lasting than ment can get based on a series of contingent com- roughly speaking proportional to majority governments in some through its promises rather than a heartfelt, the seats each of the two partners Southern or Central European hammered-out consensus. Organi- brings to the coalition’s strength in countries.6 Countries which are first year or sationally, leadership control is still the Commons. Proportional alloca- new to coalitions – new to the ‘new contested. Research suggests that tion of portfolios is the norm and, politics’ if you like – tend, at least two, it will go such parties are more prone to dis- inasmuch as might be unwise to go initially, to produce less stable, less integration, or at least severe inter- against it, the government may last durable coalitions. the distance nal strain, under the stresses that longer for conforming to it (Verzi- Having covered the coalition as come with being in government – chelli, 2008). There is also the mat- a whole, we can now turn to one of until 2015 is especially if those parties’ appeal to ter of timing: the current coalition its component parts and in particu- the electorate, before they entered was formed a long time in advance lar explore some of the problems nonsense. office, was an anti-establishment or

8 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 the black widow effect even a protest one (Bolleyer, 2008; Research close to the 23 per cent vote share with. Admittedly, the increase in Dunphy and Bale, 2011). This is not they obtained in 2010 (which gave capital gains tax was a concession, merely because they are relative on smaller, them 57 seats) and something closer but even that was watered down. newcomers but because such par- to the 14 per cent share they got So, too, was the ‘pupil premium’, ties float free of (or at the very least newer par- back in 1979 (which gave them just which was originally intended to are less firmly rooted in) the sort 11).7 be funded from additional money of (often economic) interests that ties, either as Research on smaller, newer par- rather than existing budgets. And provide the kind of ballast needed ties, either as members or support- the latter policy, like rising tax to prevent capsize in rough politi- members or ers of a coalition, suggests that they allowances and the abolition of cal seas – one of the reasons why find it very difficult to claim the ID cards, was very much in tune the SDP, for example, failed while supporters of credit for anything that goes well with ‘progressive’ Conservative Labour (still linked to the trade a coalition, does but find it equally difficult to thinking anyway. Moreover, the union movement) survived. Of escape blame for anything that goes right accorded to Lib Dem MPs to course, the Lib Dems could argue suggests that wrong. This would be bad enough abstain on increasing tuition fees, that they spent the last decade news even for a party that could supporting marriage in the tax sys- building up considerable support they find it lay claim at the outset to having tem and nuclear power, has not and among two interest groups – stu- secured policy wins and portfolios will not prevent the Conservatives dents and professionals who work very difficult that would allow them to maintain implementing those policies if they mainly (although not exclusively) in their profile and point to achieve- decide to. Finally, the granting of the public sector. Given the direc- to claim the ments throughout (or at least at the a vote on the Alternative Vote has tion of government policy since end of) its term of office. But this to be seen not as a triumph but as a 2010, however, the chances of the credit for does not apply to the Lib Dems measure of just how little the Lib Lib Dems retaining and relying on because, given their bargaining Dems got – not the introduction that support are virtually nil. anything strength – based on their being the of the quasi-proportional electoral Thirdly, the Liberal Democrats, one party out of the three able to system they had long campaigned insofar as their public utterances that goes negotiate a coalition with either of for but a referendum on a majori- reflect their private thinking, seem the other two – they totally under- tarian system that their own leader to be operating under the illusion well does played their hand in the coalition had earlier dismissed as ‘a miserable that voters will show their appreci- negotiations. They failed to gain little compromise’. There are of ation for them taking a responsible but find as much leverage as they should course Conservatives who rushed stance, joining the government and have done from the fact that, not- in (for the most part anonymously) participating in the deficit reduc- it equally withstanding differences in their to criticise the deal, but they would tion programme. In fact the reverse difficult relative sizes, the could credibly almost certainly have feigned dis- is likely to be true. One of the most argue, since they were in paral- appointment with any government robust findings in the cross-national to escape lel negotiations with Labour, that led by , coalition or research is that voters are rarely the Conservatives needed them otherwise. Most of their colleagues grateful to governments. Even gov- blame for more than they needed the Con- are well aware that they have not ernments that do quite well nearly servatives. Some political scientists, been made to do much, if any- always lose votes between one anything using coding techniques associated thing, that they had not wanted to election and another. And while with the Comparative Manifestos do. Nor have they foregone much cross-national research suggests that goes Project, may suggest (albeit tenta- that pragmatic and logistical con- that a favourable economic sce- tively) that the Liberal Democrats straints, whether domestic or inter- nario can reduce the electoral cost wrong. got just as good a deal as the Con- national, would have obliged them of incumbency, it also suggests that servatives – perhaps even a bet- to forgo in any case: the kicking the benefits are normally felt only ter one overall (Quinn et al., 2011). into the long grass of plans to repat- by the party of the Prime Minister Others would seem to agree (Con- riate powers from Brussels is only (and the Finance Minister) rather stitution Unit 2011). This is coun- the most obvious example.8 than by any other parties within his ter-intuitive – and for good reason: The Liberal Democrats under- or her coalition (Strøm et al., 2008, it is like determining the result of played their hand, too, when it pp. 417–418). If this were not bad a football match using statistics on, came to portfolio allocation. It enough, we also need to remember say, possession, free-kicks, corners might be proportional, but – unless that if incumbency comes at a cost, and shots-on-target rather than on one buys into the idea that Nick it is one that smaller parties find goals scored. Clegg’s overworked and under- much harder to bear: if large parties In reality, the coalition agree- staffed Office of the Deputy Prime lose a few percentage points here or ment shows what happens when Minister will confound expec- there, that is a pity and it can mean vegetarians negotiate with carni- tations and end up exerting an the difference between government vores. On policy, there is little of unprecedented degree of control and opposition; if the same happens real substance that the Conserva- over government policy – it is not to small parties, it can represent a tives had to give up – and cer- very promising. The party got tragedy, the difference between, tainly not on ‘red line’ issues such none of the big offices of state or if not life and death, then being a as deficit reduction, cutting immi- any of the ministries that might player and not being taken seri- gration and maintaining the UK’s be expected to deliver tangible ously. For the Liberal Democrats, independent nuclear deterrent. benefits to the electorate. Lead- there is a big (and non-linear) dif- Nor is there much that the Lib- ing Lib Dems argue, of course, ference between the seats they are eral Democrats gained that even that they have been terribly clever capable of winning on something ‘mainstream’ Tories cannot live in avoiding ‘political graveyards’

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 9 the black widow effect like the Home Office, and that one This black portents in cross-national research, New Zealand’s recent experi- of the advantages of not being in and it is also possible to point to the ence presents us with two cases of charge of Health and Education widow effect unhappy precedents established by early termination of a coalition.9 is that they do not have to preside the coalitions established between The first is of a counterintuitive over spending cuts driven by the is observ- the British Conservative and Lib- coalition: a two-party government need for ‘efficiency savings’ (in eral politicians during the First that made little sense to many of the the case of the former) and deficit able not just World War and the two decades people who voted for those parties, reduction (in the case of the latter). that followed it (Dutton, 2004). and even to some of the people who This suggests a touching faith in in historical Without going into detail, it is no joined the government itself. In the ability of voters who are gener- exaggeration to say that they all this coalition, the portfolios were ally unable to tell pollsters which coalitions ended pretty badly for the junior poorly allocated and the country minister runs which ministry to between partner – so badly that one is drawn was unacculturated to coalitions. distinguish between Mr Nice and irresistibly to an analogy with what The senior partner in the coali- Mr Nasty. That notwithstand- the Brit- happens when the black widow tion was much bigger, stronger and ing, avoiding high-profile roles in spider mates with the female of better-established than the junior departments that allow a party even ish Liberals the species which, as we all know, partner. That junior partner did not the smallest opportunity to demon- is traditionally ‘deadlier than the have a settled ideology, nor did it strate that it is delivering is surely and the Con- male’. In fact, contrary to popular have an anchoring in a particular too clever by half. The obvious one belief, the process does not inevita- economic interest. The second case for the Lib Dems to have pressed servatives, bly end, once the deed is done, with also involved an older, bigger party for, not least because of its rising the exhausted male being eaten by and a newer, relatively ‘weakly budget and the appeal solidarity but also in the greedy and much larger female. institutionalised’ party, although with the developing world has to However, while it is not unusual for in that case they could at least claim some of the party’s core supporters more recent him to escape with his life, he often quite a lot in common with each (if not to the general public) would pays a high price: part of his body other on policy. The latter did not, have been International Develop- experiments (often quite a precious part at that) however, prevent it falling apart ment. Of course, those core sup- may break off and be left behind as early, when as in the first case, porters may also be impressed if the in multi- he makes his getaway. those involved were hit by ‘critical Lib Dems are able to demonstrate This black widow effect is events’. delivery on their constitutional party gov- observable not just in historical The first case occurred after the agenda and on energy and climate coalitions between the British Lib- first election under MMP which change, even if the goods produced ernment erals and the Conservatives, but took place in 1996. The election by Chris Huhne’s ministry are in a polity also in more recent experiments produced an inconclusive result arguably as diffuse as they are col- in multi-party government in a and triggered parallel negotiations lective. On the other hand, beyond – New Zea- polity – New Zealand – which between one smaller party and two those core supporters (and the so- for many years could lay a strong larger parties competing against called ‘chattering classes’), progress land – which claim to being more Westminster each other to persuade it to join on such matters butters precious than Westminster in its tendency them in government. The outcome few electoral parsnips. And while for many to produce single-party majori- was a counterintuitive coalition firms and financial commentators ties for one of the two main play- between the conservative National might conceivably be impressed by years could ers that dominated parliament Party and New Zealand First. The the work done at Business by Vince even if, on occasion, minor par- latter was a relatively new party Cable – particularly to facilitate lay a strong ties garnered substantial shares of which combined an anti-establish- the continued migration of highly- the vote. This dominance ended, ment, populist appeal with a cen- skilled workers – ordinary peo- claim to however, when voters decided in trist economic policy geared to ple will only judge by the indirect the early 1990s to get rid of the defending public services and halt- effects it has on tangible indicators being more First Past the Post System and ing privatisation. Most of its vot- such as economic growth, jobs and, replace it with the Mixed Member ers – many of whom had previously eventually, more funding available Westminster Proportional (MMP) system that voted for Labour but still felt let for cash-strapped public services operates in Germany. This institu- down by its drift to the right in the and local councils. than West- tional change naturally means that 1990s – expected it to enter a coali- the parallels with the UK case (or tion with the Labour Party. New minster in indeed any other case) can never Zealand First decided, however, to 2. The black widow effect: its tendency be exact, and, despite how fre- go with the National Party for two antipodean exemplars quently New Zealand appears in reasons, both of which might sound Talking about what the Liberal to produce international comparisons given familiar. First, a coalition with Democrats will have to show for its small size and global footprint, Labour would not have produced their time in government, how- single-party no one would want to argue that a majority government, but only ever, assumes that the coalition, its lessons are somehow timeless or a minority coalition. Secondly, and indeed the Lib Dems, will majorities… universal. However, the political New Zealand First’s leader (partly survive intact until the next elec- dilemmas faced by the two coun- because of ideology and partly tion. Although this seems to have tries, both of which were unused because he thought he would secure become the common wisdom, this to ‘hung parliaments’ but were a more important portfolio if he did does not mean that the assump- obliged to deal with the conse- so) probably always intended to go tion will hold. We have already quences, are sufficiently similar to with National rather than Labour pointed to the potentially negative render the parallels instructive. and dragged out negotiations

10 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 the black widow effect with the latter mainly in order to the party dipped below the thresh- a new ‘people’s bank’) it had origi- improve the offer from the former.10 old, it was returned to parliament nated in an Alliance proposal. They In the event, the coalition thus under the rule that any party win- also had to deal with the problem formed broke up in 1998, the rea- ning a seat in the constituency sec- of the war in Afghanistan, where sons behind it being relatively easy tion of the ballot is entitled to seats some MPs had predictable objec- to trace if we look at what hap- equivalent to its vote share in the tions to New Zealand’s military pened from the perspective of both party vote section. involvement with the American- parties in turn. Most obviously, the Obviously, there are some dif- led operation. The leader of the relief of National Party MPs that ferences between New Zealand in Alliance, however, exhorted his they were back in government soon 1996 and the UK in 2010. For one MPs to stick with it, not to worry gave way (especially among those thing, National (unlike the Con- – the voters would eventually give on the right) to concerns about the servatives) was in government them the credit they deserved. For compromises that coalition gov- before the election: when New a while they sat tight but eventu- ernment entailed. This then turned Zealand First went into coalition ally they could stand it no longer into irritation and even anger at with it, it was propping up a party and the party broke up messily the so-called ‘tail wagging the dog’ that people were already tired of, before the election. The leader and situation in which they felt they which is what would have hap- his cronies stayed with Labour, had been landed. So anxious did pened in the unlikely event that the while the majority departed, win- they become that they mounted a Lib Dems had gone with Labour. ning custody of the party’s name successful coup against the leader For another, New Zealand First, if and (such as they were by that stage) responsible for landing them in it. anything, got too good a deal out its organisation and resources. The The new National Party leader (and of National (Barker, 1997). Rather result at the next election was that Prime Minister) was determined to than underplaying its hand, the the Alliance failed to make it over show both her party and the elec- junior partner used what coalition the threshold and, because it was torate that she was the boss. She theorists would term its ‘walk-away also unable to win a constituency precipitated – not altogether acci- value’ to blackmail its senior part- seat, dropped out of parliament and dentally – the collapse of the coali- ner into giving so much away that was soon on its way to oblivion. tion by pushing New Zealand First it sparked ultimately unmanageable Most of its voters went to its erst- to accept policies that its leader resentment within its own ranks; while senior partner, just as many found impossible to swallow with- as we have already seen, this is not a had predicted and perhaps just as out losing face. The sophisticated mistake that Nick Clegg has made. that senior partner (led, interest- dispute resolution procedure the Finally, in New Zealand, it was the ingly enough, by an academic two parties had set up at the begin- leader of the junior partner who political scientist) had always cal- ning of their relationship made pulled out of the coalition, taking culated might happen. Since then, absolutely no difference. some of his closest lieutenants with all governments in New Zealand New Zealand First’s MPs had him and leaving some of his troops have been (in effect or in actual- long felt that they got a less of a behind. If such a split were to occur The fate of ity) single-party minority govern- say in the coalition than they had in Britain, most observers would ments supported – Swedish style hoped and had realised almost lay bets on the leader and his closest the coalition – by increasingly sophisticated immediately after the coalition associates staying while his follow- confidence and supply agreements agreement was signed that it came ers made the decision to leave. is not set in by minor parties seemingly happy as both a shock and a disappoint- After the next New Zealand to avoid the black widow effect ment to many of the people who election in 1999, the Labour Party stone. Nor (Bale and Bergman, 2006).11 had voted for them and/or worked came into government by teaming to get them elected. As time went up with the left wing Alliance – the is a Lib Dem on and as the party’s opinion poll result of a merger a few years previ- 3. Conclusion ratings headed further and fur- ously between a number of smaller, break-up The fate of the coalition is not set ther south, they looked set to face generally left-wing parties. The in stone. Nor is a Lib Dem break- annihilation at the next election. advantage of the Labour–Alliance inevitable. up inevitable. Predicting politi- Some MPs, including the leader, coalition enjoyed was that it was cal outcomes, including the fate of began to feel that they might need clearly more connected: this was a Predict- this coalition, is, to coin a phrase, a to leave the coalition if they were coalition that made sense to most mug’s game. Yet, the cross-national to have any chance of them sav- voters. Nevertheless, two years into ing political research, the 20th British politi- ing their skins and were less than the coalition, Alliance MPs (partic- cal history and the New Zealand devastated when their arrange- ularly those on the left) were begin- outcomes, parallels alluded to here should at ment with National collapsed. ning to get extremely worried. The including the least give us pause for thought and Others, however, in keeping with poll ratings of the party had plum- provide an antidote to any compla- the black widow effect, decided meted and it was even beginning fate of this cency surrounding the ability of to stay behind. Those who stayed to look as if they were going to dip the current coalition to serve out its either remained as independents or under the electoral threshold. Alli- coalition, full term. It may, of course, do so, formed a new political party but ance MPs could not really claim and supporters of the coalition have were all similarly washed away at any policy wins. Anything good is, to coin advanced some very good reasons the next election. Some of those that had been done by the coali- why it is in the interests of both who went and stuck with New tion was generally attributed to the a phrase, a partners that it should.12 And even Zealand First also lost their seats Labour Party even when (as with a if it does not go the distance, it may but a few survived because, while measure like paid or mug’s game. not be a disaster for either party

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 11 the black widow effect involved: the Conservatives will The first they will want either to jump out electorally. By the same token, if have proved once again that they of the vehicle or to wrest the wheel the Conservative Party’s poll rat- are willing to adapt to changed argument from the driver. Anyone summar- ings rise to the level at which a circumstances and mounted a seri- ily dismissing the latter as a serious single-party majority government ous challenge to the idea that, in made by possibility needs to recall, as many looks like it might be in sight, it British politics at least, a progres- Lib Dem MPs will no doubt recall, will be difficult for Cameron to sive alternative necessarily means those who what happened to Labour when it resist the temptation to leave the their exclusion from power; the Lib failed to ditch as its Lib Dems – or at least some of the Dems, meanwhile, should find – if believe the leader before it was too late. Nor, Lib Dems – behind. It is perfectly European experience is anything of course, should we forget that – possible, we should remember, for to go by – that having joined and coalition will as in New Zealand in 1998 – pres- this coalition to continue, albeit in (hopefully) stayed in a coalition go the dis- sure to escape the coalition could a slightly different form, even if the will mean that they are much more just as easily come from restive MPs black widow effect does come into likely to be asked to do so again in tance is that, belonging to its senior rather than play: the Conservative Party can the future.13 However, if we finish its junior partner. There are plenty rely on a parliamentary majority by briefly interrogating the argu- however bad of Tory backbenchers, particu- as long as they can tempt enough ments commonly made by those larly on the right of the party, who Liberal Democrats to stay with who believe that the coalition will things get, are already chafing at what they them should others decide to leave. indeed survive intact until the next believe are the constraints imposed Should such a departure take place, election, it soon becomes apparent MPs – par- on ‘their’ government by Cameron there will almost certainly be an that neither they, nor the coalition having to ‘appease’ the Lib Dems, argument about who gets to keep partners themselves, should relax ticularly Lib and five younger MPs have already the party’s name. Only a sugges- just yet. published a book, provocatively tion, of course, but if Nick Clegg The first argument made by Dem MPs – titled After The Coalition (Kwarteng and those around him end up losing those who believe the coalition will et al., 2011). the custody battle, they might just go the distance is that, however bad realise that The final argument made by want to avoid calling themselves things get, MPs – particularly Lib those who see the coalition lasting the ‘National Liberals’. Dem MPs – realise that if they do if they do is that, notwithstanding such inter- not hang together than they will nal pressure, David Cameron will Tim Bale is is Professor of Politics at be hanged separately. Yet, the logic not hang try as hard as he possibly can to pre- Queen Mary, University of London and that cutting the rope might just save vent the Lib Dems imploding. At the author of The Conservative Party a few necks from the noose is surely together the moment, the coalition is func- from Thatcher to Cameron, and every bit as powerful. Secondly, than they tional for the Tories: the Lib Dems The Conservatives Since 1945: the those who think the coalition will provide useful political cover and, Drivers of Party Change. last seem to think that once the will be having failed to win the votes of economy bounces back, the parties those who supported Clegg and co. in it will harvest the gratitude of hanged sepa- at the last election, the Conserva- the electorate. But gratitude is the tives have nevertheless been able to Acknowledgements most perishable commodity in poli- rately. Yet, count on the seats that those votes The author would like to thank the tics and if the electorate do turn out resulted in; given their inability following for their valuable com- to be grateful it is likely that their the logic to persuade voters in and ments on earlier versions of this goodwill will flow not to the Lib the North to elect Tory candidates, article: Torbjörn Bergman, Emma Dems but to the Conservatives. that cut- the argument goes, Cameron will Sanderson-Nash, Richard Gray- Thirdly, one can of course argue probably need the current arrange- son, Robert Hazell, David How- that the big difference between the ting the rope ment to last until and possibly arth, Mark Pack, and Ben Yong. All situation in Britain and the situa- beyond the next general election errors, of course, are the author’s tion in other countries (including, might just if he is to continue as Prime Min- own. of course, New Zealand) is that, ister; as a result, if things look bad because the British electoral sys- save a few for the Lib Dems, he will do all in This article originally appeared in tem has no set threshold that must his power to keep them happy and Parliamentary Affairs, first published be overcome in order to make it necks from to ensure that they get the credit for online November 1, 2011 (doi: back in to parliament, then there what they have achieved. 10.1093/pa/gsr033). It is reprinted is no particular opinion poll rat- the noose This is a persuasive argument – with kind permission of the author ing which automatically sets alarm is surely even more persuasive if one buys and of Oxford University Press. bells ringing in the ranks of the into the idea (which not every It is available online at http:// coalition’s junior partner. Nor, in every bit as expert does) that legislation pass- pa.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/ the absence of such a threshold, is it ing through parliament will make full/gsr033?ijkey=PPRH5llln47kA0 easy to identify a particular tipping powerful. an early election all but impossi- T&keytype=ref. point in polls that would have the ble.14 But it has to take account of same effect. However, if the Liberal the fact that there will be a good Democrats find themselves poll- deal of counter-pressure on David References ing in single figures in a year or 18 Cameron (above all from within Bale, T. (2011) The Conservative Party from months, then they will surely feel his own ranks) not to make con- Thatcher to Cameron, Cambridge, Pol- that they are in trouble. If some Lib cessions to the Lib Dems – con- ity Press. Dem MPs feel as if they are watch- cessions which in any case may Bale, T. and Bergman, T. (2006) ‘Cap- ing a slow motion car crash, then not turn out to help them much tives No Longer, but Servants Still?

