General Assembly Security Council

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Assembly Security Council United Nations A/54/918–S/2000/581 General Assembly Distr.: General Security Council 16 June 2000 Original: English General Assembly Security Council Fifty-fourth session Fifty-fifth year Agenda item 50 The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security Report of the Secretary-General I. Introduction Afghanistan on three occasions during the reporting period. He twice held talks with the Taliban Foreign 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Minister, Wakil Ahmad Mutawakkil, first in Kabul on paragraph 31 of General Assembly resolution 54/189 A 13 April and then in Kandahar on 25 May. He also had of 17 December 1999, in which the Assembly a meeting in Kandahar on 27 April with the Governor requested the Secretary-General to report every three of the Province, Mullah Mohammad Hassan Rahmani, months during its fifty-fourth session on the progress and with Deputy Foreign Minister Mullah Abdul Jalil of the United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan Akhund. On 28 May, Mr. Vendrell received visiting (UNSMA). The present report, which covers Deputy Foreign Minister Jalil at the UNSMA office in developments since the issuance of my first quarterly Islamabad. Mr. Vendrell also travelled to Dushanbe on report of 10 March 2000 (A/54/791-S/2000/205), is 19 April for talks with Commander Ahmad Shah also submitted in response to requests by the Security Massoud, Haji Abdul Qadir, ex-Governor of Nangarhar Council for regular information on the main Province and Shiite commander Sayid Hussain Anwari, developments in Afghanistan. a leader of the Harakat-e-Islami. My Personal Representative also had meetings in May with other United Front leaders, including Mr. Mohammad Karim II. Recent developments in Khalili of the Hezb-e-Wahdat, General Abdul Rashid Afghanistan Dostum of the Jombesh-e-Melli-ye Islami-ye Afghanistan, and Mr. Ismail Khan, former Governor of A. Activities of my Personal Herat. Further talks with the United Front and Taliban Representative and of the Special senior officials were held on the margins of a meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in Mission Jeddah in early May. Contacts with the Afghan parties 3. In his contacts with the parties, my Personal Representative conveyed the tenor of the discussions 2. My Personal Representative for Afghanistan and that took place in informal consultations and meetings Head of UNSMA, Francesc Vendrell, has visited of the Security Council as well as the contents of the 00-48366 (E) 220600 ````````` A/54/918 S/2000/581 presidential statement adopted by the Security Council the neighbouring countries. On the issue of Osama bin on 7 April 2000 (S/PRST/2000/12). In so doing, he Laden, they maintained the position that Mr. bin Laden underlined the Council’s deep concern at reports that had taken up residence in Afghanistan under a previous both parties to the conflict were preparing for renewed regime, that he had been a leading participant in the large-scale fighting and the consequences that might “jihad” and that Afghan traditions of hospitality ensue if the Council’s concerns were not heeded. While prevented them from surrendering Mr. bin Laden neither side gave any clear commitment, both declared against his will. As an alternative to Mr. bin Laden’s that any military actions by their respective sides voluntary departure, an option which the Taliban would be purely defensive in nature. recently said they would foster, the Taliban again proposed that he be tried in Afghanistan by a court 4. Other issues discussed by my Personal composed of ulemas drawn from Afghanistan, Saudi Representative included ideas as to how a peace Arabia and a third Islamic country. process under United Nations auspices might be structured; the establishment of a broadly based, multi- 6. Regarding the production and trade of illicit ethnic, fully representative government and the role drugs, the Taliban reminded my Personal therein of Mullah Mohammad Omar; the relations of Representative that this had been a longstanding the two sides with outside Powers, including Pakistan, problem in Afghanistan and expressed willingness to the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Central Asian progressively eliminate drug production, as advocated republics, the Russian Federation and the United States by Mullah Omar, provided the international community of America; the Security Council’s demand contained was willing to commit the necessary material resources in paragraph 2 of its resolution 1267 (1999) of 15 for the cultivation of alternative crops. October 1999 that the Taliban turn over Osama bin 7. Mr. Vendrell asked the two parties not to target Laden as well as the broader issue of terrorism and, the civilian population in the event of fighting, in line more concretely, the alleged existence of training with the Security Council’s condemnation of such a camps for foreign militants in areas