Radical Funerals, Burial Customs and Political Commemoration: the Death and Posthumous Life of Ernest Jones
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RADICAL FUNERALS, BURIAL CUSTOMS AND POLITICAL COMMEMORATION: THE DEATH AND POSTHUMOUS LIFE OF ERNEST JONES ANTONY TAYLOR olitical movements define them- in hand. The SDF newspaper Justice wrote P selves in terms of symbolism, of the funeral of the Salford radical memory, and acts of martyrdom. veteran and apostate Gladstonian, Banners, uniforms, songs and rituals George Evans in 1893: ‘The band played capture the spirit of a movement, and the Marseillaise, and we came home – emphasise the bonding ceremonies that home to carry on the work our comrade hold platform agitations together. As loved so well and worked so hard for – Lynn Hunt has demonstrated, these the glorious social revolution, the emblems of association, affiliation, and emancipation of the workers from the allegiance are often more important than thralldom of landlordism and capital- the content of political programmes ism’.2 Political funerals then were (and themselves.1 In most organized move- still are) part of a radical counter-culture ments the funeral has become an emblem in which the cycle of birth, life and death of dedication, sacrifice, and enduring is marked by highly symbolic rituals and service to the cause. Steadfast unto death, rites of passage, amongst them the loyal to the end, the deceased political naming of young reformers after hero is a representation of heroic martyred heroes, and the laying of the martyrdom, whose beliefs remain leader to rest following a lifetime of uncompromised even in situations of service and dedication. profound adversity, and despite the most Political funerals and the posthumous severe testing of his faith. Moreover, the memorialisation of leaders in political funerals of those still faithful to the ideals radicalism were a major component of of the movement achieve closure on lives Chartist and radical culture in the United lived in the service of the cause. The Kingdom during the first half of the supreme political sacrifice, above and nineteenth century. In 1853 Benjamin beyond the call of duty, creates a model Rushton’s funeral in Halifax was a major for action, weaves a narrative of suffering, event, in which national and local leaders and inspires a new generation with the lauded the achievements of a dedicated call to arms. With their fervour re- band of survivors from the great days of affirmed, the mourners leave the the agitation. The Chartist leader Ernest graveside and return renewed to the task Jones gave a speech on this occasion that 29 Humanities Research Vol. 10 No. 2, 2003 was recalled years later by G.J. Holyoake Analysing the arguments both for and as an exemplary specimen of Chartist against his adherence to Liberalism, it oratory. He declared: ‘We meet today at considers the example of his funeral and a burial and a birth – the burial of a noble later memorialisation as providing a patriot is the resurrection of a glorious pointer to the direction taken by many principle. The foundation stones of liberty Chartists in the movement’s final days, are the graves of the just, the lives of the and as a symbol of the battle fought over departed are the landmarks of the living, the memory of Chartism by adherents of the memories of the past are the beacons Labour and Liberalism respectively. By of the future.’3 The first histories and engaging with recent historiography on fictional accounts of Chartism were continuities within popular radicalism, written by the generation who this article demonstrates that local remembered the movement, were Liberals in Manchester struggled to inspired by its dedication, sat at the feet amalgamate the survivors, rituals and of the veterans, and experienced their physical monuments of Chartism into the passing.4 All the more puzzling then that pantheon of Liberalism. Chartist the process of burying and recalling the memories were never successfully tribunes of the movement has received integrated into a harmonious Whiggish such scant attention. The subject barely vision of the political past. Rather they features in the existing historiography of proved contentious and divisive, high- Chartism. Despite the persistence of lighting the fracture-lines dividing the memories of Chartism up until the eve of competing radical and Liberal the Great War, there has been little interpretations of the national narrative analysis of the role of memory in sus- of liberty and reform. taining the popular record of the The career of Ernest Jones is agitation, or in preserving the reputation indissolubly linked with the fate of the of its leaders. In older accounts of the Chartist movement. A young entrant to movement, radical survivors were simply the movement in 1846, he achieved a