12 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 13 the black widow effect

Contract Parliamentarism and 2010. and Majority Rule, Cambridge, governments – and why it the New Minority Governance Dunphy, R. and Bale, T. (2011) Cambridge University Press. ‘works’ in some places rather in Sweden and New Zealand’, ‘Radical Left parties in Govern- Strøm, K., Müller, W., Bergman, T. than others – remains Strøm Government and Opposition, 41, ment: A Comparative Analysis and Nyblade, B. (2008) ‘Conclu- (1990). On Central and Eastern 422–449. of Achievements and Failings’, sion’. In Strøm, K., Müller, W. Europe, see Somer-Topcu et al. Barker, F. (1997) ‘Negotiating with Party Politics, 17, 488–504. and Bergman, T. (eds.) Cabi- (2008). New Zealand First: A Study Dutton, D. (2004) A History of the nets and Coalition Bargaining: the 7 On the arithmetic of Lib Dem of Its Coalition Agreements Liberal Party in the Twentieth Democratic Life Cycle in Western parliamentary representation, with National and Labour’. In Century, Basingstoke, Palgrave Europe, Oxford, Oxford Univer- see Russell and Fieldhouse Boston, J., Levine, S., McLeay, Macmillan. sity Press. (2004). For an update, see Quinn E. and Roberts, N. (eds.) From Evans, E. and Sanderson-Nash, E. Tavits, M. (2008) ‘The Role of Par- and Clements (2011). Campaign to Coalition: New Zea- (2011) ‘Sandals to Suits: Profes- ties’ Past Behavior in Coalition 8 See the afterword in Bale (2011). land’s First General Election Under sionalisation, Coalition and Formation’, American Political 9 Rich narrative accounts of the Proportional Representation, Palm- the Liberal Democrats’, British Science Review, 102, 495–507. formation and fates of the two erston North, Dunmore Press. Journal of Politics and International Verzichelli, L. (2008) ‘Portfolio Allo- coalition governments that ran Bergman, T. (1993) ‘Constitu- Relations, 13, 459–473. cation’. In Strøm, K., Müller, New Zealand after the first two tional Design and Govern- Grayson, R. S. (2010) ‘The Liberal W. and Bergman, T. (eds.) Cabi- MMP elections in 1996 and 1999 ment Formation: The Expected Democrat Journey to a Lib-Con nets and Coalition Bargaining: the can be found in the following: Consequences of Negative Coalition – and Where Next?’, Democratic Life Cycle in Western Boston et al. (1997, 2000, 2003). Parliamentarism’, Scandinavian Compass, accessed at http:// Europe, Oxford, Oxford Univer- A useful work which sets such Political Studies, 16, 285–304. clients.squareeye.net/uploads/ sity Press. events in terms familiar to com- Boles, N. (2010) Which Way’s Up?, compass/documents/Com- Wilson, R. (2010) 5 Days to Power, parativists is Miller (2005). London, Biteback. pass%20LD%20Journey%20 London, Biteback, pp. 120,136– 10 No one who reads Rob Wilson’s Bolleyer, N. (2008) ‘The Organiza- WEB.pdf. 137, 139, 152, 170, 228, 234–238, very measured and balanced tional Costs of Public Office’. Howarth, D. (Spring 2011) ‘A Coali- 252, 292. account of the coalition nego- In Deschouwer, K. (ed.) New tion Is Born’, Journal of Liberal tiations in the UK in 2010 can Parties in Government: in Power History, 70, 40–45. escape the conclusion that Nick for the First Time, Abingdon, Kwarteng, K., Patel, P., Raab, D., Endnotes Clegg spent much of the time Routledge. Skidmore, C. and Truss, L. 1 The following is based on trying to keep Labour in play Boston, J., Levine, S., McLeay, E. (2011) After the Coalition: a Con- findings from Saalfeld (2008) and so as to get a better deal from and Roberts, N. (eds.) (1997) servative Agenda for Britain, Strøm et al. (2008). the Conservatives rather than From Campaign to Coalition: New Biteback. 2 This point is made (and proven) because he thought there was a Zealand’s First General Election Miller, R. (2005) Party Politics in New by Cowley and Stuart (2010). Of genuine chance of an alterna- Under Proportional Representation, Zealand, Oxford University course, this point only applies tive. For chapter and verse, see Palmerston North, Dunmore Press. if one is considering ideological Wilson (2010). For a sceptical Lib Press. Quinn, T. and Clements, B. (2011) rather than instrumental rea- Dem take on the negotiations Boston, J., Church, S., Levine, S., ‘Realignment in the Centre: the sons for the two wings getting and their outcome, see Howarth McLeay, E. and Roberts, N. Liberal Democrats’. In together; ultimately, there is (2011). (eds.) (2000) Left Turn: The New Allen, N. and Bartle, J. (eds.) Britain at nothing to stop them doing so if 11 Note that New Zealand has Zealand General Election of 1999, the Polls 2010, London, Sage. they simultaneously come to the pushed things even further Palmerston North, Victoria Quinn, T., Bara, J. and Bartle, J. conclusion that it is in their stra- than Sweden in recent years by University Press. (2011) ‘The UK Coalition Agree- tegic interests to bring the gov- appointing as Cabinet minis- Boston, J., Church, S., Levine, S., ment of 2010: Who Won?’, Jour- ernment down. ters the leaders of parties who McLeay, E. and Roberts, N. nal of Elections, Public Opinion and 3 See note 2 above. are not formally part of the (eds.) (2003) New Zealand Votes: Parties, 21, 295–312. 4 For more detail, see Browne et government. The 2002 general election, Welling- Russell, A. and Fieldhouse, E. (2004) al. (1984). 12 See, for example, Lib Dem blog- ton, Victoria University Press. Neither Left Nor Right? The Liberal 5 While most analysts agree that ger, Mark Pack, accessed at Browne, E., Frendreis, J. and Gleiber, Democrats and the Electorate: The the risk of early termination http://www.markpack.org.uk/ D. (1984) ‘An “Events” Approach Electoral Politics of the Liberal Dem- rises with unemployment and seven-reasons-the-coalition- to the Problem of Cabinet Sta- ocrats, Manchester, Manchester inflation, the relationship is not looks-set-to-last/ on March 30, bility’, Comparative Political Stud- University Press. so automatic that there is gen- 2011, and Boles (2010). ies, 17, 167–197. Saalfeld, T. (2008) ‘Institutions, eral agreement, say, that a rise 13 For the evidence, see Tavits Constitution Unit (2011) ‘Inside Chance and Choices: the of x per cent in either or both (2008). Story: How Coalition Govern- Dynamics of Cabinet Survival’. increases the probability of ter- 14 For a taste of the scepticism ment Works’, accessed at http:// In Strøm, K., Müller, W. and mination by y per cent. There on the part of some constitu- www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution- Bergman, T. (eds.) Cabinets and is also room for disagreement tional experts, see the evidence unit/research/coalition-govern- Coalition Bargaining: the Demo- about the relationship between considered by the House of ment/interimreport.pdf on June cratic Life Cycle in Western Europe, the ideological position of gov- Lords Constitutional Commit- 3, 2011. Oxford, Oxford University ernments and their vulner- tee, usefully summarised here: Cowley, P. and Stuart, M. (2010) ‘A Press. ability to one or other of these http://www.publications.parlia- Coalition with Wobbly Wings: Somer-Topcu, Z. and Williams, L. economic phenomena. For more ment.uk/pa/ld201011/ldselect/ Backbench Dissent since May K. (2008) ‘Survival of the Fit- on this, see the separate contri- ldconst/69/6904.htm. 2010’, Revolts.co.uk Briefing test: Cabinet Duration in Post- butions by Damgaard, Saalfeld, Paper, accessed at http://www. communist Europe’, Comparative Narud and Valen in Strøm et al. revolts.co.uk/ Wobbly%20 Politics, 40, 313–329. (2008). Wings.pdf on November 8, Strøm, K. (1990) Minority Government 6 The locus classicus on minority

14 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 Mothers of Women who built British Liberalism Even before they gained the right to vote and to stand for election, women played many key roles in the development of British Liberalism – as writers and thinkers, campaigners, political hostesses, organisers and, finally, as parliamentary candidates, MPs and peers. This new booklet from the Liberal Democrat History Group contains the stories of the women who shaped British Liberalism – including , Harriet Taylor Mill, the suffragist leader Millicent Garrett Fawcett, the first woman Liberal MP Margaret Wintringham, , , Nancy Seear, and many more. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £5 instead of the normal £6. To order, send a cheque (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of (1804–65) Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a cobdenproject). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. Four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. friend of and a supporter of and reform, Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster [email protected]. and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it The emergence of the ‘public service ethos’ went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. Aims to analyse how self-interest and patronage was challenged by the This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving advent of impartial inspectorates, public servants and local authorities Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise in provincial Britain in the mid 19th century. Much work has been done the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on on the emergence of a ‘liberal culture’ in the central civil service in the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home Whitehall, but much work needs to be done on the motives, behaviour Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation and mentalities of the newly reformed guardians of the poor, sanitary the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of inspectors, factory and mines inspectors, education authorities, prison Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. warders and the police. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. The life of Professor Reginald W Revans, 1907–2003 Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Any information anyone has on Revans’ Liberal Party involvement would campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Boyer, CUFR Champollion, Place de be most welcome. We are particularly keen to know when he joined the Verdun, 81 000 Albi, France; +33 5 63 48 19 77; [email protected]. party and any involvement he may have had in campaigning issues. We know he was very interested in pacifism. Any information, oral history The Lib-Lab Pact submissions, location of papers or references most welcome. Dr Yury The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between Boshyk, [email protected]; or Dr Cheryl Brook, [email protected]. 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University. Jonny Kirkup, 29 Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 15 Re-establishing the Faith Liberalism in Dumfriesshire, 1931–63

With the return of the century, will inevitably Liberal infrastructure Liberal Democrats to shift to the origins at constituency level government in 2010 and progress of the played a vital and so far the focus of the party’s recovery that became an largely neglected part.1 historiography, for long increasingly conspicuous David Dutton looks obsessed with the causes characteristic of the at the efforts Liberal and course of Liberal years that followed. supporters made to re- decline in the first In this latter story, the Dumfries High establish the party in Street in the decades of the twentieth re-establishment of a 1940s Dumfriesshire.

16 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 Re-establishing the Faith Liberalism in Dumfriesshire, 1931–63

n many cases this process of Dumfriesshire was a county figure, who had for twenty years recovery meant creating a Lib- of strong Liberal traditions at the been Medical Officer of Health for Ieral presence after many years, beginning of the twentieth cen- Dumfries. But in practice, if not in sometimes decades, of absence. tury. Among its celebrated MPs name, this was to be Liberalism’s It involved far more than simply were Robert Reid (MP for Dum- last success in the constituency. nominating a candidate to stand fries Burghs 1886–1905) who, as If the slow and painful recovery in the constituency, as the general Lord Loreburn, served as Lord of Liberalism in Dumfriesshire – elections of 1945 and 1950 revealed Chancellor under Campbell-Ban- at least to the point where it again only too clearly. At these two con- nerman and Asquith, 1905–12; had an institutional presence in the tests literally hundreds of well- his successor, John Gulland (MP constituency – is to be understood, meaning Liberal nominees sallied for Dumfries Burghs 1906–18) a word must first be said about the forth to inevitable annihilation at who was government Chief Whip nature of its predicament which the polls, bereft of even the most 1915–16; and Percy Molteno (MP began in the early 1930s. In addition basic administrative and organi- for Dumfriesshire 1906–18), radical to the problems besetting the party sational support. The result was plutocrat and prominent opponent more generally in Scotland, and record numbers of lost deposits, 64 of British involvement in the First Britain as a whole, three key factors in 1945 and as many as 319 in 1950. World War. The two constituencies were involved. In the first place, Rebuilding a Liberal presence usu- were amalgamated in 1918.3 the sitting Liberal MP defected to ally involved many years of hard There were few signs of Liberal the Liberal Nationals, although work on the ground by a small decline in Scotland before the com- delaying the announcement of his number of dedicated (and often ing of European war in 1914. After decision until 1934.4 Then the MP illogically optimistic) activists, the end of that conflict, however, succeeded in taking with him the rather than a few weeks of enthu- After the decline was marked and in many local Liberal association, a body siastic but ill-focused activity dur- places turned rapidly into disinte- which managed for many years to ing a general election campaign. end of the gration. Fifty-eight Liberal MPs confuse the situation surrounding As has recently been written, ‘The were elected in Scotland in Decem- its true allegiance. Finally, the lead- Liberal Party’s traditional vote First World ber 1910; only eight in 1924. By the ing local newspaper, the Dumfries would not have enabled the Party time of the 1945 general election and Galloway Standard and Advertiser, to survive the dark years … if it War, how- there was no Liberal parliamentary contrived to add to this confusion had not been mobilised at election representation north of the bor- by its insistence, maintained into times, at least in some constituen- ever, decline der. As was the case in many rural the 1950s, that the constituency’s cies. The Liberal Party could not was marked areas, Dumfriesshire in the 1920s Liberal National representation was have been used as an effective vehi- turned into a Conservative (Union- in fact genuinely Liberal in the best cle for protest if it did not exist and in many ist)–Liberal marginal, but the Lib- traditions of Gladstone, Campbell- in the constituencies. The Lib- eral Party was clearly still a force to Bannerman and Asquith. eral leadership would have been places turned be reckoned with in the constitu- With the formation of the entirely ineffective if there had ency, its candidates emerging vic- National Government in August been no Liberal Party in the coun- rapidly into torious from the general elections 1931, to which the whole Lib- try to lead.’2 The experience of the of 1922, 1923 and 1929. The party’s eral Party at first adhered, it was constituency of Dumfriesshire in disintegra- successful candidate in the last of Hunter who was allowed to carry south-west Scotland provides an these contests was Joseph Hunter, the government’s colours, without interesting case study. tion. a well-known and popular local Conservative opposition, when a

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 17 re-establishing the faith further general election was called After secur- reported, because his illness had With Hunter continuing to play in October. But illness prevented robbed him of the self-confidence a muted role in both Westminster Hunter playing any part in the ing victory needed for public speaking.9 But and local politics, rumours began to campaign and meant that he was at least the ailing MP was able to spread that he was contemplating not subjected, as were Liberal can- over his attend the meeting of the Parlia- resignation. Speculation intensi- didates up and down the coun- mentary Liberal Party, from which fied when he bought a house in the try, to detailed interrogation as to Labour oppo- most Simonites had absented them- constituency with a view to resum- his attitude towards the govern- selves, at which Samuel was chosen ing his medical career in the area. ment. Was he, like the supporters nent with a to succeed Lloyd George as party The Dumfriesshire Liberal Asso- of Sir John Simon, ready to give leader, and he was present at din- ciation even approached Sir Henry full backing to the government in majority of ner that evening in the company Fildes, former Coalition Liberal whatever steps it judged necessary over 19,000, of Samuel, Donald Maclean and MP for Stockport, with a view to to deal with the country’s balance other leading figures of the main- ascertaining his availability in the of payments deficit? Or did he, in Hunter’s pre- stream party. Alarm bells should event of a vacancy. Confident deni- line with the supporters of Sir Her- have begun to ring when, at the als of Hunter’s imminent departure bert Samuel, reserve his position if cise party beginning of 1932, Hunter voted appeared in the Standard, but the such measures included the impo- with the government and against newspaper gave no indication of sition of protective tariffs? The political the overwhelming majority of what lay behind the MP’s continu- evidence, such as it was, pointed those listed as Samuelites over the ing inactivity. Finally, in May 1934, in different directions. His writ- position Import Duties Bill. But the Stan- it was reported that Hunter had ten words offered little guidance. dard played down any political sig- decided to remain in parliament ‘I wish to serve no party interest, remained nificance of this move. Hunter’s and that, not only was he joining but to help in maintaining a stable action merely reflected credit upon the Liberal National group, but that and strong Government pledged to obscure. him for maintaining his prom- he had accepted an important posi- keep a balanced Budget, to main- ise to support the government in tion as head of that party’s national tain and improve our national the measures it deemed necessary: organisation.14 credit, to restore our balance of ‘The votes which Dr Hunter gave The key factor, of course, was trade and to combine a full and free in support of the Import Duties the reaction of the Dumfriesshire life for the people of this country Bill are to be interpreted as the ful- Liberal Association before whose with the security and integrity of filment of his pledges, and not an General Committee Hunter the constitution.’5 Such a statement expression of his political faith’.10 appeared on 23 May to make a full could have been made by just about The MP, it suggested, would prob- statement regarding his position any Liberal or Liberal National ably cooperate with the Samuelites in parliament and his intentions candidate at the election. On the ‘now that tariffs are off the car- for the future. Hunter pointed out issue of free trade Hunter was con- pet’.11 At all events, his constituents that there were now four groups spicuously silent, although offi- could rest assured as to the ‘sound- of Liberals in the House of Com- cials of the Dumfriesshire Unionist ness of Dr Hunter’s political faith. mons – the small band of MPs gath- Association claimed that, although He is a Liberal dyed in the wool, ered around Lloyd George who, not a ‘hundred per cent tariff man’, one whose whole outlook on social since the election, had consistently he had given an assurance that he and political affairs is characterised opposed the National Government; would follow the Prime Minister by that breadth of view and love the Samuelites, who had begun by and the National Government in of liberty and warm humanitari- supporting that government but ‘any proposition they think neces- anism that we associate with the who had now withdrawn their sup- sary to recommend for the national name of Liberalism.’12 The Ottawa port; the Liberal National group welfare’.6 On the other hand, Agreements, setting up a system of who accepted the leadership of Sir Hunter had given no indication of Imperial Preference, prompted the John Simon; and the tiny band of a conversion to the Simonite camp resignations of Samuel and his col- erstwhile Samuelites, including and, according to the Standard, leagues from their ministerial posts himself, who had declined to fol- remained a committed Samuelite, in September 1932, but the fact that low Samuel into the ranks of oppo- ‘prepared to consider tariff propos- the ex-ministers chose for the time sition. Hunter explained his own als without committing [himself] being to stay on the government’s position in terms of the pledges he to their advocacy’.7 This interpreta- side of the House avoided the need had given at the time of the general tion seemed to be confirmed when, for Hunter to clarify his own posi- election and his ongoing belief in on the eve of the poll, Samuel him- tion. Even when, just over a year the need for an all-party govern- self sent a telegram of good wishes later, the MP failed to accompany ment. He ‘gave an assurance to the for Hunter’s electoral success.8 Samuel and his colleagues in cross- meeting that in the work he was After securing victory over his ing the floor of the Commons and about to undertake he would main- Labour opponent with a major- taking their places on the opposi- tain the friendliest relations with all ity of over 19,000, Hunter’s precise tion benches, the Standard did not Liberals’. After his address Hunter party political position remained interpret this as evidence of his answered a number of questions obscure. His health was still frail, conversion to the Liberal National and then withdrew to allow mem- he did not visit his constituency cause. Rather it stressed the inde- bers of the committee to deliber- until the end of April 1932 and he pendence of the Dumfries MP who ate. ‘At the end it was decided that made no immediate public pro- was ‘not counted either among the the committee should acquiesce in nouncements, partly because of followers of Sir Herbert Samuel or the step that Dr Hunter was about his health and partly, it was later of Sir John Simon’.13 to take.’ With this conclusion the

18 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 re-establishing the faith

Dumfriesshire Liberal Associa- following day. ‘Afterwards the against the revolutionary ten- tion became in effect, albeit with- representatives of both parties met dencies of Socialism on the one out seeing any need to change its together and there was agreement side and the reactionary activi- name, the Dumfriesshire Liberal that Sir Henry Fildes would be a fit ties of Toryism on the other. A National Association.15 For all but and proper person to stand as can- party that has to fight on two the most alert, however, the precise didate in support of the National fronts is always in a position of situation remained obscure. Not Government.’19 Fildes was duly weakness.23 until September 1949 did the Asso- adopted and then defeated his ciation even transfer its affiliation Labour opponent in the by-election The newspaper did its best to keep to the Scottish National Liberal in September, repeating the perfor- Samuel and his followers inside the Organisation.16 Yet the change of mance in the general election two government’s ranks. ‘It would be a allegiance in 1934 was crucial. Like months later. disaster to call Sir Herbert Samuel many Liberal Associations across At least in the national press away from making his contribution the country, that in Dumfriesshire Fildes was accurately identified as to the settlement of national prob- was already dwindling in terms of a Liberal National candidate and lems in order that he might lead a organisation and activity. Heavily then MP.20 This, however, was party offensive.’24 The abandon- focused on the town of Dumfries something which the Dumfries ment of free trade was regrettable, itself, a few key officials were well Standard studiously avoided doing. but the condition of the country, placed to determine its orientation. Yet it was difficult to question the with over two million unem- At a time, moreover, when local newspaper’s impeccably Liberal ployed, had ‘compelled reconsider- elections in the constituency were credentials. From its foundation ation of old tenets’. An experiment not generally contested on party in 1843 the Standard had pursued a was being tried out with tariffs ‘and lines, the Association’s decision on consistently radical line, for exam- Liberals are well advised to await whom it would support in general ple opposing British involvement the result’.25 When Samuel did elections was all-important. in the Boer War of 1899–1902. At resign from the government and, It was always possible that the its centenary during the Second a year later, rejoin the opposition decision to back Hunter was no World War messages of congratu- benches, the Standard stressed the more than a temporary accom- lation were received from the Lib- illogicality of his actions: modation, a reflection of the MP’s eral leader, Archibald Sinclair, and strong personal base and local the by then aged Lloyd George.21 He remained in office after tar- popularity, and a determination It was a tradition that at general iffs had been introduced, and to retain his services, rather than a elections successful Liberal candi- only left after the Ottawa agree- conscious change of allegiance on dates would address their support- ment was brought forward. Even the part of the local party organisa- ers following the declaration of the From the then he did not deem it neces- tion. Hunter himself insisted that poll from the first-floor window of outset, the sary to signify his separation by his Liberalism remained unchanged the Standard’s offices overlooking crossing the floor of the House. and undiluted. ‘It was all nonsense’, Queensberry Square in the centre Standard Now he has gone on no issue at he told an audience in Dumfries of Dumfries. Yet during the 1930s all, he can hardly blame those in September, ‘to say that a man and beyond, the Liberalism which offered con- who feel it a duty to their coun- ceased to be a Liberal because he the Standard supported was the Lib- try to support the government a associated in cooperative endeav- eralism of Hunter, Fildes and the sistent sup- little longer.26 our with other people whose Dumfriesshire Liberal Association, principles in the past had been dif- in other words Liberal National- port for the The Samuelite withdrawal made ferent.’17 But events soon put this ism. The key factor – though not the continuing presence of those interpretation of the situation to one which the newspaper seemed National Liberals who remained within the the test. Hunter died suddenly in keen to proclaim22 – was that James administration all the more impor- July 1935. The Scottish whips of Reid, who had edited the Standard Government. tant. ‘The greatest amount of Lib- the Liberal National and Union- since 1919, was also chairman of the eralism would be obtained from a ist Parties held preliminary talks Dumfriesshire Liberal Association. While the Liberal Government’, but, as there immediately after Hunter’s funeral The newspaper followed a sub- was no immediate hope of achiev- and within days a meeting of the tle path. While its conversion ‘permanence ing this, the next best thing was Dumfriesshire Liberal Association to Liberal Nationalism was not to support a government that had had been called at which a commit- explicitly announced, this could of Liberalism’ ‘a considerable leaven of Liber- tee was appointed to meet the local be discerned by its more perceptive als’. 27 It was just a pity that ‘offi- Unionist Association with a view readers. From the outset, the Stan- was ‘hardly cial Liberalism should continue to the selection of an agreed candi- dard offered consistent support for in doubt’, to pursue a barren and unfruitful date for the by-election.18 the National Government. While policy of political exclusiveness’.28 Having already made provi- the ‘permanence of Liberalism’ the time had The Standard thus spoke the lan- sional arrangements a year earlier was ‘hardly in doubt’, the time had guage of Liberal Nationalism, even in anticipation of Hunter’s immi- come for the Liberal Party to make come for the if the newspaper dared not speak nent retirement, the Dumfriesshire its choice: its name. Above all, the Standard Liberal Association was well placed Liberal Party lost no opportunity to stress that to seize the initiative. Henry Fildes What is now and has been for Hunter, and then Fildes, were no arrived in Dumfries on 6 August a dozen years in doubt is the to make its less Liberals for their support of the and attended meetings with local capacity of the Liberal party to National Government. Of course, Liberals and Conservatives the be a strong and effective bulwark choice. there must have been readers who

