Quando Pivetti Sloggiò Sironi. “
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The Case of Lega Nord
TILBURG UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF TRENTO MSc Sociology An integrated and dynamic approach to the life cycle of populist radical right parties: the case of Lega Nord Supervisors: Dr Koen Abts Prof. Mario Diani Candidate: Alessandra Lo Piccolo 2017/2018 1 Abstract: This work aims at explaining populist radical right parties’ (PRRPs) electoral success and failure over their life-cycle by developing a dynamic and integrated approach to the study of their supply-side. For this purpose, the study of PRRPs is integrated building on concepts elaborated in the field of contentious politics: the political opportunity structure, the mobilizing structure and the framing processes. This work combines these perspectives in order to explain the fluctuating electoral fortune of the Italian Lega Nord at the national level (LN), here considered as a prototypical example of PRRPs. After the first participation in a national government (1994) and its peak in the general election of 1996 (10.1%), the LN electoral performances have been characterised by constant fluctuations. However, the party has managed to survive throughout different phases of the recent Italian political history. Scholars have often explained the party’s electoral success referring to its folkloristic appeal, its regionalist and populist discourses as well as the strong leadership of Umberto Bossi. However, most contributions adopt a static and one-sided analysis of the party performances, without integrating the interplay between political opportunities, organisational resources and framing strategies in a dynamic way. On the contrary, this work focuses on the interplay of exogenous and endogenous factors in accounting for the fluctuating electoral results of the party over three phases: regionalist phase (1990-1995), the move to the right (1998-2003) and the new nationalist period (2012-2018). -
Palazzo Montecitorio
Scuola secondaria di primo grado “Giovanni Pascoli” Aversa Palazzo Montecitorio Classe : 3° sezione : H Scritto dalle alunne: Coscione Luisa Pia Ferrandino Annagiulia Massaro Helena Mottola Camilla 1 Indice : la Costituzione(3-4); il Parlamento(5-6-7-8); il Presidente della Camera(9- 10-11-12); iter della legge(13-14); Palazzo Montecitorio(15); Camera aperta(16-17); spaccato trasversale di Palazzo Montecitorio(pg 18). 2 LA COSTITUZIONE La storia della nostra Costituzione ha inizio con la fine della dittatura fascista, ma la realizzazione del progetto comincia il due giugno 1946,quando il popolo italiano,(comprese le donne, che votavano per la prima volta),dopo 22 anni fu chiamato alle urne per decidere, attraverso un referendum, se il nostro Stato dovesse mantenere la forma monarchica, esistente dal 1861 o assumere quella repubblicana. Fu scelta la Repubblica.(dal latino res= cosa, publica = pubblica, quindi cosa pubblica, cioè di tutti ) Nella stessa data furono eletti i membri dell’Assemblea Costituente. La nuova Costituzione venne approvata nel dicembre 1947 ed entrò in vigore il 1 gennaio 1948 Essa è la legge fondamentale dello Stato. E’ scritta perché tutti gli articoli sono scritti; Rigida, perché per cambiare una legge o aggiungerne una c’è bisogno di un lungo processo; Garantista perché è molto attenta alle garanzie a cui hanno diritto i cittadini. Sono, infatti, inviolabili 3 i diritti alla libertà personale, di domicilio, di religione, di culto, la libertà di circolazione, di corrispondenza e di manifestazione della Camera. Si tratta di una costituzione lunga, perché è molto dettagliata e ancora oggi è considerata una delle più complete al mondo, garantisce precisione nell’elencare i diritti e i doveri dei cittadini e l’organizzazione dello Stato. -
Italian Political Communication and Gender Bias: Press Representations of Men/Women Presidents of the Houses of Parliament (1979, 1994, and 2013)