controlled by the practice most recently expressed in its presidential Taliban; the continued interference of third countries in statement of 7 April 2000 (S/PRST/2000/12), and the affairs of Afghanistan and the presence of discussed issues related to the release of political foreigners in the fighting ranks of the Taliban; issues prisoners and prisoners of war. He also raised with the related to the production of and trade in narcotics; the Taliban allegations of serious human rights violations impact of the escape of Ismail Khan from a Kandahar and reports of the dismissal of female civil servants prison; relations among the various Northern Alliance from government service, as well as broader gender leaders, including Massoud, Dostum and Malik; and issues. the perception of the two warring parties of the eventual convening of a loya jirgah, or a traditional 8. On the question of the dismissal of civil servants, grand assembly, as advocated by non-belligerent the Taliban Foreign Minister gave the explanation that Afghan third parties such as the Rome process and the a lack of economic resources had forced the Taliban to Cyprus meeting. eliminate a large number of positions in the civil service and that this had inevitably had a negative 5. In reply the two sides reiterated their well-known impact on women, since they were receiving a salary positions, set forth in my previous report (A/54/791- without actually working. It may be recalled that, S/2000/205, paras. 4 and 5) on the establishment of a following strong protests by the international broad-based government and on the role that would be community about the wholesale dismissal of female accorded to Mullah Omar in it. Each side vehemently employees from the civil service shortly after the complained about persistent outside interference in Taliban took over Kabul, female employees had been support of the other side. The Taliban, while able to continue to draw their salaries without being acknowledging the presence in their territory of allowed to perform their jobs. foreigners who had participated in the “jihad” against the former Soviet Union, denied the existence of 9. My Personal Representative visited Rome on 12 training camps on their soil and repeated their and 13 June for a meeting with the former King of condemnation of terrorism and their willingness to Afghanistan, Zahir Shah, and members of his maintain friendly relations with the Governments of all entourage, as well as for talks with senior officials of 2 A/54/918 S/2000/581 the Italian Government. My Personal Representative Pickering, during the latter’s visit to Pakistan. The has also held numerous meetings with independent topics discussed at all these meetings included the Afghan personalities in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the situation in Afghanistan and its implications for Islamic Republic of Iran, including many who are regional and international security, prospects for peace supportive of the loya jirgah process. and means of achieving a lasting settlement, the role of the United Nations, including the Security Council and Other activities, including contact with other international organizations and mechanisms, concerned Governments terrorism and drug trafficking. 10. At the invitation of the Government of the 12. UNSMA, in the meantime, has strengthened its People’s Republic of China, my Personal presence in the region with the opening of its liaison Representative paid an official visit from 13 to office in Tehran, headed by the Deputy Head of the 15 March to Beijing, where he held consultations with Special Mission, and with the appointment of one of its the Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Wang Guangya, Political Affairs Officers to head the UNSMA office in and other senior Foreign Ministry officials. He also Kabul. visited Ashgabat from 16 to 18 April in response to an invitation from the Government of Turkmenistan. Activities of the Civil Affairs Unit During his visit Mr. Vendrell held meetings with the 13. The UNSMA Civil Affairs Unit continued its President of Turkmenistan, Saparmurat Niyazov, and deployment in Afghanistan. Its offices in Faizabad, with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Boris which is currently under the control of the United Shikhmuradov. Both the Government of China and the Front, as well as those in Herat, Kabul and Kandahar Government of Turkmenistan reiterated their neutral are all now operational and an office in Jalalabad is stand on Afghanistan and their readiness to assist the expected to open shortly. Permission has so far been United Nations in its efforts towards peace. The denied by the Taliban to open an office in the northern Government of Turkmenistan also reiterated its city of Mazar-e-Sharif, where the situation is tense. willingness to assist in bringing the Afghan warring Pending a more permanent arrangement, the Civil parties together and to host further rounds of intra- Affairs Unit will nonetheless attempt to visit the area Afghan talks.