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 19 re-establishing the faith understood that the newspaper’s ministers ‘were difficult to distin- Liberal Federation, the Standard presentation of events distorted guish … from their Conservative criticised the branch committee for the reality of Liberal politics. But colleagues’.33 taking this ‘somewhat autocratic when, in the pages of a single issue, Only after the general election step’ without consulting its mem- the Standard reported that the were there any signs in the constit- bership and pointed out that only Dumfriesshire Liberal Associa- uency of the regeneration of insti- full constituency associations were tion had nominated Fildes to fight tutional Liberalism. The revival eligible to affiliate to the national the general election of 1935, while was based on the branch of the federation.39 the Galloway Liberal Association Dumfriesshire Liberal Association In his claim that ‘National had decided not to field a candidate in the small market town of Lang- Liberalism is sheer humbug … in the adjoining constituency, the holm (population circa 2,000). June National Liberals are Tories in dis- average voter in south-west Scot- 1936 saw a gathering of around 250 guise’, Scott Elliot voiced the point land could have been forgiven for Liberals in the grounds of Arkle- of view of orthodox Liberalism assuming that it was referring to ton, home of Captain Walter Scott which had hitherto been largely one and the same party.29 Elliot, himself a recently elected concealed from the readers of the How did orthodox Liberal- vice-president of the county asso- Standard.40 But much of the impetus ism in Dumfriesshire react to this ciation. Scott Elliot announced that went out of the Langholm initia- very successful three-pronged those present were ‘highly criti- tive as a result of Scott Elliot’s own take-over by the Liberal Nation- cal’ of the National Government increasingly erratic political course. als? Before the 1935 general elec- and determined to make a protest Beginning with his appearance on tion there were few if any signs of ‘against Dumfriesshire being in Labour platforms to champion the a counter-attack being launched. the hands of the so-called National cause of a ‘popular front’ against In the absence of a genuinely Lib- Liberals’.34 Recent events such as the the National Government, he eral candidate in the by-election Hoare-Laval fiasco and the failure moved increasingly to the left and following Hunter’s death, one cor- to impose adequate sanctions on was finally adopted as Labour Party respondent to the Standard, D. S. Italy had convinced them that the candidate for Accrington in Lan- Macdonald, suggested that those government had ‘finally turned its cashire at the beginning of 1938.41 Liberals who were dissatisfied with back on Liberal principles’.35 This The example of Langholm was at the National Government, but mirrored developments on the least taken up in the neighbouring who did not support the policies national plane. Liberals believed constituency of Galloway where of the Labour Party, could make a that the actions of the National local Liberals, having failed to con- ‘very effective protest’ by abstain- Government showed that, in pro- test the 1935 general election, began ing at the polls.30 With the result claiming its adherence to the prin- to regroup early in 1939. ‘To those declared, Macdonald renewed his ciples of the League of Nations, of us who have the temerity to call attack. Noting that Fildes’s vote at it had gone to the country in 1935 ourselves Liberals’, wrote D. S. the by-election, when he was sup- under a false prospectus. After 1936, Macdonald, ‘yes, just plain Liberal, ported by both the Conservative with some organisational strength- not Simonite or Liberal National’, a and Liberal Associations, was vir- ening resulting from the imple- meeting in Maxwelltown in Febru- tually unchanged from that secured mentation of the Meston Report, ary was ‘the healthiest bit of politi- by Hunter, standing as a Liberal in the party acquired a renewed sense cal news in south-west Scotland 1929, Macdonald concluded that of purpose, even if this was still to for some considerable time.’42 The the by-election result ‘clearly dem- be translated into electoral success. annual meeting of the Scottish Lib- onstrates that in deciding to adopt Significantly, the guest speaker at eral Federation, scheduled to be a National candidate the Liberal Arkleton was Wilfrid Roberts, held in Dumfries in the autumn, Association have misinterpreted the mainstream but left-leaning might have helped galvanise these the wishes of the majority of the Liberal MP for North Cumber- developments but it, like so much Liberal electors in the Division’. land.36 The Standard was suitably else, fell victim to the outbreak of He hoped the Association would dismissive of the Captain’s activi- European war in September. now decide ‘to get back to the Lib- ties. The Liberals of Langholm had When, almost six years later, eral path without delay’.31 But the no doubt had a ‘pleasant Saturday peace returned, Langholm Liber- Standard’s editor would not accept afternoon’, but those who opposed als were again at the forefront of such logic. Though Reid did not the actions of the Dumfriesshire attempts to re-establish Liberalism propose to ‘follow him in his arith- Liberal Association should do so in Dumfriesshire. The 1945 gen- metic’, it was clear that Macdonald ‘in the first instance at least at a eral election, sandwiched between was writing ‘nonsense and ought to meeting of the association’.37 Scott the defeat of Germany and that of know it’. Granted that Macdonald Elliot ‘did not get the name quite Japan, took place in a very differ- had previously urged Liberals to right’, speaking of National Liber- ent political environment from abstain, he could not now complain als rather than Liberal Nationals, that which had prevailed through- if some of them had done so. Fur- but in any case his ‘purely partisan out the 1930s. For the first time thermore, he should recognise that attitude’ was not helpful to the res- From top: since the fragmentation of the Lib- those ‘Liberals’ who had remained toration of the Liberal Party to the Dr Joseph Hunter eral Party at the start of that dec- within the National Government position it ‘once occupied in the MP ade, Liberals and Liberal Nationals had ‘just as good a right to rep- affairs of the nation’.38 When the Major Niall opposed one another in a number resent Liberalism as Sir Herbert Langholm branch cut its links with Macpherson MP of constituencies up and down the Samuel’.32 By contrast, Macdonald the county association and sought Dumfries country, and it was impossible now insisted that the Liberal National direct affiliation with the Scottish Standard offices to claim that they were simply two

20 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 re-establishing the faith wings of the same party. When standing now, following the Wool- Fildes withdrew from the contest at ton–Teviot Agreement of 1947, as short notice, local Liberal Nation- a National-Liberal-Unionist, was als (still, it has to be said, mas- able to consolidate his hold over querading under the name of the the constituency. The general elec- Dumfriesshire Liberal Association) tion of 1951 is often identified as selected Major Niall Macpherson.43 the nadir of the Liberal Party’s for- The new candidate arrived with tunes. Reduced to just six MPs an impeccably Liberal pedigree – in the House of Commons, it was both his father and uncle had been probably only local electoral pacts prominent in Liberal politics – but and informal understandings with he stood now as a Liberal National the Conservatives that kept the with Conservative support. The party in being as a national political Standard reacted angrily when it movement. Had was reported that the Langholm accepted Churchill’s offer of a min- branch had adopted Flying Officer isterial post in the wake of the gen- Ian McColl as prospective Liberal eral election, organised Liberalism candidate for the constituency. could have disintegrated altogether. Representative of only one for- Paradoxically, however, the early tieth of the whole electorate, ‘the 1950s also saw the first tentative audacity, not to say effrontery, of signs of revival. This was true both the Langholm Liberal Association nationally and in Dumfriesshire. is amazing’. Continuing to distort In March 1954 the octogenarian the reality of Liberal politics in the James Reid, who had retired from division, the Standard argued that the chairmanship of the Dum- it was for the constituency Liberal friesshire Liberal Association in Association to select the candidate. 1947, finally stepped down from ‘One parish association cannot be the editor’s chair at the Dumfries allowed to dictate to a constitu- Standard. After more than thirty ency.’44 McColl, insisting that the years at the helm, Reid suggested invitation to stand had come from in his farewell editorial column ‘many good Liberals in all parts of that ‘in all the election contests of Dumfriesshire’, duly entered the these years the Standard took a vig- contest.45 But ‘almost without Lib- orous part and was an important eral organisation of any kind’, his factor in the victories at the polls’. cause was a forlorn one.46 McColl This was true enough. But his next secured under 6,000 votes, 16.9 statement was more questionable. per cent of the total. Meanwhile, ‘On no occasion could the candi- Macpherson, insisting that the Lib- dates whom we opposed accuse us eral National Party would ‘influ- of unfairness.’49 Reid was succeeded ence the policy of the Conservative by A. G. Williamson, a committed Party in the direction of Liberal- Liberal. The effect of the change on ism’, was elected with a comfort- the tone of the newspaper’s edito- able majority of 4,077 votes over his rials and its coverage of local and Labour opponent.47 national politics was soon appar- McColl claimed that, as a result ent. The efforts of the tiny Parlia- of his candidature, Liberalism had mentary Liberal Party, recently ‘saved its soul in Dumfriesshire’.48 ridiculed and dismissed as of no Objectively, however, his poor importance, were now warmly performance probably set back applauded. A party statement on his party’s cause in the constitu- education was received with enthu- ency. Whatever the idea of Dum- siasm. ‘It is to be regretted’, wrote friesshire being a ‘natural’ Liberal the editor, ‘that the Liberals are constituency may have meant, it not in a position to put their new was clear that this did not trans- deal for the schools into operation.’ late into the easy recapture of But that was not the fault of ‘the the parliamentary seat by main- faithful few who represent them stream Liberalism. Indeed, the at Westminster’. Rather it was the local branch association in Lang- responsibility of ‘those who made holm was moribund by 1946. No them a minority by mixing Liber- Liberal stood in either of the gen- alism with some of the other “isms” eral elections of 1950 or 1951 even with which we are familiar today’.50 though, in the former year, Lib- The party’s line on the European erals nationally went forward on Defence Community crisis in the a broad front, fielding as many autumn was equally praiseworthy. as 475 candidates. Macpherson, It was tragic that, at a time when

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 21 re-establishing the faith a Liberal government was ‘never Local Lib- Commenting on these develop- Association, the new Federation more needed in the country’, the ments, Williamson addressed head- was ‘without ties of any kind with party should find itself in a minor- erals must on earlier criticisms of Langholm’s the Conservative Party’. But the ity. Again, however, this was not independence of mind. There had organisers were realistic enough because the principles for which be made to been in the past, he conceded, to see that Liberalism on its own it stood no longer appealed to the some resentment that a small town would not be strong enough to electorate, but because ‘so many ‘wake up and should presume to place itself at regain the seat. ‘It is a case of shar- who should be upholding them the head of a county organisation. ing the bed or getting out of it have let them down by trying to realise that But it was not from choice that this and allowing another to come in. mix Liberalism with other politi- position had been assumed and it Half a bed is better than none.’56 cal creeds’.51 No clearer repudiation the Tories are was the hope of Langholm Liber- Macpherson was a popular and could have been asked for, not only only using als that someone might be found well-regarded MP and many still of the National Liberal stance, but in Dumfries who would be will- took seriously his claim to repre- also of the editorial policy pursued them as tools ing to form a truly Liberal Associa- sent both Conservative and Liberal by the newspaper since the early tion to which they would give their interests in the House of Commons. 1930s. … keeping support. ‘The renewed interest in ‘I think’, suggested one correspond- The Standard’s readers responded Liberalism is one of the most prom- ent to the Standard, ‘in certain cir- enthusiastically to this change. The their nomi- ising features of British political cumstances, our member might paper received ‘a large number of life today, and Dumfries, which has make a good Liberal [who could] letters’ applauding the ‘sound Lib- nee, Major always been a Liberal stronghold, make his way back to the fold.’57 Not eral line’ taken in recent months. As could give a lead not only to the surprisingly, however, the insist- one correspondent put it: Macpherson, county but to the whole country.’54 ence of the Association that, as the One of the first concrete pieces price of cooperation, the Federa- As one who remembers the tre- in the House of evidence of that wider revival tion must join the National Liberal mendous influence theStandard came a few days later when the Association of Scotland left the new exercised on behalf of Liberal- of Commons’. result was declared of the parlia- body with no alternative but to ism locally in days gone by, I am mentary by-election in Inver- plough a lone furrow. With stagger- overjoyed at the change which ness. In a seat which they had not ing gall the Dumfriesshire Liberal has come over the paper. I look even contested in 1951, the Lib- Association even voiced its regret forward to reading your forth- erals secured 36 per cent of the that ‘as the representative Liberal right editorials with which I find vote, pushing Labour into third organisation in this county … it was myself in complete agreement. place. This was in no sense a break- not consulted before the formation Do please carry on the good through. Many more disappoint- of the South-West Scotland Lib- work.52 ments lay ahead. But it served as eral Federation’.58 Despite its newly a much-needed tonic for a party re-found commitment to the doc- By the end of the year the Liberals which had known little but inexo- trines of pure Liberalism, the Stan- of Langholm had decided to reacti- rable decline for the past two dec- dard was cautious in its reaction. A vate their branch association: ades. It would also later attain three-cornered contest at the next a symbolic significance in view general election would not produce The inability or unwillingness of Liberalism’s more recent suc- a Liberal MP – ‘the state of Liberal of the Dumfries Liberal Party to cesses in the Scottish Highlands. organisation in the constituency is break loose from their Unionist Of probably greater importance such that no independent Liberal entanglements and give a genu- for the future of Liberalism in candidate would have a ghost of a ine Liberal lead to the county Dumfriesshire was the decision chance’ – but could well lead to the was deplored, as it was felt that taken in February 1955 to estab- success of the Labour candidate.59 the county town should natu- lish a South-West Scotland Lib- Almost unconsciously, the newspa- rally be the centre of organisa- eral Federation, with the aim of per seemed to be slipping back into tions of any kind affecting the ‘bring[ing] together for mutual a National Liberal mindset. interests of the county. Never- assistance groups and local associa- If it was to fulfil its objectives theless, it was generally felt that tions of Liberals in the counties of the new Federation needed now to Liberals everywhere had a duty Dumfriesshire and Galloway’. The rebuild a Liberal infrastructure in a to organise, and the meeting revival of the Langholm Associa- constituency from which, outside resolved to work for the estab- tion had ‘stirred the dying embers Langholm, it had virtually disap- lishment of a flourishing Liberal into flame, and, within a few peared. But it also had to dispel the Association in Langholm in the weeks, the idea of the new fed- belief, apparently still held by many hope that their example might eration began to take shape’. D. S. voters, that Macpherson was in any commend itself to people of like Macdonald, whose lone voice had meaningful sense a genuine Lib- mind throughout the county, been raised in opposition to the eral. Local Liberals must be made and lead in time to the establish- Liberal National take-over two to ‘wake up and realise that the ment of similar live organisa- decades earlier, was appointed sec- Tories are only using them as tools tions in all towns and villages. retary of the new body.55 … keeping their nominee, Major To begin with, the organisers Macpherson, in the House of Com- Only then, it was stressed, would it hoped that they would be able to mons’.60 On this issue Sir Gordon be time to adopt a candidate to win work with, rather than against, the Lethem, chairman of the Federa- back ‘this traditionally Liberal seat sitting Dumfriesshire MP. Unlike tion, was unequivocal. ‘The blunt to its old tradition’.53 the so-called Dumfriesshire Liberal fact’ was that the Dumfriesshire

22 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 re-establishing the faith

Liberal Association was ‘an empty predicted that many would-be Lib- to represent the Liberals should be name’ and wholly dependent on eral voters would simply spoil their so concerned about a Conservative its Conservative ally. There was ballot papers.64 When the results MP who wants to keep the country no evidence that National Lib- were declared, the paper, like most out of war over Suez is beyond our eral MPs, including Macpherson, commentators sympathetic to the comprehension, but it indicates, acted in any way differently from Liberal cause, found scope for mild perhaps, where his true political the general ruck of Tory MPs, not- satisfaction in the national picture, sympathies lie.’67 Reminding its withstanding numerous opportu- even though the party’s Westmin- readers that it opposed interven- nities to bring Liberal influence to ster contingent remained fixed at tion in Egypt just as it had opposed bear on major issues of policy.61 The six MPs. For the first time since intervention in the Boer republics weighed in, 1929 the party’s position had not half a century earlier, the Standard declaring somewhat provocatively, deteriorated compared with the insisted that it had pursued a con- that the National Liberals had ‘as previous general election and there sistent line, except for ‘one brief little connection with Liberalism had been a marginal increase in the exception, when a former editor today as the National Socialists average Liberal vote per contested was suspected of “flirting” with the with Socialism in the Germany of constituency. Analysing the result Its verdict on Tories’. By contrast, Macpherson the 1930s’.62 But the clearest way of in Dumfriesshire, where Macpher- claimed that, in seeking to sepa- differentiating the two creeds in son was returned on a lower vote the National rate the Israeli and Egyptian forces, the constituency remained the act than in 1951, the Standard concluded the government was acting in ‘the of nominating a Liberal candidate that there was a ‘reluctance on the Liberals best interests … of world peace’.68 to oppose Macpherson at the next part of a great many of the Liber- One member of the so-called general election, irrespective of the als of Dumfriesshire to support a themselves Dumfriesshire Liberal Associa- electoral consequences. Expecta- National Liberal candidate’ and tion explained that his support for tions of a three-cornered contest that ‘under the noses of the statis- was harsh. Macpherson and Eden did not make were high, but in the event the call- ticians, a definite swing towards him a Tory, but then went on to ing of an election in May 1955 by pure Liberalism from National Lib- ‘They have express his ‘Liberalism’ in the most the new Prime Minister, Anthony eralism is taking place here’.65 Its illiberal terms: Eden, left the South-West Scot- verdict on the National Liberals fulfilled the land Liberal Federation insufficient themselves was harsh. ‘They have I served some time in Egypt. I time to organise as they would fulfilled the destiny predicted for destiny pre- abhor the ‘Wog’. He is a cun- have liked. In the circumstances them twenty years ago; they have ning, lazy and treacherous dog. the Federation felt that it was ‘best been swallowed up in the Conserv- dicted for They have been living under the to fall in with the [Scottish Liberal] ative Party as completely as the Lib- British flag, but now they find Party’s plan to concentrate all their eral Unionists before them … What them twenty they cannot make ends meet, resources on five likely seats’.63 The in the name of all hybrids does a years ago; and they are trying to usurp Liberals of Langholm offered their Conservative-Liberal stand for?’66 the canal … As for the United services in neighbouring Roxburgh Confirmed in power, the Eden they have Nations, why should we lie and Selkirk where a Liberal candi- government soon embarked upon down to the ‘Yanks’ and have date was standing. a downward trajectory that led been swal- them tell us what to do?69 The Standard now criticised both fatally to the of 1956. the Tory and Labour Parties for That episode was of enormous lowed up in Increasingly, Liberal commenta- their efforts to woo the Liberal vote importance nationally for the rela- tors, including the Standard, con- while attacking the Liberal Party. tionship between the Conservative the Conserv- cluded that this situation could Opposition to Macpherson himself and Liberal Parties, finally expos- only be resolved if Macpherson remained muted, with the newspa- ing the hollowness of a long-term ative Party as was opposed by a genuine Liberal per continuing to stress his qualities and seductive courtship by the at the next general election which, as a constituency MP. But its mes- former, based on the premise that completely granted the seismic upheaval which sage was clear enough: modern, progressive Conservatism the Suez Crisis had entailed, might represented all the best traditions of as the Liberal not be long delayed. If Suez had With such bitter attacks by the historic Liberal Party. In Dum- done nothing more, Tories on the Liberals the posi- friesshire it led to a marked deterio- Unionists tion of National Liberal and ration in the relationship between it has shown that there can be no Conservative candidates who the Standard and Niall Macpher- before them compromise between Conserva- try to combine the viewpoints son, now a junior minister at the tism and Liberalism and a man of both Parties in order to Scottish Office, as the newspaper … What in must be either one thing or the keep out the Socialists must be watched with dismay the MP’s the name of other. The difference between rather embarrassing, for it is unswerving support for Eden’s dis- the Tories and the Liberals is hard to win over Liberals to the astrous policy in the Middle East. all hybrids just as great as that between National Liberal or Conserva- The dispute became public the Tories and the Socialists, tive camp unless the fusion of and obvious when Macpherson does a Con- and from that there can be no Liberal and Conservative inter- wrote to the Standard to criticise escape.70 ests is more than a figment of the the actions of an anonymous Con- servative- imagination. servative MP who had sought to When the annual general meeting distance himself from the govern- Liberal stand of the South-West Scotland Lib- In the absence of a Liberal candi- ment’s actions. ‘Why’, the news- eral Federation was held while the date in Dumfriesshire, the Standard paper asked, ‘any MP who claims for?’ Suez Crisis was at its height, the

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 23 re-establishing the faith most pressing item on the agenda itself, where the absence of a branch pressure from the newcomer, was the need to field candidates in association was the most conspicu- the long-established Association both Dumfriesshire and Galloway ous weakness of the constituency finally agreed to change its name at the next opportunity.71 But Wil- party. These so-called ‘commando to ‘National Liberal’.82 Soon after liamson would pay a heavy price raids’ were an increasingly common the establishment of the new asso- for his increasingly strident col- manifestation of national efforts ciation, the Scottish Liberal Party umns. A brief notice on 22 June to kick-start Liberal organisation appointed a full-time organiser for 1957 announced that the editor was in the late 1950s.77 In Dumfries the south-west Scotland, a sign that leaving his post at the Standard with canvass would be ‘the first stage ‘constituency activity and enthu- immediate effect.72 Though the in a campaign which will include siasm were reaching the stage at newspaper had transferred its loyal- public meetings to be addressed by which [they were] beyond the scope ties, the directors of Messrs Thomas prominent Liberals and which, it is of voluntary work’.83 Then in the Hunter, Watson and Co. Ltd, who hoped, will lead up to the adoption summer David Goodall, a school- owned the Standard, had not.73 of a candidate to oppose the present teacher working in but Meanwhile, there was clear evi- Member in two years’ time’.78 The with family connections in Lang- dence of an organisational recovery response was encouraging, suggest- ‘A small holm, was chosen to stand at the in the constituency and in adjoin- ing that a large number of constitu- general election.84 When an elec- ing Galloway. By the end of 1956 ents intended, if given the chance, meeting in tion was called for October, how- branch associations had been set to vote Liberal at the next election. ever, the local association made up in Wigtown, Dalry,Thornhill, These were people who ‘no longer a small hall the surprising decision that it was Lochmaben and Moffat. This fol- think it possible for one candidate not ready to enter the contest, but lowed extensive door-to-door can- to stand for two Parties and be fair here tonight would continue to prepare for the vassing, with each household left to both’.79 next.85 Rumours circulated that a small card bearing the following As a result, in September 1957 sent out to this decision reflected a continuing words: ‘We are calling Liberals. the decision was taken to form a National Liberal influence inside You may be a convinced Conserva- Dumfries Burgh Liberal Associa- the world, the new Liberal Association. tive or Socialist. If so, we respect tion as a preliminary to nominat- With his task thus eased, your views and do not ask you to ing a parliamentary candidate. The like a pebble Macpherson once again secured answer this. But if you are inter- event made the national press. The re-election, albeit with a reduced ested in Liberalism we do ask you to report in the Manchester Guard- bouncing on majority over Labour at a time let us have your name and address. ian captured the importance of the when, nationally, the Conserva- This will help us greatly and puts moment: a bass drum, tives enjoyed a significant swing no obligation whatsoever on you. in their favour. Only with the This card will be called for in a day A small meeting in a small hall some bravely MP’s elevation to the peerage in or two.’74 As the Standard reported, here tonight sent out to the booming 1963 and a resulting by-election it was a heartening sign for Dum- world, like a pebble bouncing did the voters of Dumfriesshire friesshire Liberals that the Tories on a bass drum, some bravely echoes. The have the opportunity to support an were making very determined booming echoes. The Liber- unequivocally Liberal candidate, efforts to try to prevent a Liberal als – straight Liberals, not what Liberals – Charles Abernethy. Meanwhile, candidate being nominated for the Mr John G. Wilson [Treasurer, Macpherson’s successor, David next general election.75 Scottish Liberal Party] called straight Lib- Colville Anderson, Solicitor Gen- Such an eventuality, however, ‘hyphenated abominations’ – eral for Scotland, stood now as an seemed increasingly likely. John met to form a town branch. Just erals, not unadulterated Conservative, while Bannerman, chairman of the Scot- that.80 enjoying, it was said, the backing of tish Liberal Party, whose heroic what Mr John the local National Liberal Associa- efforts to secure election at Inver- In terms of the long road towards tion. Many, however, were scepti- ness had made him something of Liberal recovery in Dumfriesshire, G. Wilson cal as to whether that body was any a party hero, told an enthusias- ’s description of longer a viable organisation. The tic meeting of the Thornhill and the victory at El Alamein in 1942 [Treasurer, Scottish Liberal Party claimed that District Liberal Association that seems apposite. It was not the end the forthcoming contest would be, he liked Macpherson personally of the story. It was not even the Scottish Lib- ‘as it always had been in this con- and regarded him as a friend. But beginning of the end. But it was stituency, between Conservatism he would have no truck with the perhaps the end of the beginning. eral Party] and Liberalism’, a curious gloss on MP’s political affiliation. It was The months and years ahead would the political history of the previous the ‘most deceptive and deceiv- hold further advances and setbacks called thirty years.86 But even allowing ing label from a political point of in equal measure. A Dumfriesshire ‘hyphenated for a measure of by-election hyper- view which could well be devised’. Liberal Association, in affiliation – bole, Abernethy’s performance in Whatever they called themselves, as it was necessary to stress – with abomina- securing just 4,491 votes, only 10.9 the only aim of National Liberals the Scottish Liberal Party and in per cent of the total, and losing his was to ‘hoodwink the people and support of the Parliamentary Lib- tions’ – met deposit, came as a bitter disappoint- to keep them from knowing what eral Party led by , was ment and probably contributed to they really are’ – Conservatives.76 finally set up in May 1959.81 This to form a the decision not to contest the seat Over Easter 1957 students from decision meant, of course, that again at the general election a year the Glasgow University Liberal two bodies bearing the same title town branch. later. The notion that a body of Lib- Club spent their vacation on house- were now in existence. The fol- eral support had simply been lent to-house canvassing in Dumfries lowing January, after considerable Just that.’ to a succession of National Liberal