Italian Political Communication and Gender Bias: Press Representations of Men/Women Presidents of the Houses of Parliament (1979, 1994, and 2013) Gilda Sensales1a, Alessandra Areni2a, Alessandra Dal Secco3b Abstract ARTICLE HISTORY: The study considers mass media communication as intertwined with social norms, as assumed by the Received January 2016 perspective of social representations. It explores the Italian Received in revised form April 2016 press communication by focusing on three pairs of men and Accepted May 2016 women politicians with different political orientations and Available May 2016 all serving as presidents of the Houses of Parliament in three legislatures. The article concentrates on five newspapers in order to sound out the presence of a possible gender bias in favor of men in the coverage. It explores the strategic use of language to enhance or penalize the role of women politicians. In order to scrutinize the role of gender visibility KEY WORDS: and discrimination, the study compares how women and men presidents are named and examines the linguistic Social representations theory sexism/nonsexism used for women politicians also in Political communication Gender bias relation to the ideological/cultural orientations of Linguistic sexism/nonsexism newspapers. Thereby, 591 headlines were collected and Lexicographical analysis analyzed with SPAD-T statistical package. The results, for some cases, confirm the trends revealed in the international literature, in other cases, disprove expectations. © 2016 IJSCL. All rights reserved 1 Associate Professor, Email: [email protected] (Corresponding Author) Tel: +39-064-9917659 2 Associate Professor, Email: [email protected] 3 PhD, Email: [email protected] a Sapienza University of Rome, Italy b National Institute for Health, Migration and Poverty, Italy G. -
Padania - Utopia Or Reality
JULY - DECEMBER 1996 23 Padania - Utopia or Reality Vilctor radie In early August 1996, the striking double porters of this idea. Some claimed that Bossi was of the Lega Nord (Northern League), Umberto deliberately holding out for more but would be Bossi and Irene Pivetti, the young Speaker of the satisfied with less, i.e. that he was demanding sepa- House of Representatives, suddenly parted ways. ration from Italy in order to obtain a federation. After the last Parliamentary elections in Italy, in However, it was shown that Bossi genuinely April 1996, Bossi and Pivetti always appeared to- wanted more than a federation, when, about a year gether at all meetings and rallies of the Lega Nord. ago, he started to speak openly about the possi- Bossi remained true to his idea of detaching the bility of seceding. northern part of Italy from the rest of the country Taking advantage of the involvement of and turning it into a separate geopolitical entity. other political leaders in their own power Actually, Bossi initially upheld a federative idea, struggles, during the electoral campaign he openly which Pivetti endorsed, together with the other endorsed the separation of the northern part from members of the League. However, when Bossi the rest of Italy and called for the establishment radicalized his ideas to the extreme, calling for of the state of Padania, a name derived from the the partition of northern Italy, Pivetti dissociated fertile region along the River Po (Lat. Padus), herself from him and left the leadership of the even naming September 15th, 1996, as the date Lega Nord. -
Old and New Fascism: Race, Citizenship, and the Historical and Intellectual Context of Casapound Italia