Recommended publications
  • Download Article
    Pakistan’s ‘Mainstreaming’ Jihadis Vinay Kaura, Aparna Pande The emergence of the religious right-wing as a formidable political force in Pakistan seems to be an outcome of direct and indirect patron- age of the dominant military over the years. Ever since the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1947, the military establishment has formed a quasi alliance with the conservative religious elements who define a strongly Islamic identity for the country. The alliance has provided Islamism with regional perspectives and encouraged it to exploit the concept of jihad. This trend found its most obvious man- ifestation through the Afghan War. Due to the centrality of Islam in Pakistan’s national identity, secular leaders and groups find it extreme- ly difficult to create a national consensus against groups that describe themselves as soldiers of Islam. Using two case studies, the article ar- gues that political survival of both the military and the radical Islamist parties is based on their tacit understanding. It contends that without de-radicalisation of jihadis, the efforts to ‘mainstream’ them through the electoral process have huge implications for Pakistan’s political sys- tem as well as for prospects of regional peace. Keywords: Islamist, Jihadist, Red Mosque, Taliban, blasphemy, ISI, TLP, Musharraf, Afghanistan Introduction In the last two decades, the relationship between the Islamic faith and political power has emerged as an interesting field of political anal- ysis. Particularly after the revival of the Taliban and the rise of ISIS, Author. Article. Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 14, no. 4: 51–73.
    [Show full text]
  • HRW World Report 2003: Afghanistan
    Asia Overview/Afghanistan 187 services, and were subject to police harassment or criminalization. People living with HIV/AIDS in Asia whose status became known by others risked not only com- munity harassment, but also being fired by employers or denied treatment in hos- pitals. In China, some uninfected children orphaned by AIDS were reportedly expelled from schools in Henan. The lack of freedom of association in China,Viet- nam, Laos, and elsewhere made it difficult and even dangerous for victims of these abuses to organize openly to aid one another, to educate others about the disease, or to seek redress. AFGHANISTAN 2002 was a landmark year for human rights in Afghanistan. For the first time in over twenty years, Afghans had realistic hopes for stable peace, legitimate gover- nance, increased development assistance, and new respect for human rights norms. At the same time however, ongoing security problems in many parts of the country continued to threaten many Afghans, especially vulnerable populations such as women and girls, orphans, widows, displaced persons, the disabled, and ethnic minorities. The United States-led military campaign against al-Qaeda and the Taliban gov- ernment led to the collapse of the Taliban regime in late November 2001. On December 5, 2001, Afghan representatives in Bonn, Germany, signed an agreement outlining a power sharing arrangement and the plans for the creation of a new con- stitution and democratic government by 2004. A small international peacekeeping force was created to patrol Kabul, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), headed by the United Kingdom and later Turkey. An interim authority, headed by Chairman Hamid Karzai, was sworn in on December 22, 2001, and ruled for six months.
    [Show full text]
  • The Terrorism Trap: the Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror John Akins University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Akins, John, "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5624 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by John Akins entitled "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Krista Wiegand, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Brandon Prins, Gary Uzonyi, Candace White Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America’s War on Terror A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville John Harrison Akins August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by John Harrison Akins All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
    \ WORKING PAPER 6\ 2017 Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: A social movement perspective Katja Mielke \ BICC Nick Miszak \ TLO Joint publication by \ WORKING PAPER 6 \ 2017 MAKING SENSE OF DAESH IN AFGHANISTAN: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT PERSPECTIVE \ K. MIELKE & N. MISZAK SUMMARY So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Kho- rasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan–Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh’s emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions—east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan—during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a long- term transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan–Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • “Poppy Free” Provinces: a Measure Or a Target?
    Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit Case Study Series WATER MANAGEMENT, LIVESTOCK AND THE OPIUM ECONOMY “Poppy Free” Provinces: A Measure or a Target? This report is one of seven multi-site case studies undertaken during the second stage of AREU’s three-year study “Applied Thematic Research into Water Management, Livestock and the Opium Economy” (WOL). David Mansfield Funding for this research was provided by the European Commission. May 2009 Editor: Emily Winterbotham Layout: AREU Publications Team © 2009 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] or by calling (+93)(0)799 608 548. “Poppy Free” Provinces: A Measure or a Target? About the Author David Mansfield is a specialist on development in drugs-producing environments. He has spent 17 years working in coca- and opium-producing countries, with over ten years experience conducting research into the role of opium in rural livelihood strategies in Afghanistan. About the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) is an independent research organisation based in Kabul. AREU’s mission is to conduct high-quality research that informs and influences policy and practice. AREU also actively promotes a culture of research and learning by strengthening analytical capacity in Afghanistan and facilitating reflection and debate. Fundamental to AREU’s vision is that its work should improve Afghan lives.
    [Show full text]
  • 10 Pakistan's Nuclear Program
    10 PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM Laying the groundwork for impunity C. Christine Fair Contemporary analysts of Pakistan’s nuclear program speciously assert that Pakistan began acquiring a nuclear weapons capability after the 1971 war with India in which Pakistan was vivisected. In this conventional account, India’s 1974 nuclear tests gave Pakistan further impetus for its program.1 In fact, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s first popularly elected prime minister, ini- tiated the program in the late 1960s despite considerable opposition from Pakistan’s first military dictator General Ayub Khan (henceforth Ayub). Bhutto presciently began arguing for a nuclear weapons program as early as 1964 when China detonated its nuclear devices at Lop Nor and secured its position as a permanent nuclear weapons state under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Considering China’s test and its defeat of India in the 1962 Sino–Indian war, Bhutto reasoned that India, too, would want to develop a nuclear weapon. He also knew that Pakistan’s civilian nuclear program was far behind India’s, which predated independence in 1947. Notwithstanding these arguments, Ayub opposed acquiring a nuclear weapon both because he believed it would be an expensive misadventure and because he worried that doing so would strain Pakistan’s western alliances, formalized through the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Ayub also thought Pakistan would be able to buy a nuclear weapon “off the shelf” from one of its allies if India acquired one first.2 With the army opposition obstructing him, Bhutto was unable to make any significant nuclear headway until 1972, when Pakistan’s army lay in disgrace after losing East Pakistan in its 1971 war with India.
    [Show full text]
  • AFGHANISTAN South
    AFGHANISTAN Weekly Humanitarian Update (25 – 31 January 2021) KEY FIGURES IDPs IN 2021 (AS OF 31 JANUARY) 3,430 People displaced by conflict (verified) 35,610 Received assistance (including 2020 caseload) NATURAL DISASTERS IN 2020 (AS OF 31 JANUARY) 104,470 Number of people affected by natural disasters Conflict incident UNDOCUMENTED RETURNEES Internal displacement IN 2021 (AS OF 21 JANUARY) 36,496 Disruption of services Returnees from Iran 367 Returnees from Pakistan 0 South: Hundreds of people displaced by ongoing Returnees from other countries fighting in Kandahar province HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE Fighting between Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) and a non-state armed PLAN (HRP) REQUIREMENTS & group (NSAG) continued in Hilmand, Kandahar and Uruzgan provinces. FUNDING In Kandahar, fighting continued mainly in Arghandab, Zheray and Panjwayi 1.28B districts. Ongoing fighting displaced hundreds of people in Kandahar province, but Requirements (US$) – HRP the exact number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) is yet to be confirmed. 2021 Humanitarian actors with coordination of provincial authorities are assessing the needs of IDPs and will provide them with immediate assistance. Farmers and 37.8M agricultural activities continued to be affected by ongoing fighting. All movements 3% funded (US$) in 2021 on the main highway-1 connecting Hilmand to Kandahar provinces reportedly AFGHANISTAN resumed, however improvised explosive devices (IEDs) along the highway HUMANITARIAN FUND (AHF) continue to pose a threat. 2021 In Uruzgan province, clashes between ANSF and an NSAG continued along with the threat of IED attacks in Dehrawud, Gizab and Tirinkot districts. Two civilians 5.72M were reportedly killed and eight others wounded by an IED detonation in Tirinkot Contributions (US$) district.