24 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 re-establishing the faith

MPs and could now be reclaimed Only after 21 Standard, 27 and 31 Mar. 1943. 47 Ewart Library, box 10, Macpherson had been cruelly exploded. The 22 I found no mention of this fact in the election leaflet, 1945. National Liberal interlude had done three dec- pages of the newspaper between the 48 Standard, 28 July 1945. far greater harm than this to the formation of the National Govern- 49 Standard, 31 Mar. 1954. Liberal cause.87 An entire pattern ades in the ment in 1931 and 1953, when a brief 50 Standard, 11 Sept. 1954. of voting and political allegiance biographical sketch of Reid was 51 Standard, 15 Sept. 1954. had been lost. Only after three dec- wilderness published following his receipt of an 52 Standard, 25 Sept. 1954. ades in the wilderness did the local award in the Coronation Honours list 53 Standard, 11 Dec. 1954. party have the basic infrastructure did the local of that year. 54 Ibid. in place upon which it could build party have 23 Standard, 9 Apr. 1932. 55 Standard, 19 Feb. 1955. to repair the damage and hope for 24 Standard, 30 Apr. 1932. 56 Standard, 23 Feb. 1955. better days to come. the basic 25 Standard, 22 June 1932. 57 Standard, 2 Apr. 1955, letter from A. I. 26 Standard, 13 Dec. 1933. Milton. David Dutton, who now lives in Dum- infrastruc- 27 Standard, 8 Aug. 1934. 58 Standard, 5 Mar. 1955. fries, has begun extensive research on the 28 Standard, 5 May 1934. 59 Standard, 2 Mar. 1955. history of twentieth-century Liberal- ture in place 29 Standard, 2 Nov. 1935. 60 Standard, 2 Apr. 1955, letter from J. ism, in its various guises, in South-West 30 Standard, 28 Aug. 1935, letter from Henderson. Scotland. upon which D. S. Macdonald. 61 Standard, 11 Mar. 1955, letter from Sir 31 Standard, 21 Sept. 1935. G. Lethem. 1 An important exception is M. Egan, it could build 32 Ibid. 62 Standard, 4 May 1955. Coming into Focus: The Transforma- 33 Standard, 28 Sept. 1935. 63 Standard, 7 May 1955. tion of the Liberal Party 1945–64 (Saar- to repair the 34 Standard, 17 June 1936. 64 Standard, 21 May 1955. brucken, 2009). The present article 35 Standard, 24 June 1936, letter from 65 Standard, 1 June 1955. seeks to look at a single constituency damage and Walter Scott Elliot. 66 Standard, 28 May 1955. over an extended period of time and 36 First elected to parliament in 1935, 67 Standard, 13 Oct. 1956. confirms some of Egan’s key conclu- hope for bet- Roberts rapidly emerged as a promi- 68 Standard, 7 Nov. 1956. sions, e.g. the importance of branch nent campaigner for Liberal coopera- 69 Councillor T. R. Jardine quoted in organisations to Liberal survival and ter days to tion with the Labour Party as part of Standard, 7 Nov. 1956. revival in constituencies where the a Popular Front in opposition to the 70 Standard, 13 Oct. 1956. Liberal Association itself had ceased come. National Government. After losing 71 Standard, 17 Nov. 1956. to exist. It also deals with issues such his seat in 1950, he joined Labour in 72 Williamson was replaced by Rob- as the role of the local press not cov- 1956 and contested Hexham in 1959. ert Fergusson, parliamentary cor- ered by Egan. M. Pugh, ‘The Liberal Party and respondent of the Glasgow Herald. 2 Egan, Coming into Focus, p. 20. the Popular Front’, English Historical Standard, 22 June 1957. 3 1918 saw a significant redistribution Review, cxxi, 494, p. 1332. 73 The story of Williamson’s dismissal of seats, the first since 1885, to reflect 37 Standard, 17 June 1936. merits an article in its own right, a substantial redistribution of the 38 Standard, 29 July 1936. which I hope to write in due course. country’s population. Its electoral 39 Standard, 6 Feb. 1937. 74 Standard, 14 Jan. 1956. impact is considered in M. Kinnear, 40 Standard, 17 Apr. 1937. 75 Standard, 20 Feb. 1957. The British Voter: An Atlas and Survey 41 After the delay caused by the Second 76 Standard, 23 Feb. 1957. since 1885 (London, 1981), pp. 70–2. World War, Scott Elliot was duly 77 Egan, Coming into Focus, p. 118. 4 The broader impact of the Liberal elected as Labour MP for Accrington 78 Standard, 23 Mar. 1957. National defection on the fortunes of in the general election of 1945. He 79 Standard, 13 Apr. 1957. the Liberal Party is considered in D. held junior office, but opposed the 80 Manchester Guardian, 16 Nov. 1957. Dutton, Liberals in Schism: a History nationalisation of steel and did not 81 Standard, 9 May 1959. of the National Liberal Party (London, stand for re-election in 1950. Indeed, 82 Standard, 16 Jan. 1960. 2008). his curious political odyssey contin- 83 Standard, 13 May 1959. 5 Dumfries and Galloway Standard and ued when he appeared on a platform 84 Standard, 8 Aug. 1959. Advertiser (hereafter Standard), 10 with Niall Macpherson, the National 85 Standard, 16 Sept. 1959. Oct. 1931. Liberal candidate, during the 1951 86 Standard, 23 Nov. 1963. 6 Standard, 17 Oct. 1931. general election campaign in Dum- 87 Comparisons with other constitu- 7 Standard, 10 Oct. 1931. fries. Scott Elliot achieved more fame encies are instructive. In Hudders- 8 Standard, 24 Oct. 1931. in death than in life following his field William Mabane succeeded in 9 Standard, 27 July 1935. murder and that of his wife by their taking the local Liberal Association 10 Standard, 27 Feb. 1932. butler, Archibald Hall, in December with him when he defected to the 11 Standard, 12 Mar. 1932. 1977, a story which attracted consid- Liberal Nationals, but faced oppo- 12 Standard, 30 Apr. 1932. erable attention in the tabloid press. sition from the Huddersfield Daily 13 Standard, 18 Nov. 1933. 42 Standard, 4 Mar. 1939, letter from Examiner. The newspaper gave its 14 Standard, 26 May 1934. D. S. Macdonald. support to the foundation in 1939 of a 15 Ibid. 43 R. B. McCallum and A. Readman, Huddersfield Borough Liberal Asso- 16 Standard, 3 Sept. 1949. The British General Election of 1945 ciation, affiliated to the mainstream 17 Standard, 15 Sept. 1934. (London, 1964), p. 75. party. In Walsall, Joseph Leckie, 18 Standard, 31 July 1935. 44 Standard, 24 Mar. 1945. who like Hunter in Dumfries was 19 Manchester Guardian 8 Aug. 1935. 45 Ewart Library, Dumfries, box 10, slow to reveal his Liberal National 20 See, for example, Manchester Guard- McColl election leaflet, 1945. ian, 22 Aug. 1935. 46 Standard, 5 Mar. 1955. concluded on page 51

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 25 God Gave the Land to the People the Liberal ‘Land Song’

It is Britain’s ‘best political song’, yet many political insiders have never heard it sung. More than a century old, ‘The Land Song’ dates back to the glory days of Lloyd George Liberalism, and was revived from the 1960s by a new generation of Liberal radicals. History Workshop Journal editor Andrew United Whitehead pursues the Committee for song’s history, discovers the Taxation of Land its only commercial Values / Daily News song recording, and traces sheet, 1910 the song’s contemporary (reproduced courtesy echoes to the conference of Andrew Whitehead hotels of Bournemouth and Glasgow and Liverpool. Caledonian University)

26 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 God Gave the Land to the People the Liberal ‘Land Song’

hy should we be beg- hibernation at the end of the holi- about the Liberal song tradition, gars with the ballot in day season by attracting a party but my career took me away from Wour hand? God gave the conference. Although we imag- Westminster and party confer- land to the people! ine that the dominance of the two ences and my fleeting interest in These lines are the rousing cli- main parties has only recently been political song subsided. max to a song which is maintained, challenged, circa 1990 the caravan In September 2009, I headed by many who know it, to be Brit- of political correspondents rolled to the comfortable south-coast ain’s most stirring political anthem. relentlessly for weeks on end: the resort of Bournemouth, once again ‘The best political song I was ever Trades Union Congress, still a as a journalist, to attend my first taught to sing’, declared the for- ‘must attend’ event back then; two Liberal Democrat conference for mer leader of the Labour Party, centre-party gatherings, Liberals almost twenty years. I wondered . A radical anti-land- (later Liberal Democrats) and Social whether the Glee Club, hardly an lord song, it first became popular in Democrats; Labour; the Conserva- event to suggest a contemporary the Edwardian era and ‘stressed at tives; and sometimes a quick jaunt cutting edge, might have fallen the same time, in the same rhyth- north of the border to sample a victim to a party drive towards mic breath, the identity of the resurgent . sobriety and the political centre real enemy and the means for his It was at this time that I first ground. It hadn’t. The evening was overthrow’.1 It was not a socialist came across the Liberal Demo- still organised by Liberator, a jour- song, however, but a liberal rally- crat Glee Club, a loud, late-night nal which regards itself as the dis- ing tune – and is still sung as such. and hugely well-attended revue ‘The best respectful, radical ginger group Every year, more than a century and ‘everybody join in’ evening of within Britain’s third-ranking after its heyday, ‘The Land Song’ song, skits, lampoons, and some political political party. As an aide to par- is the opening number at an event period pieces from the glory days ticipants, they publish a book of with good claim to be the country’s of liberal . Of these, song I was lyrics, underlining just how seri- best political sing-song, at the Glee ‘The Land Song’, rendered at a ously liberals, architects of commu- Club on the last night of the Liberal gallop to the tune of ‘Marching ever taught nity politics, take their community Democrats’ party conference. through Georgia’, was always the to sing’, singing. The 2009 edition was the My own familiarity with – first to be sung and ’s twentieth, ran to forty-eight pages, and indeed non-partisan affection favourite. Although I considered declared and had the words to more than for – ‘The Land Song’ dates back myself one of the political cogno- seventy songs. twenty years or more, to my time scenti, I had never come across this the former A little after ten o’clock at night, as a lobby correspondent. For sev- rousing song – nor, since my stu- the Glee Club got under way with eral years either side of the end of dent days at the ‘Greyhound’ on leader of the what those attending would regard the Thatcher era, I used to spend Oxford’s Gloucester Green, had without question as the liberal a large part of the autumn traips- I encountered a lively forum for Labour Party, anthem – a song almost completely ing around those seaside resorts political song. I did a little light unknown outside party ranks. The which had managed to stave off digging and feature reporting Michael Foot. words read:

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 27 god gave the land to the people

Sound the call for boys, the items it contains. Those dat- and sound it far and wide, ing from the Liberals’ wilderness March along to victory for God years need little explanation: ‘Los- is on our side, ing Deposits’ sung to the tune of While the voice of nature thun- ‘Waltzing Matilda’, for instance. ders o’er the rising tide, Others are weary recognition of ‘God gave the land to the the effort involved in outreach poli- people!’ tics, such as ‘Climb Every Stair- case’ to the music of ‘Climb Every Chorus: The land, the land, ‘twas Mountain’. God who made the land, The swathe that date from the The land, the land, the ground convulsions and excitements of on which we stand, the rise of the SDP in the 1980s, in Why should we be beggars with alliance with the Liberals, some- the ballot in our hand? times need a little more context: God made the land for the ‘If you were the only Shirl in the people. world, and I were the only Woy’, for example, refers to two of the Hark the sound is spreading ‘’ prominent Labour from the East and from the defectors who founded the SDP, West, and later were prominent in the Why should we work hard and Liberal Democrats. The Glee Club let the landlords take the best? crowd tended to regard the Social Make them pay their taxes on Democrats as ‘soggies’, that is insuf- the land just like the rest, ficiently radical and too concerned The land was meant for the about their political careers. The people. alliance and subsequent merger prompted, a little like grit in the Clear the way for liberty, the oyster, some pearls of the modern land must all be free, satirical political song. Liberals will not falter from the Of ‘The Land Song’, the Libera- fight, tho’ stern it be, tor Song Book briefly records that its ’Til the flag we love so well will origins lay in the American land tax fly from sea to sea movement. ‘Liberals adopted the O’er the land that is free for the song in the two general elections of people. 1910, following the rejection by the House of Lords of Lloyd George’s The army now is marching on, 1909 People’s Budget, which pro- the battle to begin, posed a tax on land.’ That made the The standard now is raised on Bournemouth sing-song a cente- high to face the battle din, nary rendition. Revitalised by the We’ll never cease from fighting occasion, I sought to discover the ‘til victory we win, song’s inception, the extent of its And the land is free for the popularity among Lloyd George- people. era Liberal land campaigners, and the reasons for its restitution by It’s never sung sitting down. On Liberal radicals two generations the chorus words ‘the land’, those later in part as a statement of politi- assembled gently punch the air cal lineage. In the course of this – and as they sing ‘why should quest, I have come across the only we be beggars with the ballot in commercial recording of ‘The Land our hand’, everyone waves their Song’ – a 78-rpm disc from 1910. songbook as if an imaginary bal- What I have failed to understand is lot paper. As I left the Glee Club why such a resonant anthem, which at coming up to one o’clock in the evokes strong identification and morning, about 300 cheery confer- loyalty among those who still sing ence delegates were singing ‘The it, has such an inconspicuous place Land Song’ for a second time – in the winder pantheon of politi- there’s a video of a rather bacchana- cal song. lian rendition on You Tube. Any song so loved, so carefully nurtured as an emblem of radical- From Chicago to Trafalgar ism, must have quite a story. The Square Liberator Song Book provides, as The words of ‘The Land Song’ befits such a serious-minded move- appeared in a single-tax publica- ment, a brief historical note of all tion in Chicago in 1887. No author

28 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 god gave the land to the people was cited.2 It was to be sung to the revival of the last two decades of become a pamphleteer, a propa- tune of ‘Marching through Geor- the century.3 Henry Hyde Cham- gandist and a missionary. … Ever gia’, the stirring march composed a pion, an army officer who became since 1905 I have known ‘that there generation earlier at the end of the a key figure within the SDF and was a man from God, and his name American Civil War which quickly at the founding of the Independ- was Henry George’. I had no need became popular among veterans of ent Labour Party, was one of sev- henceforth for any other faith.’6 the northern Union army. The lyr- eral activists impressed both by The Liberal landslide in that ics have changed barely at all since George and the arguments he general election offered an oppor- that early published version. presented in Progress and Poverty. tunity for implementing a land The campaign for a single tax on ‘For many thoughtful people in tax. Josiah Wedgwood took upon the unimproved value of land was the early eighties’, Champion’s himself a role as a parliamentary indelibly associated with Henry biographer has argued, ‘George’s leader of the ‘single taxers’. He did George, whose 1879 book Progress writings were the catalyst which so with energy and a fair meas- and Poverty was immensely influ- changed their whole conception ure of success. The Parliamentary ential on both sides of the Atlantic. of what might be done to end the Land Values Group claimed 280 There was a crusading air to the poverty and injustice which was members, though most supported Georgite movement. The cam- being exposed.’4 Yet while George a land valuation to allow a mod- paign for a land tax was not simply helped to attract young radicals est tax on land rather than the full a fiscal measure, but was intended towards socialism, many quickly rigour of a ‘single tax’. In Novem- to challenge the large landowners moved away from his single- ber 1908, Wedgwood presented and their influence and so promote minded focus on a land tax. to the Prime Minister a petition the social and economic interests There is nothing to indicate in favour of the taxation of land and political empowerment of the that Henry George and his fol- values signed by 241 Liberal and working class. There was also an lowers brought ‘The Land Song’ Labour MPs. The land tax cam- Arcadian aspect to the movement, to Britain during his lifetime, or paign was pursued vigorously at seeking to break up land ownership that it found any echo among Brit- local and national levels, and won and so encouraging homesteads and ish socialists of that era. The song the support of several of the main a return to the land. Some social- achieved a resonance as part of a Liberal newspapers. ists argued that taxing rather than different political tradition, Liber- nationalising land was inadequate, alism, which proved a more con- and that an emphasis on land rather genial home to land taxers. Henry Lloyd George and the ‘People’s than industrial ownership was out George and his work attracted Budget’ of date, but George was a char- some determined partisans among The breakthrough came in Janu- ismatic figure and a substantial Liberal radical activists. His ideas ary 1909 when the chancellor, political economist and he became ‘appealed to their dissenting , promised a beacon around whom American natures and brilliantly touched on that the taxation of land values and British radicals gathered. His all the big issues that were close to would be implemented in his next unsuccessful campaign in 1886 as their hearts. With an analysis of budget. He favoured a one penny the United Labour Party candidate poverty and deprivation that was in the pound tax on all land and a for mayor of New York – on a dem- simple, it identified an obvious national land valuation to make ocratic platform which extended enemy and offered a clear solution. that possible. By the time the far beyond the land issue – attracted George believed in the underlying budget was delivered, the scope of huge attention. One of the issues goodness of human nature, dis- the tax had been watered down, arising from that contest was the liked bureaucracy and saw feudal, and agricultural land was specifi- demand for uniform printed bal- rather than capitalist, oppression cally exempted from the proposed lot papers, a theme reflected in ‘The as the source of all evil. ‘He pro- capital value tax, but the principle Land Song’. vided a faith, not simply a political of land taxation had been estab- Henry George visited Brit- belief.’5 lished and the national valuation ain five times in the course of the made it feasible. 1880s to campaign on land issues. To the delight of the single tax There was a long British tradition 1905–06 Liberal landslide lobby, in July 1909 Lloyd George of emphasis on land reform, both One of the most enthusiastic devo- followed up his budget with a vitri- within mainstream politics and, on tees was Josiah Wedgwood, a mem- olic speech at Limehouse denounc- the radical fringes, from Thomas ber of the pottery dynasty, who ing large landowners. Two weeks Spence to the Chartist Land Plan entered parliament as a Liberal rep- later, a Great Land Reform Dem- and the small but influential group resenting Newcastle-under-Lyme onstration provided a powerful of followers of Bronterre O’Brien. in the general election at the close display of support for the taxa- Henry George’s ideas and activities of 1905. He had by then, accord- tion of land. According to Josiah attracted the attention of several of ing to his memoirs, already been Wedgwood, one of the sponsors those who were to become leading won over to the single tax. ‘Henry and principal speakers, 100,000 members of the most important of George’, he wrote, ‘gave me those demonstrators marched from the the socialist organisations of the sure convictions on free trade and Embankment to be addressed from 1880s, the Social Democratic Fed- Left: Liberal the taxation of land values which twenty speaking platforms in Hyde eration. Indeed, his influence has Democrat have been at once my anchorage Park. ‘It was on a river trip to cel- been recognised as one of the fac- conference Glee and my object in politics. Even ebrate this demonstration’, Wedg- tors behind the British socialist Club before I reached Parliament I had wood recalled in his Memoirs, ‘that

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 29 god gave the land to the people the “Land Song” was born to the ‘At the gen- cover of the sheet music was graced … Alas, young men who tune of “Marching through Geor- with portraits of liberal heroes cheered me did not put in any gia”.’7 Josiah Wedgwood and his eral elec- (, Richard Cobden spade work, and most of them wife were certainly guests on a and, of course, Henry George) and had not even votes under the law steam launch which embarked from tion of of leading figures in party and gov- as it then was. When it came to Richmond on the Sunday after the ernment, Asquith, Lloyd George, the count … I could hear them demonstration to mark its success, January 1910’, Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Wil- all singing the land song and though the account of the trip in liam Harcourt and the single-taxer cheering my name as the piles of the land taxers’ journal makes no recalled Alexander Ure. Mallaby-Deeley’s ballot papers reference to any song.8 How exactly Christo- Pride of place was given to ‘The mounted up, out-numbering it was devised Wedgwood does not Land Song’. A second song was mine by thousands.12 explain – though as an enthusiast pher Addi- also included, ‘Land Monopoly for the Northern side in the Ameri- Must Clear!’ – again an adapta- Josiah Wedgwood, however, was can Civil War, he would have son, later a tion of an American Civil War song re-elected. Long before the polls been familiar with the tune. It was – with lyrics which certainly made opened, he recalled, there were clearly an adoption of the American Labour Cabi- the message evident: processions ‘of elderly respect- Georgite song rather than a new able Nonconformists’ through the birth, and Wedgwood’s account net minister, Tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys towns and villages of his constitu- appears to have some basis for from are marching ency singing the ‘eternal refrain’ late 1909, references start to appear ‘we went All along the line we’ll make of ‘The Land Song’. There wasn’t a to the singing of ‘The Land Song’ at them clear single meeting which he attended political meetings. round sing- On this principle we stand, between 1909 and 1914, he wrote, The 1909 budget prompted That the values of the land which ended without the song. one of the most profound con- ing ‘God gave Shall be paid into the Treasury Indeed, Wedgwood often insisted stitutional crises of the century. ev’ry year on it being sung: The House of Lords defied con- the Land for vention by rejecting the budget, On the rear cover, the publishers When he is at the country home largely because of the measures the People!’ took pains to assert that a land tax … it is his custom to invite his to tax land. In November, Parlia- would penalise ‘speculators and poorer constituents in batches, ment Square became a gathering We called monopolists’ rather than farmers. to come and spend the afternoon point for protestors. On the last day ourselves The taxation of land values, it was … they are regaled with a sump- of the month, a crowd again gath- argued, would place the tax burden tuous tea, followed by a conver- ered in spite of a ban on demonstra- Radicals in not on agricultural districts, but ‘on sational speech’ and music, in tions there. ‘It was not till after 9 towns and cities, where bare land which the Land Song is always o’clock that the partisanship of a those days, rises to a value of tens of thousands included … These meetings do section became apparent by cheer- of pounds per acre’. more than many pamphlets to ing and ‘booing’. The “Land Song” and I am not Of the two general elections in popularise the cause.13 was started but was soon stopped 1910, the first was dominated by the by police, and mounted officers sure that we land tax proposals and the second Wedgwood told an anecdote about were used to clear away one or two by the constitutional ‘peers ver- his like-minded wife, who closed groups of men who attempted to had not more sus people’ issue. ‘The Land Song’ a political meeting she had chaired stand their ground in the Square.’9 became the Liberal campaign tune. with the words: ‘We will now con- A few days later, demonstrators of the real ‘At the general election of January clude with the usual song’. A soli- gathered in Trafalgar Square, pass- 1910’, recalled Christopher Addi- tary voice began: ‘God save …’, ing time by ‘singing popular politi- democratic son, later a Labour Cabinet minis- prompting a burst of irreverent cal songs, the chief being “The ter, ‘we went round singing ‘God laughter.14 Land Song”, with its constant stuff in us gave the Land for the People!’ We The conventional wisdom refrain “God save the land for the called ourselves Radicals in those among those who sing ‘The Land people” [sic].’10 In the excited politi- that some days, and I am not sure that we had Song’ today is that the anthem has cal atmosphere, the song became not more of the real democratic never been commercially recorded. enormously popular as a rallying who call stuff in us that some who call them- But it was. The issue of Land Val- call for supporters of the Lloyd selves Socialists these days.’11 This ues for April 1910 reported that ‘the George budget and the radical themselves enthusiasm did not always translate Edisonic Works’ had, by arrange- agenda it represented. Socialists into votes, as discov- ment with the land campaigners, In January 1910, at the start of ered when he contested Harrow as issued a ‘discaphone’ of ‘The Land a year which saw two keenly con- these days.’ a Liberal: Song’ and ‘Land Monopoly Must tested general elections, the journal Clear!’. It reported that the ‘ren- Land Values reported the publica- I never had before or since such dering of the songs by Mr. George tion by the main single-tax lobby splendid meetings as I had at that Hardy gives an exceptionally good group, the United Committee for election. Every night outside my record’. You can judge for yourself. the Taxation of Land Values, of committee rooms in Willesden Even by the standards of 78-rpm Land Songs for the People. This was hundreds of young men would discs of a century ago, George Har- issued as a leaflet with just the lyr- await my return signing and dy’s rendition of ‘The Land Song’ ics or as four pages of sheet music cheering. … At every meeting is difficult to track down – but with with the melody. Produced in col- my supporters would sing with the help of a specialist collector in laboration with the Daily News, the gusto the land song. … Australia, both songs have been

