George Potter, the Junta, and the Bee-Hive
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Marxism and History
THE HISTORY GROUP MARXISM AND HISTORY MEMBERSHIP OF THE HISTORY Members will have noted GROUP OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY that our bibliography is open to all members of under the above title has the Communist Party now been published. The interested in history. Committee would welcome information about errors There is an annual subscription and omissions and about of 10/-, for which members new publications (books, receive free copies of pamphlets and articles) "Our History" and of the for inclusion when the occasional publications of time arrives for the the Group, as well as notice publication of a new of all meetings, public edition. and private discussions arranged by the Group. Please note that further The Group exists to copies of "Marxism and forward the study and History" can be obtained writing of history from a from the History Group - Marxist standpoint, to price 15/- (postage 8d) put its members working in the same fields in touch with one another, and to organise discussions of mutual interest. All correspondence to! Secretary;, History Group, C.P.G.B., NON-MEMBERS OF THE GROUP 16 King Street, may subscribe to "Our London. W.C.2, History" through Central Books Limited, 37 Grays Inn Road, The Secretary would like London. W.C.I. to hear from members who are interested in local history and in the tape- 10/- per year post free. recording of interviews with Labour movement veterans who have valuable ex¬ periences to relate. THE SECOND REFORM BILL Foreword August 1967 was the centenary of the passing of the Second Reform Bill. -
(Xiv) in Retrospect
(XIV) IN RETROSPECT i]��C���-��UMAN experience would be falsified if the dreadful suffering which the six Tolpuddle Martyrs bore with such amazing fortitude had produced no result. Their conduct under trial was a challenge to the conscience of the nation. Their fidelity to principles that were in themselves the expression of elementary rights of citizenship rang like a clarion call to the workers of their own generation. They were certainly not the founders of Trades Unionism, whose origins go back many decades � Q��earlier than 1800. Nor were they the first Trades Unionists The martyrdom ��!!! an inspiration to be transported, but their example was an inspiration which has lost none of its power in the course of a century. The period immediately following the returnof the Dorsetshire labourers was one full of difficultyfor the Unions. The latter had been foremostin the agitation for a Parlia mentary inquiry into their status and operation, and in an effort to meet the criticism levelled against them many had removed the oath from their initiation ceremonies. A series of embittered industrial disputes had begun in 1834, notably that of the lockout of the silk workers at Derby, the strike of the gas workers in London and the lockout of the London building operatives. The Grand National Consolidated Trades Union crashed in the strain thrown upon its funds, and for a time it appeared that reaction had gained its way. Many of the skilled trades, however, maintained their organisation intact and gradually developed fromlocal organisation into national Unions exerting a considerable influence. It was a period demanding the utmost loyalty to the principles of Trade Unionism. -
I!Lim Hill HW
Dh;tna.'.!ih 3: ;... GiIl::!I! Librar) 646~ I!lim Hill HW ~ill rua ~ Ii ~ (JIPE-PUNE 005464 A Short History of the British Working Class Movement A Short History of the Bri tish Working Class Movement 1789-1925 by G. D. H. Cole Volume It. 1848-1900 LONDON: GEORGE ALLEN AND UNWIN LIMITED & THE LABOUR PUBLISHING COMPANY LIMITED , x • F~·?- Pvblislte4 1926• .......... .. GUAT 811J7.... n TId WBlftJ1lUllll ....... "ft., t.OJlDO • .&a'D ~L PREFACE I HAD intended to complete in this second volume my short survey of the history of the British Working-class Movement. But, as soon as I began to reduce to order my accumulated material, I saw that it would be impossible to do this without making the second volume nearly twice as long as the first. It seemed, more over, that there was a natural break in the story just about the end of the century. The Victorian age appeared to be a chapter com plete in itself, and deserving to be dealt with as a rounded whole. I therefore decided to make a second break about 1900, and to complete my study in three volumes instead of two. Just as, in the first volume, I was trying to present a coherent account of the successive waves of working-class revolt against the new economic and social conditions created by the Industrial Revolution, so here I have attempted to present a picture of the new working-class movements which, from about 1850 onwards, based themselves on an acceptance of Industrialism, and an attempt to make the best of the new structure of economic society. -