    [Show full text]
  • 19 October 2020 "Generated on Refers to the Date on Which the User Accessed the List and Not the Last Date of Substantive Update to the List
    Res. 1988 (2011) List The List established and maintained pursuant to Security Council res. 1988 (2011) Generated on: 19 October 2020 "Generated on refers to the date on which the user accessed the list and not the last date of substantive update to the list. Information on the substantive list updates are provided on the Council / Committee’s website." Composition of the List The list consists of the two sections specified below: A. Individuals B. Entities and other groups Information about de-listing may be found at: https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/ombudsperson (for res. 1267) https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/sanctions/delisting (for other Committees) https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/2231/list (for res. 2231) A. Individuals TAi.155 Name: 1: ABDUL AZIZ 2: ABBASIN 3: na 4: na ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯿﻦ :(Name (original script Title: na Designation: na DOB: 1969 POB: Sheykhan Village, Pirkowti Area, Orgun District, Paktika Province, Afghanistan Good quality a.k.a.: Abdul Aziz Mahsud Low quality a.k.a.: na Nationality: na Passport no: na National identification no: na Address: na Listed on: 4 Oct. 2011 (amended on 22 Apr. 2013) Other information: Key commander in the Haqqani Network (TAe.012) under Sirajuddin Jallaloudine Haqqani (TAi.144). Taliban Shadow Governor for Orgun District, Paktika Province as of early 2010. Operated a training camp for non- Afghan fighters in Paktika Province. Has been involved in the transport of weapons to Afghanistan. INTERPOL- UN Security Council Special Notice web link: https://www.interpol.int/en/How-we-work/Notices/View-UN-Notices- Individuals click here TAi.121 Name: 1: AZIZIRAHMAN 2: ABDUL AHAD 3: na 4: na ﻋﺰﯾﺰ اﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎن ﻋﺒﺪ اﻻﺣﺪ :(Name (original script Title: Mr Designation: Third Secretary, Taliban Embassy, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates DOB: 1972 POB: Shega District, Kandahar Province, Afghanistan Good quality a.k.a.: na Low quality a.k.a.: na Nationality: Afghanistan Passport no: na National identification no: Afghan national identification card (tazkira) number 44323 na Address: na Listed on: 25 Jan.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan Security Situation in Nangarhar Province
    Report Afghanistan: The security situation in Nangarhar province Translation provided by the Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons, Belgium. Report Afghanistan: The security situation in Nangarhar province LANDINFO – 13 OCTOBER 2016 1 About Landinfo’s reports The Norwegian Country of Origin Information Centre, Landinfo, is an independent body within the Norwegian Immigration Authorities. Landinfo provides country of origin information to the Norwegian Directorate of Immigration (Utlendingsdirektoratet – UDI), the Immigration Appeals Board (Utlendingsnemnda – UNE) and the Norwegian Ministry of Justice and Public Security. Reports produced by Landinfo are based on information from carefully selected sources. The information is researched and evaluated in accordance with common methodology for processing COI and Landinfo’s internal guidelines on source and information analysis. To ensure balanced reports, efforts are made to obtain information from a wide range of sources. Many of our reports draw on findings and interviews conducted on fact-finding missions. All sources used are referenced. Sources hesitant to provide information to be cited in a public report have retained anonymity. The reports do not provide exhaustive overviews of topics or themes, but cover aspects relevant for the processing of asylum and residency cases. Country of origin information presented in Landinfo’s reports does not contain policy recommendations nor does it reflect official Norwegian views. © Landinfo 2017 The material in this report is covered by copyright law. Any reproduction or publication of this report or any extract thereof other than as permitted by current Norwegian copyright law requires the explicit written consent of Landinfo. For information on all of the reports published by Landinfo, please contact: Landinfo Country of Origin Information Centre Storgata 33A P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghan Opiate Trade 2009.Indb