30 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 god gave the land to the people located, a little breezier in style Song”. Gradually the refrain of the ‘re-dedicated to Labour’s Agricul- than the manner in which the song song drew nearer the House and tural Campaign’. In the following is now sung and worth a listen. Mr Hogge [Liberal M.P. for Edin- decade it was customised to serve [The recordings can be accessed at burgh East] and others entered the Labour’s purpose in a Welsh rural http://www.historyworkshop.org. Chamber singing “The Land, the by-election campaign.19 But there uk/the-land-song/.] Land, ‘twas God who made the was little sustained interest in a While the land taxers were keen land”. The incident was greeted land tax. ‘In spite of Labour con- to state that the Liberal govern- with some laughter and cries of ference resolutions calling for the ment was re-elected in January 1910 “Order”.’17 The land taxers could taxation of land values, the Land- to the strains of ‘The Land Song’, only summon up the support of Taxers had little real influence in the true story was more complex. about seventy members of parlia- the trade union-dominated party, Asquith’s administration emerged ment, of whom Colonel Josiah where land values taxation was much diminished from the two Wedgwood was one of the most either poorly understood of writ- elections of that year, and reliant on outspoken. ten off as an irrelevancy in a world Irish nationalists for a majority in The song, however, survived of socialist class struggle, and by parliament. In the first contest, the into the 1920s, and was sung at the late 1920s they were reduced to Liberals lost more than half their demonstrations and public meet- a small minority voice within the rural seats, which put something of ings. Michael Foot heard it sung party.’20 a brake on the party’s enthusiasm then. He was taught the song by his In 1931, however, a Labour for a land tax. The single-taxers father, a radical Liberal Member Chancellor of the Exchequer, remained active and were buoyed of Parliament in south-west Eng- Philip Snowden, proposed a penny by the success of their candidates land. Many decades later, he still Snowden in the pound tax on land values. in two high-profile by-elections regarded ‘The Land Song’ – for its Lloyd George, no longer in har- in 1912, one in rural Norfolk and vibrancy and rhythm as well as for spoke with ness with the Conservatives, made the other at Hanley in the Potter- its simple democratic message – as a fiery Commons speech in sup- ies district. Josiah Wedgwood cam- a more effective political anthem pride of the port of the measure. ‘The land, paigned enthusiastically at Hanley, than such socialist stalwarts as the value of which has been cre- with the help of George Hardy’s ‘England Arise’, ‘The Internation- land tax ated by communal enterprise disc. ‘It was a hot summer. All ale’, and ‘The Red Flag’. and expenditure, should make its day and all night we declaimed in measures contribution to taxation on the the [Hanley market] square to the ‘The Land Song’ was the one of 1909–10, basis of its real value. That is the accompaniment of the ‘Land Song’ which really seemed to strike principle.’ He spoke with pride of on my gramophone’.15 terror into the hearts and minds and men- the land tax measures of 1909–10, At around this time, the of the landlords – as it should, and mentioned Henry George by UCLTV republished the lyrics because it was directed at them. tioned Henry name. The measure was passed of ‘The Land Song’ as a leaflet – a … It’s not only a land song, and and the strains of ‘The Land Song’ reflection of its importance to the it’s much more than a Liberal George by were once more heard in the divi- single tax campaign.16 But when in song, it’s a song that summa- sion lobbies, but the government the following year Lloyd George rises the democratic case – how name. The fell before the measure was imple- launched his land campaign and in fact, in order to achieve what mented.21 That was the last occa- pledged to tackle the land monop- people wanted, they should use measure was sion on which a government put oly, the centrepiece was an agricul- their democratic powers, they before parliament a measure to tax tural minimum wage rather than were only just getting those passed and land values. a land tax. The single-tax lobby democratic powers, to ensure If memory of ‘The Land Song’ managed to persuade the govern- there was a proper division of the strains lingered, it was as an emblem of the ment to move towards site value the landed property in the coun- high-water mark of Liberal radi- rating, a form of taxation of the try … It wasn’t a song sung only of ‘The Land calism in the years before the First land, but implementation was by Liberals. I can assure you that World War. For as long as Lloyd derailed by the declaration of war. socialists were singing that song Song’ were George’s ‘people’s budget’ was part even more rightly and justly of living memory, so too was the than Liberals were doing.18 once more song. In his 1946 budget, Labour’s The land taxers lose out heard in the Hugh Dalton announced a national The rump of land tax MPs were While there may be some special land fund and wove into his speech keenly aware of the irony when in pleading here from a socialist poli- division lob- a taunt to the Conservative leader, 1920 a Conservative-dominated tician of radical Liberal pedigree, Winston Churchill, who in 1909–10 national government headed by it is hardly surprising that when bies, but the had been a senior cabinet minister Lloyd George rescinded the meas- so many of the leading land taxers in the Liberal government. ures towards a land tax he had and their supporters – among them government introduced as chancellor. The Josiah Wedgwood – eventually Mr Dalton: Finally, I have a remnants of the single-tax lobby moved over to the Labour party, so fell before word to say about the land, went down to defeat to the tune too did the song. In the 1920s and and about the special fund to they had made their own. ‘While 1930s, Labour sought to take over the measure which I have already referred. In the division was being taken’, The the Liberal mantle of rural radi- 1909, 37 years ago, David Lloyd Times reported, ‘supporters of the calism. ‘The Land Song’ featured was imple- George introduced a famous amendment in the division lobby in a Daily Herald song sheet pub- Budget. Liberals in those days were heard singing “The Land lished around 1927, where it was mented. sang the ‘Land Song’ – ‘God

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 31 god gave the land to the people

gave the land to the people.’ I of land nationalisation. He referred think that the right hon. Mem- approvingly to Henry George and ber for Woodford used to sing to the Lloyd George budget of 1909 that song. and cited at length the words of Mr Churchill: I shall sing it ‘The Land Song’ before conclud- again. ing: ‘We should sing the Land Song Mr Dalton: Then I hope for again.’24 the right hon. Gentleman’s full support in the proposals I am about to make. The strains of The revival that song have long since died By the time invoked away. But much land has passed, ‘The Land Song’, some were since then, from private into indeed singing the anthem once public ownership and ‘t is the more. It’s not clear whether the declared policy of the Labour song was sung continuously at Lib- Party that much more should so eral Party events from the Lloyd pass.22 George era into the 1960s – if so, it was a frail and tenuous tradition. Twenty years later, a new genera- The Young Liberals who blew new tion of Labour leaders still on occa- life into the anthem were resur- sion harked back to ‘The Land recting ‘The Land Song’ rather Song’ to make a partisan point. than reviving it. From the mid- Harold Wilson, addressing the 1965 1960s, the Young Liberals became Labour Party conference as Prime the radical conscience of the party Minister, proposed a Land Com- – advocating direct action (most mission ‘to deal once and for all notably in opposition to - with racketeering in the price of era South African sporting tours land’, which he said would make a of Britain), taking left-wing posi- reality of ‘a basic theme of socialist tions on social and foreign policy belief, that profits arising through issues, and championing commu- The first Young at Scarborough the action of the community should nity politics. Liberal song as a landmark in the restoration accrue to the community.’ Wilson The psephologist sheet, c. 1965/66 of ‘The Land Song’ as the pre- contrasted that with the more cau- was a student Liberal at Cambridge (reproduced eminent Liberal radical song. Viv tious Liberal Party policy on land from 1959 and then at Oxford into courtesy Micheal Bingham, a one-time president which, he argued: the mid-1960s. There was a tradi- Steed) of the Liberal party, recalled that tion of Liberal and other political he first attended the party annual … places its present leadership songs at Oxford, he recalls, but he conference in 1973, and it was a some years behind the Liber- has no clear recollection of ‘The little later ‘in 1975 when I first als of some sixty years ago. In Land Song’ from that time. He heard the Land Song at Scarbor- 1909 and 1910, they filled the was active in the Young Liberals ough. That year there were two land with song – ‘God gave the and became their national vice- impromptu sing-songs in the con- land to the people’ … While chairman. In 1965 or the follow- ference hotel – one a very select [Liberals] would not intend to ing year, he and Mary Green put band of about a dozen of us in the throw doubt on the Almighty’s together what they believe to be ballroom with Liz R[orison] play- intention in this respect, their the first Young Liberal song sheet. ing the piano; one on the staircase researches suggest he did not It was a duplicated foolscap sheet and the hall with Michael Steed intend this declaration to be bearing the words of four songs, leading. Both, to my memory, taken too literally. (Laughter).23 among them ‘Red Fly the Banners- sang “The Land”.’ He sees the Oh’ to the tune of ‘Green Grow song’s ‘reincarnation’ in part as ‘The Land Song’ was cited several the Rushes-Oh’ with distinctly a morale-boosting reminder to a times in the parliamentary debate hard left sentiments (‘One is Work- party with a handful of MPs of the on the setting up of the Land Com- ers’ Unity and ever more shall be it period when it led a great reform- mission – and has been quoted in so’). Pride of place, however, was ing government, and also to a the chamber in more recent years, given to ‘The Land Song’ – a trun- revived interest in site value rating notably by Labour MPs (an online cated three-verse version. Neither and reform of property taxation. search of Hansard shows that the Michael Steed nor Mary Green can From these late night singing words of the song have been cited recall how they come across the sessions, the Glee Club developed, in the Commons by Austen Mitch- song or the lyrics. and was from almost its incep- ell in 1981 and 1985, by Greville At around this time or per- tion aligned to the Liberator group. Janner in 1992 and by in haps a little later, groups such as The annual songbook followed. 1996). In 1974, Dingle Foot – who the Young Liberals and the Welsh Over the years, the Glee Club has had served as both a Liberal and a Liberals began to hold infor- been transformed from an event Labour MP and was Michael Foot’s mal singing evenings. Several on the fringes of the party confer- older brother – devoted a substan- of those who have burnished the ence to one of the highlights, con- tial article in to advocacy tradition of Liberal song recall a vened in the biggest banquet room

32 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 god gave the land to the people of the main conference hotel. As information about ‘The Land Song’ – Brian Short, Land and Society in Edwardian a result, ‘The Land Song’ is often [email protected]. Britain, Cambridge, 1997 sung in venues which don’t entirely C.V. Wedgwood, The Last of the Radicals: chime with its radical lyrics, with Josiah Wedgwood, M.P., London, 1951 the party leader often in attend- Josiah C. Wedgwood, Memoirs of a Fighting ance. Although the organisers Acknowledgments Life, London, 1941 would be horrified by the thought, This article has been written with the Glee Club, and the rendition the help and encouragement of the of ‘The Land Song’, have become historians Kenneth Morgan, Paul Endnotes so hallowed that they are part of Mulvey and Ian Packer; of John 1 , 18 Oct. 1990. the party establishment. There are Powles at what was the Centre for 2 Philip S. Foner, American Labor Song even signs that the younger ele- Political Song at Glasgow Caledo- of the Nineteenth Century (University ments within the party are becom- nian University; and of the political of Illinois Press, 1975), pp. 261–2. ing disenchanted. At the 2009 activists and singers , 3 Henry Pelling, Origins of the Labour autumn conference, Liberal Youth, Gwynoro Jones, Michael Meadow- Party, 1880–1900 (Oxford, 1965), pp. the latest incarnation of the Young croft, Mary Pendlebury, Stewart 10, 18–25. Liberals, staged a rival event at a Rayment, Liz Rorison, Michael 4 John Barnes, Socialist Champion: por- Bournemouth nightclub. ‘Have Steed and Simon Titley. trait of the gentleman as crusader (Mel- you sung ‘The Land’ far too many bourne, 2006), pp. 20–23. times?’, their flyer asked. ‘Then 5 Paul Mulvey, ‘Radicalism’s Last THE GLEE CLUB ALTERNA- References and bibliography Gasp?: the British Liberal Party and TIVE is for you!’ Lord [Christopher] Addison, A Policy for the taxation of land values, 1906– British Agriculture, London, 1939 1914’, http://www.schalkenbach.org/ Leo Amery, My Political Life, [1953] scholars-forum/Radicalisms-Last- ‘The Land John Barnes, Socialist Champion: portrait of Gasp.html The Land Song revisited the gentleman as crusader, Melbourne, 6 C. V. Wedgwood, The Last of the Rad- A year later, and coincidence took Song’ was 2006 icals: Josiah Wedgwood, M.P. (London, me back to the Liberal Democrats’ Roy Douglas, Land, People and Politics: a 1951), p. 60. autumn conference, again out sung again history of the land question in the United 7 Josiah C. Wedgwood, Memoirs of a of professional duty rather than Kingdom, 1878–1952, London, 1976 Fighting Life (London, 1941), p. 68. political loyalty. Liverpool was by a party of Philip S. Foner, American Labor Song of the 8 Land Values, Aug. 1909. the venue, and the occasion was Nineteenth Century, Univ. of Illinois 9 The Times, 1 Dec. 1909. the party’s first big conference in government, Press, 1975 10 The Times, 6 Dec. 1909. government (wartime coalitions demonstrat- Clare V. J. Griffiths,Labour and the Coun- 11 Lord [Christopher] Addison, A Policy excluded) since the Lloyd George tryside: the politics of rural Britain, 1918– for British Agriculture (London, 1939), era. Liberator had produced its ‘big- ing its stay- 1939, Oxford, 2007 p. 5. gest ever’ songbook, and in the Percy Harris, Forty Years in and out of Par- 12 Percy Harris, Forty Years in and out of perhaps unlikely venue of the Liv- ing power liament, London, [1947] Parliament (London, 1947), pp. 44–5. erpool Hilton some 500 Liberal Peter d’A. Jones, Henry George and British 13 Profile of Josiah Wedgwood inThe Democrats – among them a former and provid- Socialism, London, 1991 Standard: a journal to advocate the rights leader, , and the Elwood P. Lawrence, Henry George in the of people in the land, 15 Jan. 1914. I owe deputy leader, – ing a tenuous British Isles, East Lansing, 1957 this reference to Dr Paul Mulvey. sang themselves hoarse. The mood Liberator Song Book, Liberator Publica- 14 C. V. Wedgwood, The Last of the was decidedly upbeat, as if entering link between tions, London, 2009 Radicals, p. 68. a Conservative-led coalition had Graham Lippiatt, ‘Red Guard versus Old 15 J. Wedgwood, Memoirs, pp. 83–4. given the radical wing of the party the radical- Guard? The influence of the Young 16 Brian Short, Land and Society in an issue around which to rally, or Liberal movement on the Liberal Edwardian Britain (Cambridge, 1997), at least to rail and make jibes. ‘The ism of the Party in the 1960s and 1970s’, Journal p. 17. Land Song’ was sung again by a of Liberal History, 2010, 68, pp.37–40 17 The Times, 15 July 1920; Leo Amery, party of government, demonstrat- last Liberal Paul Mulvey, ‘The Single-Taxers and the My Political Life [1953], p. 342. ing its staying power and providing Future of Liberalism, 1906–14’, Jour- 18 Michael Foot interviewed by a tenuous link between the radical- majority gov- nal of Liberal Democrat History, 2002, Andrew Whitehead, 12 Nov. 1990, ism of the last Liberal majority gov- 34/35, pp.11–15 deposited at the British Library ernment and the ambitions of those ernment and Paul Mulvey, ‘Radicalism’s Last Gasp?: Sound Archive – C1377. who stand today in the same politi- the ambi- the British Liberal Party and the 19 Clare V. J. Griffiths,Labour and the cal tradition. taxation of land values, 1906–1914’, Countryside: the politics of rural Britain, tions of those http://www.schalkenbach.org/ 1918–1939 (Oxford, 2007), p. 69. Andrew Whitehead is a news jour- scholars-forum/Radicalisms-Last- 20 Mulvey, ‘Radicalism’s Last Gasp?’. nalist and an editor of History Work- who stand Gasp.html 21 Hansard, HoC, 3 July 1931; The Times, shop Journal, where this article first Ian Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism and 4 July 1931. appeared online (http://www.history- today in the the Land: the land issue and party politics 22 Hansard, HoC, 9 Apr. 1946. workshop.org.uk/the-land-song/); it in England, 1906–1914, Woodbridge. 23 The Times, 29 Sept. 1965. is reproduced here with the kind per- same politi- 2001 24 The Times, 14 Sept. 1974. mission of the author. He is keen to Henry Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, hear from anyone with recollections or cal tradition. 1880–1900, Oxford, 1965

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 33 ‘The Best for England’? Liberals, Coalitions and the Right to Dissent: the ‘Agreement to Differ’ Revisited

The coalition agreement reached between Liberal Democrat MPs were to be to allowed the Liberal Democrat and Conservative to abstain. Chris Cooper compares these negotiating teams in May 2010 contained ‘agreements to differ’ with the experience a number of commitments at odds with of Liberal MPs in the National Government Liberal Democrat policy and on which formed in 1931.

34 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 ‘The Best for England’? Liberals, Coalitions and the Right to Dissent: the ‘Agreement to Differ’ Revisited

t was with surprising ease that urged by the Conservative leader- direction of electoral reform, and the Conservative and Liberal ship.2 Some issues, however, are of one that would at least have the IDemocrat negotiating teams such fundamental importance to a benefit of reducing the number of produced a joint policy statement in party, perhaps because of a promi- unequivocally ‘safe’ seats. These the days following the inconclusive nent manifesto commitment or the different points of view could general election result of May 2010. challenge they pose to a core belief, not be reconciled and Conserva- Notwithstanding the presence as to defy the ingenuity of even the tives and Liberal Democrats were of ministers from the two parties most skilled negotiators to draft an afforded the luxury of being able to serving in the same government, acceptable compromise. put forward their conflicting opin- the principle of collective Cabi- Conservatives and Liberals con- ions.3 In parliament both parties net responsibility was necessarily tinue, of course, to have different were whipped to support the bill maintained. But two independent visions of Britain’s future relation- that enabled a referendum to take political parties espousing often ship with Europe, but difficulties place, but in the subsequent refer- very different policies could only were largely avoided. The coali- endum campaign they presented come together and form a working tion agreement, reached on 11 May opposing views to the electorate. alliance on the basis of a readiness 2010, ruled out the transference of For this dispensation there was a to accept that half a loaf is bet- further sovereignty to Brussels dur- clear precedent. Members of Har- ter than no bread and to give way ing the lifetime of the administra- old Wilson’s Labour government on some issues in return for their tion. It was also agreed that Britain – itself very much a ‘coalition’ of partners doing the same on others. would not join, or prepare to join, disparate factions, albeit nominally Such concessions may be the cause the single currency. The founding of one party – were permitted to of pain and regret, yet complaints agreement document also allowed campaign for and against Britain’s since May 2010 from backbench for a number of ‘agreements to continued membership of the Euro- Conservative MPs and activists differ’. There would be a referen- pean Economic Community dur- and their Liberal Democrat oppo- dum on the possible replacement ing the only previous nationwide site numbers that too much ground of the existing ‘first-past-the-post’ Left: five Liberal referendum in June 1975. has been conceded to their political electoral system by one based on ministers in The coalition agreement also partners of the moment is perhaps the Alternative Vote, but no gov- Downing Street granted the Liberal Democrats the a good indication that the present ernment policy was laid down as in October 1931, right to offer alternative proposals coalition government is working regards the desired outcome of such just before the for the renewal of Britain’s nuclear in the way that it should. Rather a referendum. Most Conservatives calling of the deterrent, and they were given the than leaving the new government regarded AV as the thin end of a general election. freedom to oppose nuclear power to advertise its disunity from the proportional representation wedge From left: Sir stations in the interests of foster- outset, the negotiators saw the need which would ultimately result in a Donald Maclean, ing a low-carbon economy and to craft policies based on compro- permanent Liberal Democrat pres- Lord Lothian, to abstain in the House of Com- mise.1 Thus, in an atmosphere of ence as the arbiters of whether an Sir Archibald mons on the government’s nuclear financial crisis, in which the Greek unending succession of future coa- Sinclair, Sir national policy statement. They debt predicament loomed over the lition governments would be led by Herbert Samuel, were also permitted to abstain on negotiations, senior Liberal Demo- the Tory or Labour Party. By con- Lord Reading budget resolutions to introduce crats were willing to acquiesce in trast, Liberal Democrats believed (Manchester transferable tax allowances for a deficit reduction programme, that AV, whatever its shortcom- Guardian, 3 married couples. Furthermore, which included deep spending cuts, ings, represented a step in the right October 1931). backbench Liberal Democrats were

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 35 ‘the best for england’? free to abstain on the government’s necessary to safeguard Britain’s fully committed as the only real proposals concerning university economic stability.8 Ironically, it solution to the nation’s financial tuition fees. This ‘agreement to was the failure to ‘save’ the pound woes, moved to the forefront of the differ’ was particularly important. in 1931, when Britain was forced political agenda. Herein lay a fun- During the general election cam- to leave the Gold Standard on 19 damental problem for the Liberal paign, all sitting Lib Dem MPs September, which helped turn the Party. For many Liberals, belief in including Nick Clegg and Vince government into something more the virtues of free trade continued Cable, very publicly signed a pledge permanent. In a welter of uncer- to be an article of faith, part of the to vote against any increase in fees. tainty, the continuation of a multi- definition of what it meant to be a Clegg had promised that his party party administration seemed the Liberal. For many others, however, would ‘resist, vote against, cam- best guarantee of stability within it had never recovered the attri- paign against, any lifting of the the British body politic. On 5 butes of almost moral superiority it cap’. 4 The Liberal Democrats were October the Cabinet decided to call had enjoyed before 1914. As Frank even committed to work towards a general election, a step which had Trentmann notes, the abolition of fees. Consequently, hitherto seemed likely to prompt the National Union of Students the resignation of Sir Herbert As in other countries, it became advised its members to support Samuel and other Liberals from the one policy amongst others, an the Liberal Democrats in the elec- government, and possibly bring economic tool that, instead of tion. The hike in fees, which takes about its demise. But as the Lord inspiring profound cultural effect in 2012, sparked mass dem- Chancellor, Lord Sankey, recorded, energy and dogmatic loyalty, onstrations by students. One com- ‘suddenly Samuel said he agreed could be modulated, revised and mentator claimed that ‘The Lib and in less than ninety seconds we complemented with subsidies Dems have made themselves look decided to stick together when it or other forms of regulation. If ridiculous.’5 After the implementa- had appeared hopeless’.9 What pro- necessary, it could be abandoned tion of a policy which contradicted duced this volte-face was an agree- altogether.13 the party’s electoral appeal, critics ment that the government should claimed that the Liberal Democrats seek the voters’ endorsement for By the time of the economic crisis had compromised their future as whatever policies were necessary of 1929 free trade looked increas- a political force.6 This decision to to secure the nation’s finances, the ingly ‘like a dinosaur, a philosophy allow Liberal Democrat MPs the so-called Doctor’s Mandate. This of individual liberty at a time of a right to abstain on the coalition allowed the parties to the coalition growing state and disillusionment government’s proposals also has its the freedom to make their separate with laissez-faire’.14 historical antecedent. A dilemma, appeals to the country, leaving the Cracks appeared within the comparable to the raising of univer- policy outcome dependent on the government’s facade of unity as sity tuition fees, confronted Lib- resulting balance of forces after the soon as concrete proposals were erals eighty years ago during the electorate had delivered its verdict. considered. A number of difficult early months of Britain’s last peace- As with Nick Clegg’s statement on Cabinet meetings were held before time coalition. tuition fees in 2010, Samuel, ahead Christmas and in early December of the 1931 election, had insisted Snowden, MacDonald’s National ~ that he would not ‘commit the Lib- Labour colleague and now Lord eral Party to a pledge to any change A dilemma, Privy Seal, spoke up for the free The National Government had on this fiscal issue of which it is not traders, informing the Prime Min- been constructed in August 1931 convinced’.10 comparable ister that he could not continue without anything comparable to As was almost inevitable, the ‘sacrificing beliefs and principles bit the Cameron-Clegg agreement on general election greatly increased to the raising by bit until there was none left’.15 A policy which preceded the forma- the strength of the Conservative Cabinet committee on the balance tion of the 2010 coalition. The only Party within the National Govern- of university of trade, containing representa- surviving written record of the ment. The Tories now held 473 seats tives from all the government’s terms upon which the 1931 coali- compared with just 33 Liberal sup- tuition fees, component parts, was appointed tion was formed is to be found in porters of Sir Herbert Samuel, 35 that month. It reported in January Herbert Samuel’s notes from the Liberals who gave their allegiance confronted 1932 in favour of introducing tar- crucial Buckingham Palace meet- to Sir John Simon and a tiny band iffs through an Import Duties Bill. ing of 24 August.7 This administra- of 13 National Labour MPs led by Liberals Of the non-Conservative Cabi- tion was intended at its inception to the Prime Minister, Ramsay Mac- net ministers MacDonald, Sankey, be a strictly time-limited expedi- Donald.11 The opposition Labour eighty years Thomas, Simon and Runciman all ent, designed only to put through Party was reduced to a rump of 52 ago during accepted the committee’s major- the necessary economic measures to seats, while David Lloyd George, ity recommendations as a prag- balance the national budget. Peter the former Liberal leader who had the early matic attempt to correct Britain’s Sloman has highlighted a number opposed the holding of an elec- imbalance of trade.16 Samuel’s Lib- of analogies between the negotia- tion, headed a small group of MPs, months of erals, however, refused to accept tions which established the two most of whom were related to him, the necessity for tariffs. Samuel, coalition governments of 1931 and which quickly ‘drifted into near Britain’s last the , Archibald 2010. Most obviously, on both occa- irrelevance’.12 In this situation it Sinclair, Secretary of State for sions, in the context of an economic was only a matter of time before the peacetime Scotland, and Donald Maclean, crisis, Liberal leaders accepted question of tariffs, to which the vast President of the Board of Educa- that budgetary retrenchment was majority of Conservatives were coalition. tion, all prepared to resign. The

36 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 ‘the best for england’?