Manuscript of the Month May 2015 Chelsea Election
Manuscript of the Month May 2015 Chelsea Election: The Final Contest, satirical print, 1868 Overnight on 7th May, Returning Officers throughout the country will take centre stage as another general election reaches its climax. Within London, seventy three seats are being contested. But while the thirteen marginal constituencies command most attention, seasoned election followers are keeping a watchful eye on proceedings at Kensington, which has endured turbulent times of late. During the 1868 general election, however, Kensington was the scene of a bitterly fought contest. And in the thick of it was Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare Bt. The general election of 1868 pitted Disraeli (Conservative) against Gladstone (Liberal) for the first time. But the passing of the Reform Act a year earlier meant it took place within a dramatically altered political landscape. For not only had the electorate doubled from one to two million, but several new borough constituencies had been created, including two in London: Hackney, carved out of Tower Hamlets, and Chelsea, which encompassed Kensal Green, Fulham, Kensington and Hammersmith as well as Chelsea itself. Under the terms of the Act, Chelsea would return two MPs, while each elector was entitled to two votes. So attractive was Chelsea, with its prime location and huge electorate, that even before the Reform Bill passed into law prospective candidates had begun making their presence felt. But first to formally throw their hats into the ring were two Liberals: 24 year old Charles Wentworth Dilke, Chelsea born and bred, son of a sitting MP; and 43 year old Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare Bt, owner of the extensive Stourhead estates in Wiltshire, whose late father had been a longstanding Partner in the family banking business. -
The British Working Class and the General Election of 1868 1
ROYDEN HARRISON THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS AND THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1868 1 The history of working-class politics in Britain during the last hundred years might be written in terms of changing attitudes towards Liberal- ism; a Liberalism which was continuously redefining itself as its social composition altered and political circumstances changed. Successive generations of working-class leaders attempted both to identify themselves with Liberalism and to disengage themselves from it. Those who saw the political future of labour in terms of full incorporation within the Liberal party were never left unchallenged; those who be- lieved in political independence rarely thought of that independence as involving a complete break with Liberal values. From the eighteen- sixties onwards the conflict between the desire to be assimilated and the urge to independence was continuously present within individuals as well as within movements. 11 must express my gratitude to Asa Briggs, Professor of Modern History at the University of Leeds, for his valuable criticism and encouragement. I am indebted to the Sheffield University Publications Committee for a grant which enabled me to consult materials held in the Howell Collection, Bishopsgate Institute London. Some time after this article had been completed, Mr H. J. Hanham's book, "Elections and Party Management" appeared. It was at once recognised as a work of great industry and scholarship; an important contribution to our understanding of politics in the age of Gladstone and Disraeli. It included a chapter on working class radicalism and good use was made of the manuscript volume of "Election Reports" to which I had frequently referred in the course of writing the present article. -
Karl Marx and the Iwma Revisited 299 Jürgen Herres
“Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth” <UN> Studies in Global Social History Editor Marcel van der Linden (International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, The Netherlands) Editorial Board Sven Beckert (Harvard University, Cambridge, ma, usa) Dirk Hoerder (University of Arizona, Phoenix, ar, usa) Chitra Joshi (Indraprastha College, Delhi University, India) Amarjit Kaur (University of New England, Armidale, Australia) Barbara Weinstein (New York University, New York, ny, usa) volume 29 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sgsh <UN> “Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth” The First International in a Global Perspective Edited by Fabrice Bensimon Quentin Deluermoz Jeanne Moisand leiden | boston <UN> This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. Cover illustration: Bannière de la Solidarité de Fayt (cover and back). Sources: Cornet Fidèle and Massart Théophile entries in Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier en Belgique en ligne : maitron-en -ligne.univ-paris1.fr. Copyright : Bibliothèque et Archives de l’IEV – Brussels. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bensimon, Fabrice, editor. | Deluermoz, Quentin, editor. | Moisand, Jeanne, 1978- editor. Title: “Arise ye wretched of the earth” : the First International in a global perspective / edited by Fabrice Bensimon, Quentin Deluermoz, Jeanne Moisand. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2018] | Series: Studies in global social history, issn 1874-6705 ; volume 29 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018002194 (print) | LCCN 2018004158 (ebook) | isbn 9789004335462 (E-book) | isbn 9789004335455 (hardback : alk. -
Before New Liberalism: the Continuity of Radical Dissent, 1867-1914
Before New Liberalism: The Continuity of Radical Dissent, 1867-1914 A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2019 Nicholas A. Loizou School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of Contents: List of Figures 4 Abstract 6 Introduction 10 Research Objectives: A Revision in Politico-Religious History 10 A Historiographical Review 13 Methodology and Approach 23 1. Radical Dissent, Social Gospels and the Community, 1860-1906 28 1. Introduction 28 2. Growing Communitarianism and Religious Theology 29 3. The Importance of Radical Dissent and the Community 37 4. Nonconformity and the Urban Working Class 41 5. Nonconformity and the Liberal Party 51 6. Conclusion 56 2. Nonconformity, Liberalism and Labour 58 1. Introduction 58 2. The Significance of Nonconformity in Co-operative Class Relations 62 3. The Reform League 69 4. Nonconformity, Class and Christian Brotherhood in the Age of Gladstone 77 5. ‘That Church and King Mob’: Nonconformity, Brotherhood and Anti-Tory Rhetoric 82 6. Liberal-Labour Politics and the Late Nineteenth Century Social Turn in Nonconformity 87 7. Conclusion 93 3. Birmingham and the Civic Gospel: 1860-1886 94 1. Introduction 94 2. The Civic Gospel: The Origins of a Civic Theology 98 3. The Civic Gospel and the Cohesion of the Birmingham Corporation: 1860 – 1886 102 4. The Civic Gospel and Municipal Socialism: 1867-1886 111 5. The National Liberal Federation 116 6. The Radical Programme 122 7. Conclusion: The Legacy of Birmingham Progressivism 128 4. From Provincial Liberalism to National Politics: Nonconformist Movements 1860-1906 130 2 1. -
Final Copy 2021 01 21 Onish
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Onishi, Shinsaku Title: Rules of Collective Bargaining 1860-1930 General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. RULES OF COLLECTIVE BARGAINING 1860- 1930 Shinsaku Onishi A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirements of award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts September 2020 75720 words Abstract This thesis aims to examine an intellectual background of formation and development of collective bargaining between 1860 and 1930. -
Bee-Hive“, 1864-1876 Compiled by Detlev Mares, Institute of History, Darmstadt University of Technology
1 Index to the „Bee-Hive“, 1864-1876 compiled by Detlev Mares, Institute of History, Darmstadt University of Technology 1864-04-23: BH 001 Garibaldi's Forced Departure from England <Kopie> 1864-04-23: BH 001 many reports on Garibaldi-Visit <Kopie> 1864-04-23: BH 001 National Reform Conference <Kopie> 1864-04-23: BH 001 Working Men's Shakespeare Celebration <Kopie> 1864-06-04: BH 001 Public meetings in the Parks letter by Beales on right of public meeting 1864-06-04: BH 001 The Trades Newspaper Company (Limited) annual report by Potter, clash with Odger; Medland (painter), Mildred (carpenter), Wright, Vize, Dell, Connolly, Shaw, Dunning, Garland, Odger, Margrath, Troup, Graham, Battenbury, Hancock, Murray 1864-06-11: BH 001 Metropolitan Trades' Hall meeting at rooms of Universal League, 18 Greek Street, of friendly, trades, co-op, and working men's clubs delegates; rooms let gratuitously for the purpose to establish Central Working Men's Hall in London; 2 plans: Hartwell (ed. BH): for company under Limited Liability Act H. Solly: for company registered under Industrial Societies Act Weston (Joiner) chair, Odgers, Trimlett (Friends of Freedom Society of Carpenters), Hammett (City Ladies' Shoemakers), Edgar (St. James Co-operative Society) 1864-06-11: BH 001 Summary of the Week. Domestic ... Beales has prepared a legal paper proving right of people to meet in public parks, read to Right of Public Meeting Defence Cttee 1864-06-25: BH 001 General Garibaldi <Kopie> 2 1864-06-25: BH 001 Hearts of Oak Reform Movement W. Allen, sec. of the reform movement, in chair 1864-06-25: BH 001 Manhood Suffrage. -
Workers Against Slavery