Old and New Fascism: Race, Citizenship, and the Historical and Intellectual Context of CasaPound Italia by Caitlin Hewitt-White A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Social Justice Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Caitlin Hewitt-White 2015 Old and New Fascism: Race, Citizenship, and the Historical and Intellectual Context of CasaPound Italia Caitlin Hewitt-White Masters of Arts Social Justice Education University of Toronto 2015 Abstract CasaPound Italia is a contemporary fascist movement in Italy. An anti-capitalist movement, CasaPound has emerged under neoliberal conditions of youth unemployment and privatization of education. Although CasaPound uses tactics not typically associated with the extreme right, it shares several features with traditional Italian fascism. Like past fascist movements, CasaPound claims to offer an alternative to capitalism, communism, and the limits of a corrupt political spectrum. It also shares with past fascist movements a populist opportunism that feeds on the middle class's real frustrations, and rearticulates these in anti-immigrant racism. Despite these similarities, CasaPound denies that it is racist. This thesis argues that CasaPound's conscious inheritance of the legacies of Ezra Pound, Giovanni Gentile, and Julius Evola undermines its claims to be non-racist. Its activism further undermines these claims. This thesis also argues that CasaPound's emergence has been made possible by exclusionary and racialized citizenship practices central to hegemonic liberal democracy. ii Acknowledgments Thank you to the administrative staff at OISE for helping me navigate the institution's various policies, forms, and deadlines. Thank you to my classmates and instructors at OISE for feedback on earlier versions of chapters of this thesis, and for lively discussions we had in class. -
Mark Gilbert and Gianfranco Pasquino
ItPol99_all 10/11/00 10:49 am Page 21 1 INTRODUCTION: THE FALTERING TRANSITION Mark Gilbert and Gianfranco Pasquino Unravelling the knots of Italian politics was as elusive a task as ever in 1999. But the key thread, if anywhere, is to be found in the interwoven themes of the creation of the D’Alema government in October 1998 (and its subsequent political fall-out), the difficulty of reforming the electoral law, and hence the hyperfragmented party system, and the short, sharp crisis of the D’Alema cabinet just before Christmas 1999. Short though the crisis was, it jumbled up politics once more and left new loose ends that will gradually unwind themselves in the coming year. Political Jostling Having become prime minister as the result of a traditional bout of parliamentary plotting,1 D’Alema spent most of the first half of 1999 beating off the sustained and insistent attacks on his leader- ship launched by the deposed former premier, Romano Prodi, and his supporters. Even after Prodi had been nominated to the Presi- dency of the European Commission on 24 March 1999, the Demo- cratici per Prodi (Democrats), which adopted a somewhat Disneyesque donkey as their electoral symbol, continued to jab at D’Alema from a distance. With a view to the looming European elections in June, the Democrats were anxious to raise their politi- ItPol99_all 10/11/00 10:49 am Page 22 22 Mark Gilbert and Gianfranco Pasquino cal profile with the very many people who had criticised both the manner and the fact of Prodi’s defenestration from Palazzo Chigi. -
How China and Russia Use Sharp Power to Subvert the West Edited by Dr Andrew Foxall & Dr John Hemmings
THE ART OF DECEIT: HOW CHINA AND RUSSIA USE SHARP POWER TO SUBVERT THE WEST EDITED BY DR ANDREW FOXALL & DR JOHN HEMMINGS December 2019 Published in 2019 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2019. All rights reserved. Title: “THE ART OF DECEIT: HOW CHINA AND RUSSIA USE SHARP POWER TO SUBVERT THE WEST” Edited by Dr Andrew Foxall & Dr John Hemmings The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees, or Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. Cover Photo: Images from Chickenonline from Pixabay https://pixabay.com/illustrations/china-flag-prc-national-flag-asia-1184107/ and Kaufdex from Pixabay https://pixabay.com/photos/russia-flag-2697026/ DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS THE ART OF DECEIT: HOW CHINA AND RUSSIA USE SHARP POWER TO SUBVERT THE WEST EDITED BY DR ANDREW FOXALL & DR JOHN HEMMINGS THE ART OF DECEIT: HOW CHINA AND RUSSIA USE SHARP POWER TO SUBVERT THE WEST CONTRIBUTORS Neil Barnett is founder and CEO of Istok Associates, a London-based intelligence and investigation consultancy focused on Central and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Previously, he was a journalist in the same regions for 13 years and wrote for The Telegraph, The Spectator, and Jane’s publications. He covered the war in Iraq, the Ukrainian Orange Revolution, the eastern expansion of NATO and the EU in the 2000s, and Balkan organised crime. -