Liberal dissidents were supported The free Britain, they held, could no longer of the report were adopted. The by Snowden who informed Samuel threaten foreign powers with the Prime Minister then said ‘But that he would rather leave the gov- traders thus imposition of tariffs. Snowden you are not going to be allowed ernment than waive his objections understood that ‘If protective to withdraw from the National to the committee’s conclusions.17 entered the duties tended to get lower tariffs, Government like that’, and that In independent but analogous we should have had universal free it would be better to take our Cabinet memoranda, Snowden following trade long ago’. He neatly summa- decision that evening. and Samuel set out their opposi- rised the free traders’ position. He tion to the government’s propos- day’s Cabi- did: At a meeting at Snowden’s flat als. They reasserted the standard net meeting an hour or two later, MacDon- cries of ‘dear food’ and expressed not believe that committee’s ald implored the dissidents not to a concern for the working class fully expect- proposals would improve Brit- resign, pointing to the difficulties if the cost of living were to rise. ain’s balance of trade; they will of his own position if they were to Snowden was perhaps overly pes- ing to leave make the recovery of our export leave. But neither the Prime Minis- simistic about the Import Duties trade more difficult; they will ter’s predicament nor the damaging Bill, claiming that it was ‘a delu- the adminis- increase the cost of living and effects their departure might have sion to imagine that we can increase the costs of production; they on the exchange rate was enough exports and at the same time reduce tration. The will discourage enterprise and to persuade the ministers to change imports’. Samuel’s memorandum efficiency; they will be useless their minds. In a desperate attempt at least accepted that ‘the revenue Prime Minis- to induce a lowering of foreign to avoid resignations, MacDonald from tariffs would be very helpful’. tariffs.19 suggested that they should remain He would not block ‘suitable pow- ter said that in the government, but abstain ers’ for the restriction of imports if The Conservative, Lord Derby, from voting on the Import Duties it ‘was shown to be necessary’. Both ‘all present who sympathised with the free Bill. ‘This’, Samuel recorded, ‘we men, however, were convinced trader’s predicament, noted: all agreed was impracticable.’ The that, rather than being a pragmatic would have dissidents determined to resign and solution to an immediate economic [O]ne of the chief difficulties is to publish a joint statement.21 threat, the proposals were a delib- to face what making the new [Conservative] The free traders thus entered the erate Tory plot to establish a per- M.P.s understand that the Gov- following day’s Cabinet meeting manent protectionist system. The would be the ernment which was returned is a fully expecting to leave the admin- Home Secretary spoke for all the result of a National Government and not a istration.22 The Prime Minister said free traders when he called for delay Conservative one, and that their that ‘all present would have to face and pointed out that ‘experience … break-up of function is to restore the eco- what would be the result of a break- is too short to enable any sure con- nomic balance of trade and not up of the National Government’. clusions to be drawn’. In like vein, the National be a protectionist government.20 The Conservative leader, Stanley Snowden suggested that the gov- Baldwin, added that, although he ernment was ‘in danger of applying Government’. While the free traders offered pow- had ‘never pretended to like coa- medicine to cure a suspected dis- erful arguments, those in favour litions’, he believed ‘the National ease which has not been thoroughly of protection were equally insist- Government to be a National diagnosed’.18 ent and could turn many of the necessity … He would regret its Even if Britain was importing free traders’ points to their disad- collapse as keenly as a Conservative unnecessary goods in excessive vantage. They were strengthened government.’23 Thomas and San- quantities, the free traders chal- by the fact that the Conservatives, key made similar statements. Yet, lenged the rationale behind the who had campaigned under the tar- despite these pleas, ‘there seemed government’s scheme. Protection, iff banner, had received more than nothing to do except say “good- Samuel asserted, might work ‘in 50 per cent of the popular vote and bye”’. 24 Suddenly, however, the precisely the opposite direction to possessed an unassailable Commons War Secretary, Lord Hailsham, the course which everyone declares majority. British exports were in intervened. He suggested an ingen- it is essential to pursue’. If tax cuts, sharp decline and the economy ious scheme to allow the protesting financed through revenue recouped had faltered without protection in ministers to remain in the Cabinet from imports, did not offset the place. Furthermore, a speedy and but have full liberty to speak and increased cost of imported materi- decisive resolution was imperative vote against the Import Duties Bill. als for British industry, the govern- to improve the balance of trade and Hailsham claimed to have been ment would inadvertently hamper restore international confidence. impressed by the large measure of the country’s exports. Challenging When the committee’s propos- agreement reached by the National another protectionist argument, als came before the critical Cabinet Government under MacDonald’s the two ministers denied that tar- meeting on 21 January, agreement leadership and suggested that ‘in iffs would facilitate industrial reor- seemed impossible. As Samuel the exceptional circumstances of ganisation. Britain’s industries, recorded: the day’ some modification could the anticipated, be made to the doctrine of collec- ‘will fall asleep under its protective We sat morning and after- tive Cabinet responsibility. He pro- charm’. Furthermore, both memo- noon … and Snowden, Donald posed that randa rejected the notion that tar- Maclean, Archie Sinclair and iffs would provide the government I intimated that we should be Those who did not find it pos- with a weapon with which to bar- compelled to withdraw from sible to reconcile their life- gain with protectionist countries. the government if the proposals long convictions with the

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 37 ‘the best for england’?

recommendations … should be After only a developed by being adaptable to some have credited Chamberlain free to state that they did not novel conditions and I trust that with inventing the expedient,36 his agree … in this particular mat- quarter of the experiment will succeed. own record of events suggests that ter and even to vote against it in Even if it were to fail, it is right this was not the case. He had ‘not Parliament … [T]he Tariff issue an hour in that in this emergency it should thought it possible for members did not overlap other questions have been tried.31 of the House of Commons to take so much that disagreement on an adjoining such a course though I had contem- this one point must force some Lord Derby, a Tory who was not plated that [Lord] Snowden might of the members of the Cabi- room, the convinced about the necessity of do it. However to my astonishment net to withdraw their help … free trade tariffs, was of the same mind: McLean [sic] at once said that such [The] Government having, by a proposal merited careful con- its formation, provided one new ministers I am glad that the Liberals sideration.’37 Sankey’s record also precedent, need not be afraid of stayed … if Samuel and Mclean suggests that Chamberlain did not creating a second.25 accepted the [sic] had gone I do not know concoct the expedient. The Chan- that Simon and Runciman cellor, he noted, ‘was not enthusi- Maclean immediately expressed expedient. could have stayed, and it would astic about them [the free traders] enthusiasm, while MacDonald have been impossible under remaining’.38 It has also been sug- stated that he ‘would not rule out A relieved these circumstances for Ram- gested that Hailsham, as ‘one of the suggestion’. Sankey spoke say MacDonald and Thomas the most aggressively protectionist ‘strongly in favour for it’ and Simon Sankey to have remained … and there ministers’, was delegated by lead- read out a statement pleading for would have come the end of the ing Conservatives to emphasise unity, stressing that the tariff was ‘thank[ed] National Government. I am their sincerity.39 But neither can this ‘not the basis upon which we stand’. perfectly certain if that end had claim be substantiated. Chamber- The Cabinet then adjourned to god’. He was come the country as a whole lain’s belief that this solution was consider Hailsham’s proposal.26 would have bitterly resented it.32 not possible and his surprise that After only a quarter of an hour in sure that it the scheme was even considered an adjoining room, the free trade The resulting press communiqué imply that Hailsham’s dramatic ministers accepted the expedient.27 was ‘The best claimed that ‘the Cabinet, being intervention was not stage-man- A relieved Sankey ‘thank[ed] god’. essentially united on all other mat- aged. As a disappointed Leo Amery He was sure that it was ‘The best for England’. ters of policy, believes that by this noted, ‘Douglas [Hailsham] con- for England.’28 special provision it is best inter- fessed that the compromise was his The free traders’ support for preting the will of the nation and suggestion and thought it necessary this solution was indicated by the needs of the time’.33 The free for the sake of the foreign situation their speedy acceptance. Samuel, trade dissidents were therefore and to keep the Liberals in till after Maclean and Sinclair were all satis- granted the dispensation to speak Ottawa.’40 fied.29 Distinguished Liberals out- and vote against protectionist pro- Yet in many ways Hailsham was side the government also welcomed posals and the whip was not to be an unlikely saviour of the National the arrangement. The Marquess of applied in parliament, thus extend- Government. Austen Chamberlain Crewe, who had briefly returned to ing the same freedom to MPs sup- noted that office in the National Government porting the government. Although before the general election, believed the dissenting ministers were not I gathered from Hailsham that that Samuel and his colleagues had permitted to campaign against … the solution was actually taken ‘the right and best course’. the government’s legislation and proposed by H. himself. That it It was, he argued, ‘surely wiser to would vote with the government should originate with him must help in keeping the departure on on any motion of censure, the Lib- … have surprised all his col- reasonable lines of moderation’.30 eral Party was granted the right to leagues as it certainly surprised Viscount Grey felt that because ‘the run free trade candidates at by-elec- me.41 crisis which brought the National tions, providing those candidates Government into being and rallied supported the government’s wider Before the crisis that brought the the country is still with us’, it was programme.34 government into being, Hailsham ‘most important that the national While similar solutions had had typified the Conservative character of the government should been considered by MacDonald and leadership in holding pronounced be preserved and that it should con- Neville Chamberlain, the Chancel- anti-coalitionist views. He had tinue to be supported’. The former lor of the Exchequer, the evidence wanted the previous Labour gov- maintained that suggests that the ‘Agreement to ernment to implement the neces- Differ’ was very much Hailsham’s sary economy measures before I can well understand that there achievement. MacDonald’s claim an election was held on party were proposals for which you that he had already suggested this lines. This, he expected, would and your colleagues could not solution to the free trade ministers see the Conservatives returned accept responsibility and from is exaggerated.35 Hailsham’s strat- with a healthy majority, pledged which you must dissociate your- egy differed from the Prime Min- to introduce his favoured policy selves. I think it was a public ister’s suggestion of the previous of tariff reform. Less than two duty on your part and theirs evening by giving the free trad- weeks before the formation of the not to refuse the request … It is ers the latitude to speak and vote National Government, Hailsham of course a novel experiment. against the proposals rather than still seemed hostile to overtures But the British constitution had quietly abstaining. Similarly, while from MacDonald for all-party

38 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 ‘the best for england’? cooperation. He was concerned that Hailsham was ‘very sore at of tariffs and imperial devel- that such cooperation might lead not having been asked to be Lord opment, for no one would be to a coalition. Although his party Chancellor’.48 so foolish as to believe that the ‘would not try to make party capi- Bearing this in mind, those Liberals would agree to such a tal out of the inevitable unpopu- wishing to end the coalition even programme.54 larity which economy always hoped that Hailsham could be used entailed’, 42 he ‘doubt[ed] whether as an instrument to bring the gov- In the event, of course, Hailsham’s it is our proper function to go ernment down. The ultra-protec- hopes were only partially fulfilled. any further than to offer the most tionist newspaper magnate, Lord The National Government did sympathetic consideration to any Beaverbrook, was ‘very contemp- indeed decide to go to the coun- scheme the [Labour] government tuous’ about the presence of Hoare try but, as has been seen, not on the may bring forward’.43 A week and Philip Cunliffe-Lister in a basis of a return to traditional party before the Labour government Cabinet from which Hailsham and politics. As the campaign got under resigned, Hailsham had admit- Amery were excluded.49 With tar- way, Hailsham demanded a ‘full ted that a national government iff reform absent from the National hundred per cent tariff policy’.55 ‘was a valuable device when some Government’s immediate agenda, He told one election audience: ‘I situation of overwhelming emer- the press baron urged Amery to stand here quite unrepentantly gency arose’. But he saw little hope work closely with Hailsham to as a Conservative and claim that for such an expedient ‘when the maintain a positive campaign and the one positive policy … [is] the different sections were radically decide ‘when the critical moment imposition … of such a tariff as will divided, not only as to the cause of should come for putting an end adequately protect our trade and our troubles, but as to the possible to the coalition’.50 Amery himself industry.’56 Although he supported remedies for overcoming them’. was glad that Hailsham was ‘out- an anti-socialist appeal to prevent His rhetoric was hardly geared to side and I can look to him as an ally Labour’s return to power, this did facilitate cooperation. The crisis, in helping to bring the thing to a not involve adopting a watered- he maintained, ‘was the direct, conclusion reasonably soon’.51 He down application of tariff reform to inevitable and logical result of hoped to persuade Hailsham that assuage Liberal opinion. having tried to start socialist leg- it was important for key figures With the election safely won, islation in this country’. The Con- such as themselves not to be tied to the National Government’s Cabi- servatives had ‘pointed out that if the administration and its policies. net was restored to normal peace- the Socialist theories were wrong Hailsham concurred. He feared time proportions and Hailsham they must lead precisely to these that the Conservative members of was recalled to office as Secretary disasters’.44 the coalition would have ‘a tough of State for War and Leader of the Though Hailsham accepted that job to force dissolution’ as the Lib- House of Lords. Amery, for whom the actual circumstances surround- erals, anticipating substantial losses no place had been found, remained ing the formation of the National if a general election was held in concerned about the prospects Government meant that the lead- the near future, would seek any for protectionist legislation. He ing Conservative protagonists, excuse to prolong the government’s lamented that: Baldwin, Chamberlain and Samuel existence.52 Hoare, ‘could not have acted other- Not surprisingly, Hailsham the Unionists who have been put wise than they did’,45 his misgivings was among the first Conservatives in are mostly quite hopelessly can only have been increased by to call for a general election. On 2 ineffective for Cabinet purposes. his own initial exclusion from the September he told Amery that he The only exception is Douglas new Cabinet of ten members. Not- ‘hope[d] very much that the leaders [Hailsham] who … rang me up withstanding Chamberlain’s appeal in the Cabinet will realise as fully this morning to say how vexed for his inclusion, Baldwin ‘did not as we do the vital necessity of going he was about me [being left push the matter’ and explained that to the country at once’.53 In public, In public, he out] and how little he relished MacDonald had vetoed Hailsham he declared that the National Gov- the prospect himself of joining on the grounds that he was ‘par- ernment had been ‘formed for one declared that such a crowd. His view was that ticularly obnoxious to the Labour purpose, and one purpose only, to our Party’s case had been singu- Party’. 46 Granted his strong com- balance the budget’. It was there- the National larly badly handled by S[tanley] mitment to tariffs, he would also fore ‘absolutely essential to finish B[aldwin].57 have been unacceptable to the the task quickly, to do nothing else, Government Samuelite Liberals. But none of this and to have an immediate dissolu- Up to this time two points stand cut much ice with the former Lord tion and to appeal to the country had been out from Hailsham’s conduct. The Chancellor who believed – with on the Conservative Party’s con- ‘formed for first was his absolute commitment some justification – that he should structive programme’. He felt that to tariff reform as the only sure have been included on merit. He economies alone would not solve one purpose, means of resolving the country’s was ‘furious with Baldwin’ for fail- Britain’s balance of trade problems balance of payments crisis; the sec- ing to insist on his inclusion and, and further cooperation with other and one pur- ond was his clear conviction that when the Conservative business parties was unlikely: the presence of free trade ministers, committee learned of the Cabinet’s pose only, to particularly Liberals, within the composition, he ‘at once showed So long as the National Gov- National Government was a serious that he was bitterly annoyed by ernment lasts the Conserva- balance the impediment to the achievement of the retention of Sankey on the tive Party cannot proceed with this goal. How then did such a fig- Woolsack’.47 Amery confirmed their constructive programme budget’. ure transmogrify into the saviour

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 39 ‘the best for england’? of the National Government and latest fault-line as the Simonite sec- The evidence successfully the work of remov- the author of a constitutional inno- tion of the party offered the gov- ing the impediments which vation which allowed the Samuelite ernment their full and ostentatious suggests that reparations and war debts have Liberals to remain within it? support, but the Cabinet faced the raised against the recovery of As a minister inside the National continuing uncertainty of a float- Hailsham’s world trade. Government, Hailsham’s public ing pound without a single res- pronouncements about it inevitably ignation. Amazingly, Hailsham’s fundamental In this situation the Liberal minis- became more supportive than hith- solution kept the free trader oppo- ters did not erto.58 Even so, in introducing into nents of the Import Duties Bill aims never the upper chamber the Abnormal inside the Cabinet while protec- changed. think it possible to apply the Importations Bill, which allowed tionism was enacted. ‘agreement to differ’ to the the government to impose duties In the slightly longer term He sought present situation. Such a con- of up to 100 per cent ad valorem for Hailsham’s hopes were also ful- stitutional anomaly may be six months on foreign goods which filled. The free trade ministers to maintain introduced once in the face of entered Britain in abnormal quanti- (including the National Labour a grave and imminent national ties, he implied that some form of Snowden) duly resigned from the the all-party danger. It is not possible to lasting protectionism would soon government in September 1932 repeat it when the national be introduced and that the present after the Ottawa agreements were character of emergency, in the sense in which bill would ‘be replaced by a more concluded. Although the agree- it existed last summer or last Jan- permanent structure’. He expected ments were supposed to facilitate the National uary, has been overcome, with- that ‘long before that six months reduced tariffs throughout the out stultifying ourselves, and had elapsed the Government will British Empire, the free traders Government thereby ending whatever value be in a position to place before both felt this policy conflicted with the our co-operation in the Govern- Houses of Parliament their con- government’s protectionist aims. while its ment may have possessed.64 structive proposals for agriculture Snowden’s January memorandum as well as for other industries’.59 In held that ‘If duties are required to policy basis Importantly, despite the free trade these words Hailsham revealed reduce imports there is no justifi- resignations, MacDonald, San- that he was not prepared to step cation for this [imperial] prefer- remained key and J. H. Thomas all remained back from even the most contro- ence.’ Empire goods ‘affect[ed] the in post. The ‘national’ character versial aspect of the tariff reform alleged adverse balance just as much unresolved, of the ministry was further pre- programme, food taxes. If he was as goods from foreign countries’.61 served by the appointment of addi- now reconciled to maintaining the When the free traders’ resignations but not as a tional members of Simon’s Liberal ‘national’ credentials of the gov- were on the table nothing com- permanent National group. ernment, this remained depend- parable to Hailsham’s face-saving ent on a protectionist policy being formula was proposed and the Con- feature of ~ introduced. servatives quietly welcomed the The evidence suggests that resignations.62 But a resignation in the political The suspension of the doctrine of Hailsham’s fundamental aims never September was not the same thing collective Cabinet responsibility changed. He sought to maintain the that it would have been the pre- landscape. was controversial and was bound all-party character of the National vious January, as Snowden fully to incur condemnation from the Government while its policy basis understood: government’s opponents. MacDon- remained unresolved, but not as a ald expected that ‘the usual pun- permanent feature of the political The circumstances then [Janu- dits will declare that it is violating landscape. Although Hailsham’s ary 1932] were different from [the] constitution’.65 An editorial ‘Agreement to Differ’ formula what they are today [September in the Manchester Guardian labelled admitted that there were stark dif- 1932]. The budget had been bal- the measure an ‘indecent specta- ferences within the Cabinet, it anced on paper, but it remained cle’ and claimed that there was ‘no also made the free traders’ opposi- to be seen what the actual result case at all for scrapping the cardi- tion to protectionism ineffectual.60 would be at the end of the finan- nal principles on which all British The Liberal free traders remained cial year … The position of governments have rested’.66 One harnessed to the government, but sterling was at that time uncer- periodical described it as a ‘negative lacked the numerical strength to tain. Neither of these reasons for achievement’ and Labour leaders make their internal opposition maintaining the compromise of were predictably dismissive.67 The effective in parliament. Indeed, this last January any longer exists.63 ‘Agreement to Differ’ contradicted was Hailsham’s deliberate inten- Lord Melbourne’s nineteenth-cen- tion. He aimed to keep the Cabinet Samuel concurred. ‘A great deal’, he tury dictum that Cabinet ministers united until a system of imperial suggested, had been accomplished: must all say the same thing in public preference could be established at regardless of private disagreements. the Imperial Economic Confer- [T]he Budget has been balanced, Labour’s J. R. Clynes maintained ence to be held in Ottawa during borrowing for the Unemploy- that the summer. For the time being, ment Fund has ceased, the £ Hailsham had succeeded in obtain- sterling is safe, the success of the Government cannot agree ing everything he and his party the Conversion Scheme has except on one thing, and that wanted. The Import Duties Bill shown that British credit has is they should hang together was successfully and easily enacted, been fully re-established, the in office and be free to speak the Liberals were split along their Lausanne Conference has begun and vote against each other in

40 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 ‘the best for england’?