Workers against slavery The American Civil War, the First International and the British working class a workers’ liberty pamphlet by sacha ismail £2/£1 “Labour cannot emancipate itself in a white skin when in the black it is branded.” Karl Marx on post-Civil War America, in Capital (1867) “It was not the wisdom of the ruling classes, but the heroic resistance to their criminal folly by the working classes of England that saved the West of Europe from plunging headlong into an infamous crusade for the perpetuation and propagation of slavery on the other side of the Atlantic.” Inaugural Address of the International Working Men’s Association (1864) “Why should the Lancashire labourers sympathise with the labourers in the Southern States? Why should they not, like the economists, argue that the slavery of Alabama is a part of the complex labour system by which they live, and wish it to go on? Why not assume the languid indifference of the upper classes as to the result of the great struggle? Perhaps it is... because, possessing little more than our common humanity, [we] prize that above artificial distinctions of class and colour.” Public statement from a workers’ mass meeting in Manchester (1862) 1 Timeline 1850s US politics convulsed by issue of slavery; breakdown of old party political system, rise of Republicans; armed clashes over whether Kansas will be slave or free state 1859 Abolitionist John Brown attempts to lead slave uprising at Harpers Ferry, Virginia 1860 November: Republican Abraham Lincoln elected President December: South -
86 Owen Struggle for Political Representation
THE STRUgglE FOR POliTICAL REPRESENTATION LABOUR CANdidATES AND THE LIBERAL PARTY, 1868 – 85 In November 1868 a leading article in The Bee-Hive, a weekly trade unionist journal, declared that ‘there is a vast amount of rottenness in the ranks of the Liberal Party which must be rooted out before the working men can expect to be treated fair and honourably in their efforts to enter the House of Commons’.1 The call for direct labour representation – understood here as the election of working-class men to parliament to represent the labour interest as Liberal MPs rather than independently – had enjoyed a broad range of support during the reform agitations illiam Gladstone, However, in the decade follow- that followed the along with several ing the 1867 Reform Act – which establishment of the Wprominent Liberal enfranchised ‘registered and resi- MPs, such as Henry Fawcett and dential’ male householders, giving Reform League in Peter Alfred Taylor, had spoken in the vote to 30 per cent of work- support of working-class parlia- ing men – the labour movement February 1865. James mentary representation, while the struggled to secure the return of Owen explores what working-class radicals in whom the their own representatives. For management of the Reform League many labour activists, at the heart happens between 1968 was vested were zealous advocates of this struggle was the unwill- for the labour movement having its ingness of the managers of local and 1885. own voice inside the Commons.2 Liberal Associations to select a 14 Journal of Liberal -
Holyoake Archive
George Jacob Holyoake Archive (HOLYOAKE) © Bishopsgate Institute Catalogued by Stefan Dickers August 2005 Table of Contents Table of Contents p.2 Collection Level Description p.3 HOLYOAKE/1: Correspondence p.7 HOLYOAKE/2: Diaries p.20 HOLYOAKE/3: Printed Material p.48 HOLYOAKE/4: Press Cuttings Volumes and Serialised Articles p.78 HOLYOAKE/5: Loose Press Cuttings p.81 HOLYOAKE/6: Publications and Notebooks p.84 HOLYOAKE/7: Miscellaneous Manuscripts p.87 HOLYOAKE/8: Miscellaneous Articles p.96 HOLYOAKE/9: Biographical Material p.97 HOLYOAKE/10: Travelling Tax Abolition Committee p.102 HOLYOAKE/11: Garibaldi Special Fund Committee p.104 HOLYOAKE/12: Holyoake Testimonial Fund p.108 HOLYOAKE/13: Photographs p.109 2 HOLYOAKE Holyoake, George Jacob 1831-1985 (1817-1906) Name of Creator: Holyoake, George Jacob (1817-1906) co-operator and secularist Extent: 24 boxes and miscellaneous items Administrative/Biographical History: George Jacob Holyoake was born in April 1817, the son of a Birmingham whitesmith, and, at the age of eight, began work with his father at a local foundry. He started evening classes at the Birmingham Mechanics Institute in 1836 where he first came under the influence of the ideas of Robert Owen. He also became a member of the Chartist movement in Birmingham, although remained an supporter of moral force and refused to engage in rioting in Birmingham in 1839. In 1840, Holyoake applied to become a lecturer at the Birmingham Mechanics Institute but was rejected and became a Owenite social missionary, first in Worcester and later, in a more important position in Sheffield. During this time, he began contributing articles highly critical of Christianity to the periodical The Oracle of Reason, and, when the journal’s editor Charles Southwell was imprisoned for blasphemy in 1842, Holyoake became its editor.