Resoconto Stenografico
Atti Parlamentari —7289— Camera dei Deputati XH LEGISLATURA - DISCUSSIONI - SEDUTA DEL 21 DICEMBRE 1994 RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO 119. SEDUTA DI MERCOLEDÌ 21 DICEMBRE 1994 PRESIDENZA DEL PRESIDENTE IRENE PIVETTI INDICE PAG. PAG. Comunicazioni del Governo (Discussio• SBARBATI LUCIANA (gruppo misto).... 7357 ne): SEGNI MARIOTTO (gruppo misto) .... 7340 PRESIDENTE . 7303, 7309, 7310, 7313, 7321, 7326, 7332, 7340, 7343, 7346, 7350, 7352, Disegni di legge di conversione: 7355, 7357 (Assegnazione a Commissione in sede BERLINGUER LUIGI (gruppo progressisti- referente ai sensi dell'articolo 96-bis federativo) 7321 del regolamento) 7359 BERLUSCONI SILVIO, Presidente del Con• (Autorizzazioni di relazione orale). 7360 siglio dei ministri 7304 (Trasmissione dal Senato) 7359 BERTINOTTI FAUSTO (gruppo rifondazione comunista-progressisti) 7326 Gruppi parlamentari: BOGI GIORGIO (gruppo misto) 7352 (Modifica nella composizione) 7291 Bossi UMBERTO (gruppo lega nord)... 7310 BROGLIA GIAN PIERO (gruppo forza Italia) 7309 Missioni 7291 BUTTIGLIONE Rocco (gruppo PPI) .... 7332 CASINI PIER FERDINANDO (gruppo CCD) 7343 Sull'ordine dei lavori: CAVERI LUCIANO (gruppo misto-UV)... 7355 PRESIDENTE . 7291, 7293, 7295, 7296, 7297, DOTTI VITTORIO (gruppo forza Italia). 7346 7298, 7299, 7300, 7301, 7302, 7303 FINI GIANFRANCO (gruppo alleanza nazio- BERLINGUER LUIGI (gruppo progressisti- nale-MSI) 7313 federativo) 7295 LANTELLA LELIO (gruppo FE-LD) 7350 CASTELLI ROBERTO (gruppo lega nord) . 7302 119. N.B. I documenti esaminati nel corso della seduta e le comunicazioni all'Assemblea non lette in aula sono pubblicati nell'Allegato A. Gli atti di controllo e di indirizzo presentati e le risposte scritte alle interrogazioni sono pubblicati nell'Allegato B. Atti Parlamentari — 7290 — Camera dei Deputati XH LEGISLATURA - DISCUSSIONI - SEDUTA DEL 21 DICEMBRE 1994 PAG. -
Il Ruolo Del Presidente Della Repubblica Nella Transizione Dalla Prima Alla Seconda Repubblica
1 DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE POLITICHE CATTEDRA DI TEORIA E STORIA DEI PARTITI E DEI MOVIMENTI POLITICI IL RUOLO DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA NELLA TRANSIZIONE DALLA PRIMA ALLA SECONDA REPUBBLICA Relatore Prof.ssa VERA CAPPERUCCI Candidato GABRIELE RUSSO MATR. 078582 SESSIONE DI LAUREA ESTIVA A.A. 2017-2018 2 INDICE Introduzione p. 4. Capitolo primo: IL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA: NOTAIO O PROTAGONISTA? 1.1.Il ruolo del Presidente della Repubblica nel dibattito costituente e nella Costituzione. p. 6. 1.2.Le presidenze dal 1948 al 1978: aspetti caratterizzanti p. 11. 1.3.Gli anni di piombo e il sequestro Moro p. 16. 1.4. Sandro Pertini: il “Partigiano presidente innovatore” p.19. 1.5. Pertini “il vicino di casa” p.21. 1.6. Il presidente che “tiene a bada” i partiti p.23. Capitolo secondo: VERSO IL CROLLO DELLA PRIMA REPUBBLICA 2.1 Francesco Cossiga: la ricerca della stabilità p. 25. 2.2 La stagione del “Picconatore” p.32. 3 Capitolo terzo: LA NASCITA DELLA SECONDA REPUBBLICA 3.1 Oscar Luigi Scalfaro: “issato al Quirinale dal tritolo su cui è saltato Falcone” p.40. 3.2 La tempesta di Tangentopoli p.44. 3.3 Il tentativo di riforme istituzionali: il Mattarellum p.48. 3.4 La “discesa in campo” di Berlusconi p.52. 3.5 Il ritorno del presidente come tutore della fragile seconda repubblica p.58. CONCLUSIONE p. 61. BIBLIOGRAFIA p. 63. ABSTRACT p. 65. 4 INTRODUZIONE Il Presidente della Repubblica, nell’ordinamento Costituzionale italiano, rappresenta la figura apicale del sistema e ha il ruolo di rappresentare la nazione e l’unità di questa. -