parliament … The people who two-party system, which excluded p. 51. can only offer you this farcical the Liberal Party but which simul- 5 The Guardian, 6 Dec. 2011. make-believe of unity are saying taneously took over for themselves 6 See, for example, The Telegraph, 23 that it is done to keep the nation as much as possible of the still con- Sept. 2011; The Guardian, 29 Nov. united.68 siderable ‘liberal vote’. The for- 2011; M. Hasan blog, , mal split within the Liberal ranks 12 Dec. 2011, www.newstatesman. Many historians have also viewed during 1931-2 and the party’s near com. the agreement unsympathetically. extinction in the post-war era were 7 House of Lords, Parliamentary A. J. P. Taylor claimed it was ‘a the logical consequences of these Archive, Samuel papers, SAM last, and rather absurd, obedience Conservative efforts. A/77/11, ‘Memorandum written at to the facade of national unity’.69 The prec- It is not implied that the Con- the Conference at Buckingham Pal- More recently, David Wrench has servative ‘concession’ over tuition ace’, 24 Aug. 1931. accepted the agreement’s usefulness edent of 1932 fees in 2010 was designed simply 8 P. Sloman, ‘Crisis, Coalition and in terms of crisis resolution, but highlights to nullify Liberal Democrat dis- Cuts: The Liberals and the National claims that it was ‘hastily devised, sent and keep that party on board in Government, 1931’, Journal of Liberal apparently with little thought the particu- the short-term, while sharing the History, no. 72 (2011), pp. 44–51. about how it would work in prac- burden of responsibility for a con- 9 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Sankey tice’. Writing in 2004, he adds, ‘it lar difficul- troversial policy initiative. That papers, MSS Eng. Hist. e.285, Sankey was never to be repeated’.70 But such said, there may be many Tory MPs, Diary, 5 Oct. 1931. criticisms fail to take into account ties faced especially in Conservative–Lib 10 Manchester Guardian, 14 Oct. 1931. the contemporary fear of the effect Dem marginal constituencies, who 11 These figures are inevitably some- the resignations might have had on by the jun- derive a sense of comfort from the what fluid. It took some time for international confidence in ster- fact that the Liberal Democrats’ all Liberal MPs to clarify their ling, particularly as MacDonald’s ior partners stance on tuition fees is unlikely to allegiance. National Labour group might well have been forgotten (or in many 12 D. Dutton, ‘Liberalism and the have followed the free traders out in coalition cases forgiven) by the voters by the National Government 1931–40’, Jour- of office at that time. To this extent time of the next general election. nal of Liberal History, no. 72 (2011), p. the national interest coincided with government. The precedent of 1932 highlights 40. the narrower interests of the Con- the particular difficulties faced by 13 F. Trentmann, Free Trade Nation servative Party. The subsequent Theirs is the junior partners in coalition gov- (OUP, 2008), p. 7. improvement in Britain’s balance of ernment. Theirs is always likely to 14 Ibid., p. 330. payments suggested that the intro- always likely be the greater sacrifice in any exer- 15 Viscount Snowden, An Autobiography duction of protection had a benefi- cise of compromise. And even the vol. II, (Ivor Nicholson and Watson, cial effect. to be the most ingenious of devices to allow 1934), p. 1007. Parallels between the ‘Agree- greater sac- for deeply held differences of opin- 16 For Runciman’s acceptance of the ment to Differ’ of 1932 and the ion will not necessarily work to report see D. J. Wrench, ‘“Very ‘agreements to differ’ of the Cam- rifice in any their longer-term advantage. Peculiar Circumstances”: Walter eron–Clegg coalition should not Runciman and the Formation of the be overdrawn. The expedients of exercise of Chris Cooper is a postgraduate student National Government’, Twentieth 2010 differed from the earlier prec- at the University of Liverpool where he Century British History, vol. 11, no. 1 edent as they were agreed, before compromise. is completing his doctoral thesis. He took (2000), p.73. and not after the government was his BA in History and MA in Twenti- 17 SAM A 87/7, ‘The Course of Politi- formed.71 The 1932 arrangement And even eth Century History at the same insti- cal Events, 19–25th January 1932’, 25 allowed front bench ministers to tution and has published a number of Jan. 1932. speak against the government’s the most articles on aspects of modern British 18 The National Archives [TNA], CAB proposals and enter the opposition political history. 24/227, ‘Memorandum of Dissent lobby in the Commons, whereas ingenious from the Committee’s Report by the only Liberal Democrat backbench- 1 V. Bogdanor, Coalition and Constitu- Lord Privy Seal’, 18 Jan. 1932; CAB ers were afforded the freedom to of devices tion (Hart Publishing, 2011), pp. 53–4. 24/227, ‘Memorandum by the Home speak against and abstain in the cor- 2 In practice this may have been less of Secretary’, 19 Jan. 1932. responding debates of 2010. Unlike to allow for a concession by the Liberal Demo- 19 Ibid. 1932, ministers were expected to crats than it at first appeared. The 20 Liverpool Record Office, Papers of support the government. The bill deeply held party leadership seems to have been 17 Earl of Derby, 920 DER (17) 17/3, that increased tuition fees was even converted to the necessity for imme- Derby draft letter to unknown, 28 introduced by a leading Liberal differences diate cuts during the course of the Jan. 1932. For Derby’s faith in free Democrat, the Business Secretary, of opin- election campaign. trade see: 920 DER (17) 47/1, Derby . His department is 3 In the event, of course, the elec- to Beaverbrook, 1 Aug. 1928. responsible for universities.72 The ion will not torate’s rejection of AV and, more 21 SAM A 87/7, ‘The Course of Political precedent of 1932 should be recog- particularly, irritation at the tone Events’, 25 Jan. 1932. nised as a coup for Hailsham and necessarily of the Conservatives’ referendum 22 Snowden, Autobiography, p. 1010. the Conservative Party. They sac- campaign, led to a distinct cooling 23 TNA, Cabinet minutes, CAB 23/70, rificed little while their contentious work to their of relations within the coalition. It 21 Jan. 1932. policy was enacted. Perhaps inad- would, predicted Lord Ashdown, 24 Chamberlain untitled memoran- vertently, it did serve their ongoing longer-term ‘never again be glad confident morn- dum, NC 8/12/1, 30 Jan. 1932, cited aim during the inter-war period ing’. The Guardian, 5 May 2011. in R. Self, Tories and Tariffs: The of facilitating the return of a stable advantage. 4 Bogdanor, Coalition and Constitution, Conservative Party and the Politics of

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 41 ‘the best for england’? The day Parliament burned down In the early evening of 16 October 1834, a huge ball of fire exploded through the roof of the Houses of Parliament, creating a blaze so enormous that it could be seen by the King and Queen at Windsor, and from stagecoaches on top of the South Downs. In front of hundreds of thousands of witnesses the great conflagration destroyed Parliament’s glorious old buildings and their contents. No one who witnessed the disaster would ever forget it.

In a joint meeting between the Liberal Democrat and Conservative History Groups, Dr Caroline Shenton, Clerk of the Records from the Parliamentary Archives, will give a talk on her new book about the 1834 fire, The Day Parliament Burned Down.

6.30 pm, Tuesday 20 October Committee Room 2, House of Lords (allow 20 minutes to pass through security)

Tariff Reform, 1922–1932 (Gar- Cape, 1977), p. 713. (Hart Davis MacGibbon, 1973), 60 Self, Tories and Tariffs, p. 699. land, 1986), p. 686. 36 See, for example, D. Southgate, p. 338. 61 Snowden memo, 18 Jan. 1932. 25 CAB 23/70, 22 Jan. 1932. ‘Baldwin 1923–32’, in D. South- 47 K. Young (ed.), The Diaries of 62 D. Dutton, Liberals in Schism: A 26 Ibid.; MSS Eng. Hist. e.286, San- gate (ed.), The Conservative Lead- Sir Robert Bruce Lockhart (Mac- History of the National Liberal Party key Diary, 22 Jan. 1932. ership 1832–1932 (MacMillan, millan, 1973), p. 183, 21 Aug. (I. B. Tauris, 2008), pp. 57–59. 27 It was perhaps significant 1974), p. 245. 1931; 63 Snowden to MacDonald, 28 that such a breach of consti- 37 R. Self (ed.), Neville Chamber- Library, Templewood papers, Sept. 1932, Manchester Guardian, tutional convention was sup- lain Diary Letters vol. 3 (Ash- vol. VIII, 1 (48) ‘The Formation 29 Sept. 1932. ported by the Cabinet’s lawyers. gate, 2002), Chamberlain to Ida of the National Government’. 64 TNA CAB 24/233, MacDon- Hailsham, Sankey and Simon Chamberlain, 23 Jan. 1932, p. 48 Amery Diaries, p. 195, 30 Aug. ald memorandum, ‘The Ottawa were past, present and future 304. 1931. Conference’, 23 Sept. 1932, con- Lord Chancellors. P. William- 38 Sankey Diary, 22 Jan. 1932. 49 Churchill Archives Centre, taining a copy of Samuel’s resig- son, National Crisis and National 39 Marquand, Ramsay MacDonald, Amery papers, AMEL 6/3/49/36, nation letter to MacDonald, 16 Government (Cambridge Univer- p. 713; Wrench, ‘The Needs of Amery to his wife, 1 Sept. 1931. Sept. 1932. sity Press, 1992), fn p. 511. the Time’, p. 256. 50 Amery Diaries, p. 196, 31 Aug. 65 MacDonald Diary, 22 Jan. 1932, 28 Sankey Diary, 22 Jan. 1932. 40 J. Barnes and D. Nicholson (eds.), 1931. Italics added. cited in Marquand, Ramsay Mac- 29 SAM A 87/7, ‘The Course of The Empire at Bay: the Leo Amery 51 Ibid., p. 195, 30 Aug. 1931. Donald, p. 713. Political Events, 19–25th January Diaries 1929–1945 (Hutchinson, 52 Marquess of Londonderry, 66 Manchester Guardian, 23 Jan. 1932’. 1988), p. 228, 26 Jan. 1932. Wings of Destiny (Macmillan, 1932. 30 Ibid., Lord Crewe to Samuel, 25 41 Birmingham University, Aus- 1943), p. 45. 67 Saturday Review, 6 Feb. 1932. Jan. 1932. ten Chamberlain papers, AC 53 Amery papers, AMEL 2/1/20, 68 Manchester Guardian, 23 Jan. 31 Ibid., Viscount Grey of Fallodon 5/1/571, Chamberlain to Hilda, Hailsham to Amery, 2 Sept. 1932. to Samuel, 27 Jan. 1932. 24 Jan. 1932. 1931. 69 A. J. P. Taylor, English History 32 920 DER (17) 17/3, Derby draft 42 The Times, 17 Aug. 1931. 54 Daily Express, 3 Sept. 1931. 1914–1945 (Clarendon Press, letter to unknown, 28 Jan. 1932. 43 R. Skidelsky, Politicians and the 55 T. Jones, A Diary with Letters: 1965), p. 330. 33 The Times, 23 Feb. 1932. Slump: the Labour Government of 1931–1950 (Oxford University 70 Wrench, ‘The Needs of the 34 D. J. Wrench, ‘“The Needs of 1929–1931 (Papermac, 1994), p. Press, 1954), p. 14, 6 Oct. 1931. Time’, p. 249. the Time”: The National Gov- 356. 56 Manchester Guardian, 7 Oct. 1931. 71 Bogdanor, Coalition and Constitu- ernment and the “Agreement to 44 The Observer, 16 Aug. 1931; Man- 57 Amery Diaries, p. 219, 6 Nov. tion, p. 52. Differ”, 1932’,Parliamentary His- chester Guardian, 16 Aug. 1931. 1931. 72 H of C Debs, vol. 520, cols tory, vol. 23, no. 2 (2004), p.257. 45 Amery Diaries, p.195, 30 Aug. 58 See, for example, Daily Express, 7 540–9. 35 Ramsay MacDonald Diary, 22 1931. Nov. 1931. Jan. 1932, cited in D. Marquand, 46 H. Montgomery Hyde, Baldwin: 59 House of Lords Debates, vol. 83, Ramsay MacDonald (Jonathon The Unexpected Prime Minister col. 77, 20 Nov. 1931.

42 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 43 working class, and had enjoyed a political relationship with the Report unions. Mill had established the Labour Representation League in 1869 to secure the election of working men to parliament, and Ownership for All: The Liberal Party, co- by 1885 eleven working men, ownership and industrial relations mostly miners, had been elected. Even the Labour Representation Evening meeting, 9 July 2012, with Tudor Jones and Committee had worked with the Liberals through electoral pacts, Andrew Gamble; chair: Chris Nicholson such as the one that had helped Report by David Cloke secure the election of Churchill in Dundee in 1908. The unions themselves displayed s I prepared this report and had always had a pioneering some ambivalence about whether Nick Clegg announced role in British politics, for exam- to seek representation through Athat he was intent on pro- ple over the minimum wage, tax the Liberal Party or aim for sepa- viding a distinctively Liberal Dem- credits or stakeholding. The most rate direct representation. The ocrat view on the economy. He notable ideas included the Man- Nicholson key issue, Gamble argued, was the could a lot worse than return to chester School’s concept of free political levy, as highlighted in the and revive the party’s policies on trade and the of welcomed Taff Vale and Osborne judgements. co-ownership. Thankfully, if the Hobhouse, leading to the welfare Osborne, a Liberal trades union- opening remarks of the meeting’s state of Keynes and Beveridge. To the decision ist, objected to the political levy chair, Chris Nicholson, were any- have two such vibrant traditions in being paid to the Labour Party. thing to go by, then this is likely one party was remarkable. In more to hold a The Liberal Party in Parliament to be the case, given that the paper modern times these two traditions took a different view; the strategy produced by the Liberal Democrat had been characterised as indicative meeting on of the leadership was to accom- policy working group on this issue, of a split in the party, but the real- modate the new force, not to fight chaired by Nicholson, is about to be ity was more nuanced and complex. the subject, it, by extending legal immuni- debated at federal conference. Gamble highlighted the key role ties to trades unions, though it did Nicholson welcomed the deci- of Grimond in developing the new arguing that not seek to extend the legal rights sion to hold a meeting on the sub- liberalism of the 1950s and 1960s, of trades unions. Thus Church- ject, arguing that it was worth and noted the market liberalism of it was worth ill as Home Secretary reversed the reminding people how much the The Orange Book. remind- Osborne judgement through the concept of co-ownership was in the Within this broad picture the Trades Union Act 1912. DNA of Liberals, from John Stuart Liberals have had a rather ambiva- ing people Gamble argued that the period Mill to the ‘Yellow Book’ of 1928 lent relationship with the trades had held out tantalising possibili- and the Liberal thinkers behind the unions. For 100 years from the how much ties: was the rise of Labour inevita- welfare state. The policy had been 1880s, however, trades unions had ble and could it have simply become revived and renewed under Jo Gri- been a central feature of the politi- the concept an arm of the Liberal Party? He mond, but the party lost focus on cal economy and political parties noted that in the years up to 1914 it in later years. Nonetheless, there had had to come to terms with of co-own- there much fighting talk from had been some renewed focus on them. The rise of the trades union Liberals about absorbing Labour the concept in government, most movement had caused contrasting ership was and not surrendering to it. Lloyd notably in Nick Clegg’s ‘John feelings amongst Liberals. On the George had declared that: ‘if a Lib- Lewis’ speech at the beginning of negative side were concerns about in the DNA eral Government tackles the land- 2012, followed by the employee class-based politics and the political lord, the brewer and the peers as ownership summit convened by division between property-owners of Liberals, they have faced the parson and tried BIS minister which and the property-less, and of trades to deliver the nation from the per- had in turn launched the review unions as a form of monopoly with from John nicious control of monopolies then by Graham Nuttall. This renewal the power of industrial blackmail. Labour Party will of interest in co-ownership was More positively, recognising their Stuart Mill call in vain upon the working men picked up later in the meeting. local roots and identities, many of Britain to desert Liberalism that Andrew Gamble, Professor and Liberals welcomed the unions as to the ‘Yel- is gallantly fighting to rid the land Head of Politics and International a form of civil association and as low Book’ of of the wrongs that oppress those Studies at Cambridge University, a countervailing power to estab- that labour in it’. and author of the chapter on ‘Lib- lished interested and the organisa- 1928 and the Another aspect of the period up erals and the Economy’ in Vernon tion of capital. to 1914 was rising industrial unrest. Bogdanor’s book Liberal Party Poli- himself had talked about the need Liberal think- The Triple Alliance of miners, tics (1983), stated that his aim was for strong trades unions as a means railwaymen and transport work- to set the scene and provide the of achieving a more equal distribu- ers behind ers launched a series of syndicalist economic and political context to tion of wealth and power. strikes beyond the control of the the party’s adherence to co-own- Gamble noted that in the late the welfare Labour Party, thereby creating a ership. He noted that the Liberals nineteenth century, the Liber- quite different backdrop to politics were very good at generating ideas als were seen as the party of the state. at this time. Huge numbers were

44 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 report: ownership for all involved – there were a million Amongst small owning class and the large risk-taking which is the essence of miners and 600,000 railwaymen in industrial working class. It declared a healthy economy’. Politically, the fifty different railway companies. the themes that the Liberal Party: ‘stands wider dispersal of power, and hence The First World War and the not for public ownership but for of responsibility, was a necessary split in the Liberal Party meant of the ‘Yel- popular ownership. Its goal is not condition of . that the division between capital to destroy the owner class but to Thus, Jones argued, the operation and labour emerged as the main low Book’ enlarge it’. of the principle of diffusion was basis for political parties in the By the early 1930s interlocked, noting that Dodds twentieth century. As a delegate of 1928 was had become the champion of the himself had said that ‘political to the Liberal Assembly remarked issue; it was he who coined the term democracy will not work satisfac- in the 1970s, the Liberal Party the diffusion ‘ownership for all’. In the tribute torily without economic democ- was stuck between – and Britain of owner- written to him in 1977 by Des- racy, and vice versa’. had a choice between – the party mond Banks and Donald Wade, In broader ideological terms of the managers and the party of ship aimed they observed that Dodds’ ‘aim Dodds had promoted the idea as an the trades unions. Since failing to was not to abolish private owner- essential aspect of a distinctive Lib- prevent the emergence of Labour at reducing ship nor to acquiesce in ownership eral conception of both economic as the second party, the Liberals for the few but to seek to spread organisation and of the wider had found it difficult to deal with the tensions property throughout the commu- industrial society. Co-ownership this new political divide and the nity so that everybody would have was an idea ‘as hostile to monop- extended state. between the the chance of owning something’. oly as it is to socialism Nonetheless, Gamble argued In 1938 Dodds chaired the party’s since it aims to distribute instead that social-liberal ideas had shaped small owning ‘Ownership for All’ committee. Its of concentrating political as well as much of the post-war settlement report, drafted by the economist economic power’. Workers would and had been at the forefront of class and the , later co-director of become citizens of industry, not those arguing for growth and mod- the Institute of Economic Affairs, merely hirelings of private employ- ernisation in the 1960s and for large indus- advocated the restoration of free ers or of the state. incomes policies in the 1970s. The trade, co-ownership and profit- Jones argued that co-ownership 1980s, however, had seen a further trial work- sharing schemes throughout British helped to underline the party’s ide- shift with a revival in economic lib- industry. ology and purpose when Liberal- eralism: Jo Grimond himself came ing class. Dodds went on to be the most ism was a declining force. It was a to argue that the size of the pub- articulate and prominent advo- distinctive and unifying policy and lic sector was itself a problem, and It declared cate of co-ownership in the 1940s cause when other issues, such as free that the monopoly power of trades that the Lib- and 1950s. In 1948 he chaired a trade, were becoming less relevant unions had to be dealt with. Such committee that proposed that co- and more divisive. Co-ownership thinking was also reflected in the eral Party: ownership be applied to all firms offered a third way between state call by some Liberal Democrats for with more than fifty employees socialism and monopoly capital- a reduction in the size of the state – ‘stands not or more that £50,000 capital. This ism. Indeed, in an article in 1951 balanced by the views of Cable and would involve sharing the residual in which Dodds had far-sightedly others on the role of trades unions for public profits between the shareholders coined the phrase ‘third way’, he as a countervailing force. and employees and encouraging had specified some of the wider In summing up, Gamble argued ownership employee shareholding and elected measures of which co-ownership that the Liberal tradition with representatives for employees on was a part: devolution of gov- regard to economic and industrial but for pop- the boards of directors. The report ernment to Scotland and Wales, relations was one that was aware also went further than previous greater power for local govern- of the enormous power of mar- ular own- statements in accepting the prin- ment, extensions of home owner- kets for good as well as for ill, and ciple that the proposals should be ship and the decentralisation of the as a force in decentralising power ership. Its induced by legislation rather than administration of the nationalised – but one that carried the risk of rely on tax incentives. industries. creating monopolies. The role of goal is not Dodds had elaborated a justifica- Jones noted that in the Grimond the state was, therefore, stressed tion for the policy in his book The era, from November 1956 onwards, as being like a public household, to destroy Defence of Man, published in 1947. co-ownership continued to be a ensuring rights, justice and fair- He had stated that the ultimate aim central feature. The concept was ness in the way the market econ- the owner of Liberal industrial policy was given further elaboration in The omy worked. Co-ownership was class but to ‘to make the workers co-owners Unservile State, published in 1957, an important expansion of these with a stake in the enterprises in the first full-scale book on Liberal Liberal values. enlarge it’. which they are engaged as well as thought since the ‘Yellow Book’ Dr Tudor Jones, author of The an effective voice in determining nearly thirty years earlier. In her Revival of British Liberalism (Palgrave the conditions under which they essay in the book, Nancy Seear Macmillan, 2012), argued that co- work … the principle of diffusion outlined the four main features of ownership (or co-partnership, as which Liberals sought to apply with co-ownership: it had been known up until about regard to property ownership per- 1) share by employees in the 1948) had a long history in the Lib- meated liberal philosophy in gen- residual profits; eral Party. Amongst the themes of eral economically and politically’. 2) share in ownership through the ‘Yellow Book’ of 1928 was the He also argued that widespread employee shareholding; diffusion of ownership aimed at ownership made possible ‘the 3) share in management through reducing the tensions between the decentralisation of initiative and works councils; and

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 45 report: ownership for all

4) share in policy-making In sum- Jo Grimond himself contrib- Michael Young had done in the through representation at uted to the development of the 1950s to develop the stance of the board level. mary, Jones policy in The Liberal Future (1959), Liberal Party on behalf of the con- These proved to be constant views in which he endorsed the views sumer rather than the producer. during the Grimond era. Jones argued that expressed on popular ownership Nonetheless, he felt that the con- added that the underlying aims of because of the link between prop- temporary concerns about corpo- the policy were to distribute own- in the years erty ownership and liberty – the rate governance could offer a way ership widely, to contribute to a badge of a citizen and a shield forward for aspects of the concept. blurring of the status distinction 1945–55, co- against petty tyranny. His view, Tudor Jones agreed and also noted between the two sides of industry, Jones argued, was an empirical that the SDP had developed quite and to ensure that the fortunes of ownership rather than an ideological one; a few ideas on widening employee the company were of direct con- was crucially co-ownership simply seemed to be share-ownership, including the cern to everyone in it. Nathaniel the best instrument to hand. Gri- concept of a ‘Citizen’s Trust’ Micklem, Party President 1957–58, important to mond also highlighted the divorce developed by James Meade. This expressed the policy in more ideo- between ownership and manage- had, in turn, been revived by Ash- logical terms, declaring that: ‘Lib- the distinc- ment, which weakened the respon- down in his book Citizens’ Britain. erals aim at the abolition of the sibility of managers for improving Jones also argued that the Blair/ proletariat and the emancipation of tively Liberal efficiency and lessened the effect Schroeder concept of the third workers by making property own- of decisions on owners. Grimond way was a vulgarisation of Dodds’ ers of them all’. position on restated the case in The Liberal thinking. In another essay in The Unser- Challenge (1963), outlining the There followed a discussion of vile State, Peter Wiles drew atten- policy and importance of schemes for profit- the co-operative movement and tion to the changing patterns of sharing. He also argued that the why the John Lewis model had not private ownership, with a growing ideology, Labour Party’s Clause 4 debates been followed elsewhere. Nichol- divorce between legal ownership represented a grossly simplified son reported that Michael Mead- and actual management, largely one that was analysis of the ills of industrial owcroft had sent him an article by as a result of the wider diffusion society. For Grimond there was Arthur Seldon from the 1940s in of institutional shareholders. The rooted in the no one simple formula. Later, the which he had argued that the affili- revisionist Labour thinker Antony former Liberal MP Donald Wade, ation of the Co-operative Party Crosland had examined this feature Liberal tra- in Our Aim and Purpose (1967) con- to the Labour Party was a mis- in The Future of Socialism (1956), and ceded that modern industry was take. Gamble argued that histori- had welcomed it, believing that it dition and too complex to have common cally the co-operative movement rendered obsolete the emphasis on closely con- means of ownership. had identified itself as part of the state ownership. Wiles, however, In summary, Jones argued that wider Labour movement, even if was more sceptical, arguing that nected to its in the years 1945–55, co-owner- it did not like the statism of Fabian the increase in absentee ownership ship was crucially important to socialism. John Lewis, meanwhile, meant that shareholders became views on con- the distinctively Liberal position had never been part of that wider unconnected with the company on policy and ideology, one that movement. Jones added that, given itself and that few exercised effec- stitutional was rooted in the Liberal tradi- the success of John Lewis, it was tive power or control, for example tion and closely connected to its surprising that Liberal Democrats through the transfer of directorial reform and views on constitutional reform and had not tried to associate them- control. The corporate body was, internationalism. selves more closely with the model, therefore, increasingly separate internation- In discussion, Michael Steed, though he noted that it was harder from its owners. perhaps following on from the to reproduce in a globalised econ- In 1959 the Liberal ‘Owner- alism. views expressed by Wade, noted omy. It was noted that at the height ship for All’ committee, chaired that the Liberal Democrats had of its initial success, the SDP had by Nancy Seear, updated and failed to make anything of their expressed some hope of detach- extended the earlier report. Jones long tradition of support for co- ing the Co-operative Party from felt that this report was of ideo- ownership, and wondered if this Labour. logical significance, as it declared was as a result of the influx of It was put to the meeting by that: ‘in the battle for the rights of social democrats, or the Thatcher- another questioner that the Liberal ownership, the essential political ite model of consumer ownership Party had adopted quite statist poli- struggle of the twentieth century, or, more broadly, the ‘end of ideol- cies in the 1970s, for example sup- the Liberal Party stood foursquare ogy’, with the ending the struggle port for a statutory incomes policy, in favour of private ownership between capitalism and socialism and he suggested that this had led the of ownership by persons’. Liber- undermining the need for a dis- party to lose sight of the theme of als recognised the close relation- tinctively ‘third way’, or simply the co-ownership. It was also suggested ship between property and power, practical problem of implement- that adherence to community poli- arguing that this was the major ing it in a fast-changing modern tics had had an effect – though the reason for retaining the system of economy. chair noted that the issue was clearly and not abolish- Andrew Gamble felt that each incorporated in the Theory and Prac- ing it; handing over property to of the possible answers Steed had tice of Community Politics. the state concentrated power and given had elements of truth in Gamble argued that all parties threatened the foundations of a them, but the last could be the wrestled with balancing the drive liberal society. key. He also noted the work that for economic efficiency, which

46 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 report: ownership for all meant large and larger scale, On a question regarding the previous week. The pol- proved to be very much a uni- with local control. He felt that whether the party was taking icy working group that he fying cause, with significant the co-ownership tradition the opportunity of being in had chaired was also seeking areas of agreement. could best be reflected in the government to do more than to refresh Liberal Democrat constitutionalisation of the talk to itself about the subject, ideas on the subject. He noted company, an issue he suggested the chair drew attention to the that the working group had had been relatively neglected Nuttall Review on employee members from all wings of the in British politics. share ownership, published party and, as previously, it had

The Liberal Party, Unionism and political culture in late 19th and early 20th century Britain

A one-day seminar organised by Newman University College and the Journal of Liberal History Saturday 10th November 2012, Newman University College, Birmingham

The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw major changes in British political culture. The gradual emergence of a mass electorate informed by a popular press, debates about the role of the state in social policy, Imperial upheavals and wars all had their impact on political culture. Political parties became more professional, labour more organised, regional identities sharpened.