    ADDICTION, CRIME AND INSURGENCY The transnational threat of Afghan opium UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIME Vienna ADDICTION, CRIME AND INSURGENCY The transnational threat of Afghan opium Copyright © United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), October 2009 Acknowledgements This report was prepared by the UNODC Studies and Threat Analysis Section (STAS), in the framework of the UNODC Trends Monitoring and Analysis Programme/Afghan Opiate Trade sub-Programme, and with the collaboration of the UNODC Country Office in Afghanistan and the UNODC Regional Office for Central Asia. UNODC field offices for East Asia and the Pacific, the Middle East and North Africa, Pakistan, the Russian Federation, Southern Africa, South Asia and South Eastern Europe also provided feedback and support. A number of UNODC colleagues gave valuable inputs and comments, including, in particular, Thomas Pietschmann (Statistics and Surveys Section) who reviewed all the opiate statistics and flow estimates presented in this report. UNODC is grateful to the national and international institutions which shared their knowledge and data with the report team, including, in particular, the Anti Narcotics Force of Pakistan, the Afghan Border Police, the Counter Narcotics Police of Afghanistan and the World Customs Organization. Thanks also go to the staff of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan and of the United Nations Department of Safety and Security, Afghanistan. Report Team Research and report preparation: Hakan Demirbüken (Lead researcher, Afghan
    [Show full text]
  • Lead Inspector General for Operation Freedom's Sentinel April 1, 2021
    OFS REPORT TO CONGRESS FRONT MATTER OPERATION FREEDOM’S SENTINEL LEAD INSPECTOR GENERAL REPORT TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS APRIL 1, 2021–JUNE 30, 2021 FRONT MATTER ABOUT THIS REPORT A 2013 amendment to the Inspector General Act established the Lead Inspector General (Lead IG) framework for oversight of overseas contingency operations and requires that the Lead IG submit quarterly reports to Congress on each active operation. The Chair of the Council of Inspectors General for Integrity and Efficiency designated the DoD Inspector General (IG) as the Lead IG for Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). The DoS IG is the Associate IG for the operation. The USAID IG participates in oversight of the operation. The Offices of Inspector General (OIG) of the DoD, the DoS, and USAID are referred to in this report as the Lead IG agencies. Other partner agencies also contribute to oversight of OFS. The Lead IG agencies collectively carry out the Lead IG statutory responsibilities to: • Develop a joint strategic plan to conduct comprehensive oversight of the operation. • Ensure independent and effective oversight of programs and operations of the U.S. Government in support of the operation through either joint or individual audits, inspections, investigations, and evaluations. • Report quarterly to Congress and the public on the operation and activities of the Lead IG agencies. METHODOLOGY To produce this quarterly report, the Lead IG agencies submit requests for information to the DoD, the DoS, USAID, and other Federal agencies about OFS and related programs. The Lead IG agencies also gather data and information from other sources, including official documents, congressional testimony, policy research organizations, press conferences, think tanks, and media reports.
    [Show full text]
  • The Battle for Pakistan
    ebooksall.com ebooksall.com ebooksall.com SHUJA NAWAZ THE BATTLE F OR PAKISTAN The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighbourhood PENGUIN BOOKS ebooksall.com Contents Important Milestones 2007–19 Abbreviations and Acronyms Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Footnotes Important Milestones 2007–19 Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Select Bibliography ebooksall.com Acknowledgements Follow Penguin Copyright ebooksall.com Advance Praise for the Book ‘An intriguing, comprehensive and compassionate analysis of the dysfunctional relationship between the United States and Pakistan by the premier expert on the Pakistan Army. Shuja Nawaz exposes the misconceptions and contradictions on both sides of one of the most crucial bilateral relations in the world’ —BRUCE RIEDEL, senior fellow and director of the Brookings Intelligence Project, and author of Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America and the Future of the Global Jihad ‘A superb, thoroughly researched account of the complex dynamics that have defined the internal and external realities of Pakistan over the past dozen years.
    [Show full text]