A Day at Montecitorio a DAYATMONTECITORIO Camera Dei Deputati 02/12/13 11:41 a DAY at MONTECITORIO
A DAY AT MONTECITORIO The Chamber of Deputies represents all the Italian citizens: Palazzo Montecitorio is where a part of the history of the Ital- ian democracy has taken place, and takes place every day. It is here that the laws regulating the life of citizens are approved; it is here that the challenges posed by a A day at Montecitorio changing world to the country as a whole and to the men and women living in it are debated. This short guide is about the Chamber and the meaning of its work; it is about the role of the Deputies, the President and the other parliamentary bodies, and should be read as an invitation to enter Palazzo Montecitorio in order to get to know the places where debates are held and actions are taken on behalf of all citizens. Camera dei deputati 1 02/12/13 11:41 A DAY AT MONTECITORIO Camera dei deputati Dear Guests, Welcome to Palazzo Montecitorio. The Chamber of Deputies is pleased to Parliamentary democracy stands to be enriched through contacts with peo- welcome visitors from other countries who wish to get a closer look at the ple and institutions from other countries. I sincerely hope that your day at functioning of the democratic institutions of the Italian Republic. Montecitorio will be a positive and useful experience and, at the same time, I am sure that your presence will contribute to the enhancement of this Everything that takes place in Parliament is reported daily on the front pages institution. of newspapers and in the television news reports. -
Perché Non Può Essere Boldrini a Sfidare Renzi Pigliatutto
Perché non può essere Boldrini a sfidare Renzi pigliatutto Vecchia storia, quella dei presidenti della camera che “usano” la loro carica e postazione istituzionale, sopra le parti, per fare politica, di parte, condizionare la politica, fare lotta politica, prepararsi una propria seconda vita politica. Adesso è la volta di Laura Boldrini, La presidente della camera fa parlare di sé, per le sue prese di posizione esplicitamente politiche, in polemica evidente con il presidente del consiglio. Il 21 febbraio, intervenendo a una iniziativa delle cooperative dell’agricoltura ad Ancona Laura Boldrini attacca, pur senza citare direttamente Matteo Renzi: “L’idea di avere un uomo solo al potere, contro tutti e in barba a tutto a me non piace, non mi piace”. La presidente critica anche la scelta del governo di non adeguarsi ai pareri del parlamento sui decreti attuativi del jobs act. Renzi a caldo non commenta (“Un problema suo”, si limita a dire) ma la reazione dei vertici del Pd è durissima anche se la minoranza si schiera con la presidente. Pochi giorni dopo stessa dinamica sull’ipotesi che l’esecutivo metta mano a un decreto sulla Rai. A una settimana di distanza in un’intervista all’Espresso Renzi frena sui decreti ma attacca la presidente: “È uscita dal suo perimetro istituzionale”. Immediata la replica della Boldrini: “Difendere l’Aula è il mio primo dovere”. Come si diceva, è una vecchia storia, questa della battaglia politica aperta lanciata dalla terza più alta carica dello stato. In un lungo e ben curato servizio sull’Ansa Alessandra Chini e Serenella Mattera scrivono che “è quasi una regola della seconda Repubblica. -
Proquest Dissertations
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy subm itted. Broken or irxlistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, arxl improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Informaticn and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI' THE RISE AND FALL OF REGIONAL PARTIES: THE REFORM PARTY OF CANADA, THE NORTHERN LEAGUE OF ITALY, AND THE WESTERN CANADA CONCEPT PARTY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Christina Grabarkiewicz-Davis, M.A.