To accompany this turmoil, a new political party, the Liberal Unionists, was formed to oppose Gladstone’s policy of Irish Home Rule, splitting the Liberal family and causing a reappraisal of what it meant to be a Unionist.

The seminar will examine some of these key changes in political culture, against the background of the formation of the Liberal Unionists and the new political alignments this brought about.

Speakers: • Professor Robert Colls, University of Leicester Political culture in Britain 1884–1914 (Guest Chair: Vernon Bogdanor, Research Professor, Institute of Contemporary British History, King’s College, London) • Dr Ian Cawood, Newman UC, Birmingham The impact of the Liberal Unionists, 1886–1912 • Dr Matthew Roberts, Sheffield Hallam University A terrific outburst of political meteorology: by-elections and the Unionist ascendancy in late Victorian England • Dr James Thompson, Bristol University The Liberal Party, Liberalism and the visual culture of ­British politics c.1880–1914 • Dr Kathryn Rix, History of Parliament Trust Professionalisation and political culture: the party agents, 1880–1914 • Dr James Owen, History of Parliament Trust Labour and the caucus: working-class radicalism and organised Liberalism in England

The cost of the seminar will be £20 (students and unwaged £10), including morning refreshments and buffet lunch.

To register please contact: Tracey Priest, History Department, Newman University College, Genners Lane, Birmingham B32 3NT. Telephone 0121 476 1181, x2395 or email: [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 47 which occurred when he was in government. reviews Gladstone presided over the British Empire as it approached its zenith, but saw its expansion as wasting resources, and promoted New perspectives on Gladstone devolution to preserve the union, Roland Quinault, Roger Swift and Ruth Clayton most notably in New Zealand and India. Brad Faught’s paper on Glad- Windscheffel (eds.), William Gladstone: New Studies and stone’s sole experience of ruling a Perspectives (Ashgate, 2012) colony – a short period in the Ion- ian Islands while he was between Reviewed by Tony Little parties – illustrates the complexity of his views on nationialism and the extent to which he viewed Brit- n the contest to identify the of Chester. This book represents ish colonies as a trust which could greatest Liberal held by the a selection of the papers from the not lightly be discarded merely in IJournal of Liberal History in 2007, second of these conferences. It has response to local calls for independ- lost out been organised somewhat artifi- ence or, in the case of the Ionian to John Stuart Mill. Was this a pref- cially into five sections: Reputa- Islands, closer links to Greece. The erence for a thinker over a doer, tions, Images, Personal Questions, impact on the balance of power for the purity of philosophy over Officialdom, and Ethics and Inter- in Europe was to his mind cru- the compromises of statesman- nationalism. Certainly one of the cial. Significantly, as Derek M. ship and government? Would the two Officialdom articles could be Schreuder notes, Gladstone was result be different today when Lib- considered under the International a great promoter of globalisation eral Democrats have experienced heading and the two Image articles (before the term existed), describ- the disappointments of office? Or could be taken under Reputations. ing trade as a ‘powerful agent is it that we can no longer identify But this is quibbling, and should in consolidating and in knitting with the milieu in which Gladstone not deter any reader. together the amity of nations’, mor- operated? Perhaps reflecting the timing ally obliging Britain towards free , Charles Dar- of the conference post-9/11, the trade and the promotion of interna- win and William Gladstone, three International section is the most tional law . giants of the nineteenth century, rewarding and the most relevant To me, part of the value of such were all born in 1809 yet, as Frank to those whose interest in Liberal- a collection of essays is in challeng- M. Turner argues in the open- ism extends from the historical into ing preconceptions. Three essays in ing essay of this collection, Dar- current politics. As Turner points particular do this. Firstly, Richard win and Lincoln are much better out, Gladstone studied Homeric remembered today. Turner sug- Greek government to sharpen his gests that the best remembered political thinking. With profit, we figures of the nineteenth century could use Gladstone’s experiences were those who, like Darwin, were to refine our understanding of cur- cultural rather than political radi- rent policy dilemmas, and these cals. Gladstone became increasingly essays are a useful toolkit for this politically radical as he aged but he engagement. remained the archetypal Victorian In Quinault’s essay on Glad- in his tastes, his intellectual devel- stone and War, he quotes the Grand opment and especially in his religi- Old Man as saying: ‘we have no osity. But paradoxically, this is why faith in the propagation of free he remains of considerable interest institutions, either political or to the academic community. His social, at the point of the sword drive to account for every moment among those who are not pre- of his life to his Maker has meant pared to receive them’. Do Iraq that there is a mass of raw material and Afghanistan come to mind? for historians to work on, material Gladstone was the liberal interven- sufficiently ambiguous or complex tionist who awakened the world that there is room for endless rein- to atrocities in the Balkans, but he terpretation and room to provide was also the premier who bom- those of us fascinated by the Grand barded Egypt to suppress a popular Old Man with a rewarding supply uprising. Can you be a convinc- of new reading. ing advocate of peace while pre- Gladstone’s long life meant that pared to lead the nation into war? the centenary of his death was cel- Those of a suspicious turn of mind ebrated only just over a decade might notice that Gladstone often before the bicentenary of his birth, opposed wars which occurred and both occasions were marked while he was out of office, while by a conference at the University generally supporting those

48 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 reviews

Gaunt’s paper on Peel’s inheritance These four- into the practically scientific. The his enticements to Paddy Ashdown shows that Gladstone was not the remaining paper in the Personal over ‘the Project’, and to justify automatic inheritor of Peel’s man- teen essays sections tracks two of Gladstone’s overseas intervention. This poses tle that is implied in the title of the friendships to their close, illustrat- the question as to why, despite Ash- first volume of Richard Shannon’s prove that ing the price paid by politicians for down’s best efforts, the party that two-part biography. Gladstone was their public career. descends from Gladstone makes the a great advocate of austerity – the there is much In the final essay, Eugenio Biag- least effort to safeguard his legacy ‘retrenchment’ in the Liberal slogan ini reflects on a 1992Economist front of humanitarian Liberalism. ‘peace, retrenchment and reform’ still to be cover describing Gladstone as ‘a It is hard to do justice to such (another topic of great current rel- prophet of the left’. Biagini reviews a disparate collection in a limited evance). But that did not make him discovered the ways in which Gladstone has space, but these fourteen essays the unthinking proponent of small about Glad- continued to exert an influence prove that there is much still to be government; under Gladstone, beyond the grave. For example, discovered about Gladstone and government began the gradual stone and in the last few years, Gladstone’s much that is pertinent to current accretion of responsibilities such legacy has been appropriated by debates, particularly those con- as education and entrepreneurial much that Thatcherites who over-simplify the cerned with international affairs. local government. Two essays here Victorian Liberal view of the roles use the complexity of his ideas is pertinent of government and private enter- Tony Little is Chair of the Liberal Dem- about retrenchment to explore his prise. Tony Blair cited Gladstone in ocrat History Group relationship with Ireland before to current he became Liberal leader, and the ambiguities of his attitudes to slav- debates. ery in the context of a debate on the use of the navy in the suppression of Lifelong campaigner the African slave trade. Gladstone’s participation in Bill Cash, John Bright: Statesman, Orator, Agitator theological controversy, the fer- (I. B. Tauris, 2011) vour which he generated among the working class and his skirting of Reviewed by Anthony Howe personal controversy in his chari- table work, would probably damn him in today’s tabloid press. But in hen politicians turn representation, balanced by his his own time no one was better at to political biography powerful advocacy of democracy, the management of his image. This W(Powell on Chamber- not least at the time of the Second book contains essays on his nuanced lain, Hurd on Peel, Jenkins on Glad- Reform Act, which proved ironi- relations with organised labour, stone) they often tell us more about cally counter-productive, allow- how cartoonists saw him and on themselves than they shed new light ing instead Disraeli to promote the survival of campaign parapher- on their subjects. Bill Cash on John the Tories as the party of democ- nalia idolising him, from the 1884 Bright is no exception, for we soon racy. Bright’s opposition to home electoral reform agitation which learn that Bright was his great- rule for Ireland, which separated assisted in the longer-term Liberal grandfather’s cousin, both belonging him politically if not personally narrative of coherent progressive to that generation of Quaker busi- from his long-standing friendship politics and built on the enthusiasm nessmen who contributed so much with Gladstone, is interpreted as a of popular support. Where is the to the wealth and public spirit of defence of British parliamentary equivalent support and material for provincial Victorian England. sovereignty, comparable to that of reform of the House of Lords? Although Cash in fact tells some recent Conservatives with Two of the essays in the Per- us little about Bright the busi- regard to the European Union. sonal section would not have been nessman (Rochdale cottonmas- More convincingly Cash, the possible without the Gladstone ter and carpet manufacturer) he stalwart backbencher suffering at Diaries, and demonstrate just how stands out as one of those success- the stifling hands of party manag- useful their preservation has been. ful entrepreneurial Quaker radi- ers, is keen to recognise Bright, Peter Sewter has written on Glad- cals whose sense of justice to his never happy in his short periods stone’s tree-felling, making clear own order pushed him into the in office, as a keen defender of the just how vigorous the GOM was, 1840s campaign against the Corn independent MP, willing to assert and how this was a positive con- Laws (for which in this account the rights of the Commons against servationist activity rather than read the Common Agricultural over-mighty Cabinet govern- destructive. Jenny West’s explo- Policy) and to a lifelong crusade ment. Cash also highlights Bright’s ration of Gladstone’s health adds devoted to upholding ‘justice ambiguous approach to empire, considerably to Roy Jenkins’ focus and freedom’, a message in which especially India, willing on the on the stress-related and psycho- Cash finds a fitting template for one hand to foster its development somatic illnesses of a long career, the twenty-first-century politi- while recognising the legitimacy but she also draws attention to the cian. Several elements in Bright’s of its demands for autonomy (but difficulties of diagnosis at this dis- subsequent crusades earn Cash’s not yet); he also interestingly com- tance in time and with Victorian approval – not only his lucid ‘case pares the enthusiasm for imperial medical knowledge only just mov- for global trade’ but his opposi- federation of Bright’s fellow MP for ing from the comfort of custom tion to any form of proportional Birmingham, ,

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 49 reviews with Bright’s imperial scepticism, with the pacific and non-interven- of fact and questionable judge- akin of course to that of Euroscep- tionist foreign policy of his great ments. Indeed at times it fails to do tics in the face of ‘Federal Europe’. political friend from the anti-Corn its hero as much justice as it might Against the imperial turn, Cash Law campaign, Richard Cobden. – for example, it was not the Irish hails Bright as foreseeing a quasi- Both Cobden and Bright are little Question but Bright’s exploitation Anglo-Atlantic free trade area, remembered today, although they of the Orsini incident which led to while he was one of the foremost were for a century or more yoked Palmerston’s fall from office in 1858. defenders of the (protectionist) together as the leading pillars of But one is left to wonder whether American Union at the time of the early Victorian Liberalism. historians who turn to political life Civil War, although his own sup- Cash’s book, timed for the do so any more successfully than posed republican values diminished bicentenary of Bright’s birth in politicians who turn to history. his political influence and were 1811, will hopefully revive Bright’s belied by his later strong rapport memory, although it will do little Anthony Howe is Professor of Mod- with Queen Victoria. Cash finds to advance historical scholarship, ern History at the University of East much to admire in Bright’s Ameri- for it relies heavily on the work of Anglia. Among his books is Free Trade can legacy and anticipation of the others, is not abreast of the recent and Liberal England, 1846–1946 ‘civil rights’ movement, although literature, and is marred by errors (Oxford, 1998). oddly, unlike a number of his Lib- eral contemporaries, Bright never visited the United States. Finally in this primarily the- matic rather than chronological Cartoons galore treatment, Cash rightly devotes much attention to foreign policy, Alan Mumford: Drawn at the Hustings: General elections for Bright earned his greatest fame 1722–1935 in caricature and cartoon (Burke’s Peerage and as an opponent of the Crimean War, was a largely consistent critic Gentry, 2011) of Palmerstonian and Disraelian Reviewed by Dr Roy Douglas adventurism abroad, and was ago- nisingly to resign office over Brit- ish military action in Egypt in artoons have long been the height of his powers as ‘Pegasus 1882. Here his views derived not used to fill otherwise blank unharnessed’ and Spy’s carica- so much from his Quaker reli- Cpages in books, or to pro- ture of Asquith. Yet a great deal of gious beliefs but his identification vide light relief, and many history the material in this book will be teachers have found that they make unfamiliar to most readers, who past events and personalities more will find much to inform as well as vivid to their students. But there much to entertain. is today a growing recognition Readers will be interested in a by historians that cartoons are an drawing by C. J. Grant, which was important historical source in their produced in 1831, at the height of own right, for they cast important the ‘Reform’ debate. It includes light on ideas and public assump- what is perhaps the earliest use of tions in the past. the word ‘Liberal’ as a political des- Alan Mumford, the author of ignation in a cartoon. Strikingly, this book, has already made a sub- the opinions of a ‘Liberal’ are con- stantial contribution to this devel- trasted not only with those of a opment by his cartoon histories of ‘Tory’ but also with those of both a the Labour and Conservative par- ‘Whig’ and a ‘Radical’. ties which were published by the The drawings range from the Political Cartoon Society. His new lightly satirical to the grim. Just venture highlights events and per- one of the many subjects treated sonalities associated with general will illustrate that point. W. K. elections over a period of rather Haselden, in the Daily Mirror of more than 200 years. Inevitably, the 1909, features a suffragette who exploits of Liberals feature largely protests that she has smashed win- in the story. The origin of the word dows, smacked a police inspec- ‘hustings’, used in the title, is duti- tor’s face and knocked his cap off; fully explained. furthermore, that she has tried to Some of the cartoon material is pull a policeman off his horse and familiar. This includes Hogarth’s has used the whip. ‘And yet,’ she satirical painting of an eighteenth- complains, ‘they won’t give me century election entertainment; the vote!’ By contrast, Will Dyson Gillray’s representation of Pitt as ‘a in the Daily Herald of 1914 takes toadstool upon a dunghill’; Tenn- a darker view of the suffragette iel’s characterisation of Gladstone at question. He reflects on the fate of

50 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 reviews

Emily Davison, who had died as did it become a voice of the estab- the result of a demonstration at the lishment, though it never became Derby in the previous year. A skele- a party organ. It changed its char- ton in female dress carries a placard, acter again after 1945, but that is ‘Votes for Women’. outside the purview of the present Rather surprisingly, Walpole book. is not much featured, although we Punch soon generated rivals, and have a print of 1740 (for which Wal- we see illustrations from two of pole seems to have paid), featuring these. Judy was consistently a voice him as ‘the English colossus’. Many of official Conservative opinion much more hostile, and occasion- for most of its life, but towards the ally obscene, cartoons of Walpole end, in the early twentieth century, exist. Although political cartoons it became more critical – lampoon- had been produced long before ing Conservative Prime Minister Walpole, there is something to be Balfour, but extolling Joe Cham- said for the view that it was Wal- berlain. Fun, for most of its life, pole himself who – quite inadvert- was Liberal, but it eventually broke ently – gave the political cartoon its with Gladstone around the time of real impetus. Other kinds of satire his second Irish Home Rule Bill. on ‘the first Prime Minister’ were Towards the end of the nine- subjected to legal process, but for teenth century, cartoons begin practical purposes the cartoon was to appear in a few newspapers, exempt. Any legal action against but until well after the period of the cartoonist would probably go this book the ‘quality’ press usu- before a London jury. The upshot ally avoided them. Liberals were would almost certainly be a deci- lucky, however, for the very doyen sion in the cartoonist’s favour, for of political cartoonists in the very Walpole was not loved in London. late nineteenth and early twenti- Once the idea of political cartoons eth century was ‘FCG’ – Sir Fran- useful sidelights on events and got under way, there was no stop- cis Carruthers-Gould – who drew personalities. ping it. for the Westminster Gazette. The By contrast, many later politi- Gazette had a small, but very influ- Dr Roy Douglas is Emeritus Reader cians are repeatedly featured. Fox ential, circulation, mostly in Lon- at the University of Surrey, a former and Pitt, Gladstone and Disraeli, don, and it could be regarded as an Liberal parliamentary candidate, and Lloyd George and Baldwin, are authoritative organ of official Lib- the author of fifteen books, including shown many times, and we have eral opinion. The History of the Liberal Party ample sidelights on their careers. Some cartoons became so 1895–1970 (1971) and Liberals: The The location in which car- famous that later cartoonists sati- History of the Liberal and Liberal toons appeared is important to the rised them in a contemporary con- Democrat Parties (2005). story. Cartoons of the eighteenth text. ‘The hatch of the season’, of and early nineteenth centuries January 1906, by AKT, is illustrated were mostly one-off publications, in this book. It is not well known, which sold at a price well beyond but makes an important point. It Re-establishing the faith the pockets of working people. shows the new Liberal Prime Min- Continued from page 25 They might, however, be featured ister Campbell-Bannerman as a hen conversion, also secured the backing in shop windows, or in pubs and who has just hatched a dangerous- of his local association. In Bradford coffee houses. In the 1830s, how- looking chick, the Labour Party. It South, by contrast, where Herbert ever, cartoons became prominent is based on a cartoon of the 1880s, Holdsworth delayed until 1938 before in satirical magazines. The prices of not illustrated here, where the hen opting for the Liberal Nationals, the (for example) Figaro in London (not is Gladstone, who is mystified at Liberal Association remained under featured in his book) would have the duckling Joseph Chamber- the control of the mainstream party, made it accessible at least to skilled lain, swimming on the waters of though it was significantly weakened artisans. Punch first appeared in ‘Radicalism’. by the decision of many prominent 1841, and was to remain the lead- The author gives much atten- activists to put their loyalty to Hold- ing satirical magazine for well tion in the text to just what hap- sworth before their commitment to over a century. We are treated to pened in the elections, and also to the party under whose colours he had a good deal of material from that information about the personali- twice been elected. See D. Dutton, source. At first,Punch was a really ties involved. This should make the ‘William Mabane and Huddersfield radical publication, deeply criti- book easy to follow by readers who Politics, 1931–1947: By Any Other cal of poverty and social injustice. are not historians. The most serious Name a Liberal’, Northern History, Punch, in its great days, had very blemish in an otherwise very help- xliii, 1 (2006) and D. Dutton, ‘Lib- much a mind of its own, and did ful work is that there are a num- eral Nationalism and the Decline of not hesitate to criticise men of all ber of factual slips – though these the British Liberal Party: Three Case parties when this seemed appropri- errors do not destroy the value of Studies’, Canadian Journal of History, ate. Only in the twentieth century the book, which provides many xlii (2007).

Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 51 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting mothers of liberty how modern liberalism was built by women

Thanks to their exclusion from the right to vote and to stand for Parliament before 1918, the role of women in Liberal history is often overlooked. Yet many women played crucial roles, from the earliest days of Liberal history, as organisers, campaigners and theorists. This meeting will analyse and celebrate the importance of women to the growth and success of Liberal thought and politics – as well as marking the launch of the new History Group booklet, Mothers of Liberty (see page 15).

Speakers: Dr Helen McCabe (Oxford University), on women associated with the development of Liberal thought ; Baroness Jane Bonham-Carter on her famous ancestor, Violet Bonham Carter; and MP (minister at the Department for Business) on the role of women in the modern Liberal Democrats. Chair: Lynne Featherstone MP, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Department for International Development.

8.00 – 9.15pm, Sunday 23 September Bar 106, Hilton Metropole, King’s Road, Brighton

Liberal Democrat History Group at Lib Dem conference Visit the History Group’s stand in the exhibition in the Brighton Centre – stand 98 on the Ground Floor. There you can:

• Take part in our annual Liberal history quiz. Exciting prizes to be won! • Buy a copy of our new booklet, Mothers of Liberty: Women who built British Liberalism: £5 to Journal subscribers, £6 to everyone else. • Buy a copy of our latest book, Peace, Reform and Liberation: £24 to Journal subscribers, £30 to every- one else. • Buy our pamphlet, Liberal History: A concise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats. 300 years of party history in 24 pages – £2.00 to Journal subscribers, £2.50 to others. • Buy our pamphlets on Liberal leaders, Liberal Leaders of the 19th Century (£3.50 to Journal subscribers / £4 others) and Liberal Lead- ers since 1900 (£5 to Journal subscribers / £6 others). • Buy a copy the Dictionary of Liberal Thought: £28 to Journal subscribers, £35 to everyone else. • Renew your Journal subscription – all subs are now due for renewal (unless you subscribe by standing order).