pre- consigned to oblivion, lived on in eminent position within the agitation in poverty, or, seeing the error of their ways, its declining years. As Chartism’s last eschewed political activism altogether. leader of note, Jones came to symbolize Despite this tendency, recollections of the an intractable position of no compromise Chartists as ‘The men of the Charter/ The with liberalism. Popular, charismatic, and sturdy old guard’ remained a continuous utterly ruthless, Jones was the figure most feature of Labour and Liberal histories usually recalled by the generation who into the 1920s.5 grew up with memories of the movement Kate Tiller, however, has noted that as a representative Chartist hero. In the as Chartism declined, funerals of the towns and mill villages around martyred dead took on a greater Manchester in the 1840s the old tradition significance, allowing the faithful to of naming children after radical heroes huddle together in adversity around the ended with Jones. The investigative memories and physical relics of former journalist Angus Bethune Reach wrote days.6 Following Tiller’s lead, this article about the Middleton weaving villages in re-examines the posthumous history of 1849: ‘A curious indication of the the movement through the career of the prevailing shade of radical politics in the last Chartist leader, Ernest Jones. village is afforded by the parish register, 30 ANTONY TAYLOR Radical Funerals, Burial Customs and Political Commemoration the people having a fancy for christening part in the funeral procession, and large their children after the hero of the minute. numbers availed themselves of the Thus, a generation or so back, Henry opportunity. Shortly after mid-day the Hunts were as common as blackberries – deceased’s house was crowded by a crop of Feargus O’Connor’s replaced persons anxious to take part in the proces- them – and latterly they have a few green sion, and but for the very admirable sprouts labeled Ernest Jones’.7 As the arrangements that had been made, the movement declined in the 1850s, Jones greatest confusion must have prevailed.11 carved out a post-Chartist career for himself as a barrister, reform radical in Moreover, as the cortege passed the suffrage campaign of 1866–67, and ‘many thousands of people, for the most campaigner on Irish issues. In the part of the working-class, crowded the parliamentary reform agitation of 1866– street …, and shopkeepers along the line 67 he distinguished himself in a debate of route closed their places of business’.12 with the classical scholar Professor John Contemporary accounts suggest that the Stuart Blackie in defence of the principles funeral cortege was one of the largest in of democracy that set the tone for the the civic history of Manchester. Estimates campaign.8 In 1868 he stood of the numbers present vary. There were unsuccessfully for Manchester on a liberal a thousand in the funeral procession platform, but died prematurely the marching six abreast before a crowd of following year at the age of just 50.9 spectators numbering between 30,000, Ernest Jones’ funeral in January 1869 and 80–100,000.13 It took two hours before was in a long tradition in Manchester. the first elements reached the gates of Chartist veterans like Lawrence Ardwick Cemetery. Knots of mourners Pitkethley, George Lomax, and William provided the appearance of separate Henry Chadwick, the self-styled ‘last of demonstrations at Strangeways, the the Manchester Chartists’ also received Assizes, and Manchester Royal Infirmary lavish and emotional send-offs. Their in Piccadilly. Sixty carriages and deaths provided the opportunities for conveyances followed the procession. generous tributes paid to the ‘Old Present were Elkanah Armitage, the Guardsmen’.10 Jones’ funeral, however, mayor of Manchester, and the two sitting was a landmark affair. The scale of the MPs, Jacob Bright and Thomas Bayley arrangements, the genuine displays of Potter. The funeral was especially grief on the part of the mourners, and the noteworthy for the large number of vast numbers who attended were veteran radicals it attracted. testimony to the popularity of Ernest Representatives from reform groups in all Jones and the pull of the Chartist past. the major northern towns attended, and Accounts of the demonstration emphasise the Executive Committee of the Northern the spontaneity of the street Branch of the Reform League preceded demonstrations that lined the route. The the hearse. George Howell, Edmond Manchester Courier remarked: Beales, and George Odger represented the national committee of the Reform That section of the working-class who League. were connected with the Reform League, Ernest Jones’ death became the being solicitous of rendering their tribute representative iconic death of ageing to Mr. Jones’ memory were invited to take British and transatlantic