DECLARATION I, Gabriel Shumba, Do Hereby Declare That This Research Is
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Elections in Zimbabwe: the ZANU (PF) Hegemony and Its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe*
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr.j. polit. sci. (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 122-139 Elections in Zimbabwe: The ZANU (PF) Hegemony and its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe* Abstract This contribution seeks to explain the ruling ZANU (PF) party's electoral hege- mony by outlining and analysing Zimbabwe 'sfive general elections since 1979 and the two presidential elections since 1990. In this regard, the paper argues that the ruling party is experiencing a gradual decline in elite cohesion which is manifested in the electoral challenge of independent candidates coming from the ruling party itself. This phenomenon of independent candidates could have far-reaching consequences in overcoming the present state of weak political opposition in Zimbabwe. The paper therefore suggests a scenario in which a viable opposition could come from a splinter group inside the ruling ZANU (PF) itself not unlike the major ZAPU/ZANU split of 1963. Introduction Observers of the Zimbabwe political scene are likely to assume that Zimbabwe was, until the 1990s, a one-party state. This is because for the better part of the 1980s Zimbabwe's political leadership and the ruling party aggressively advo- cated a one-party system. The socialist ideology which the leadership proclaimed during this period also reinforces this view. The fact, however, is that Zimbabwe has never been a one-party state, before or after independence in 1980. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself. -
Oxford Department of International Development Report 2013
OxfOrd department Of internatiOnal develOpment RepoRt 2013 the challenge • two-thirds of humankind live in developing countries, where most of the world’s worst deprivation is located. Understanding these societies is of central importance to any enquiry into the human condition. • International action to reduce poverty, inequality and vulnerability of people and nations must be based on critical yet rigorous knowledge. Universities have a special duty to create and share this. What We can contRIbUte • the six postgraduate programmes and six specialised research groups of the oxford Department of International Development give us unequalled depth of scholarship in key themes of this enquiry. • our interdisciplinary approach has strong roots in oxford faculties (economics, politics, international relations, anthropology, sociology, history, law, geography, management, population health and area studies) and multidisciplinary graduate colleges. • We specialise in academic research and research training, drawing on a worldwide network of partners. We are not constrained by aid agency agendas, and thus can explore new and old problems from a critical standpoint. oUR objectIves • Influencing thetheory, analysis and practice of development worldwide to the benefit of disadvantaged people and countries; supporting international networks and local institutions involved in this endeavour; engaging with the global epistemic community and contested policy agendas. • Worldwide attraction of the best postgraduate students; recruitment of outstanding -
Election Report Text
ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK PROMOTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS IN ZIMBABWE Report on the Harmonised 30 July 2018 Elections ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK ZESN - Promoting Democratic Elections in Zimbabwe Report on the Harmonised 30 July 2018 Elections ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK REPORT ON THE 30 JULY 2018 HARMONISED ELECTIONS ZESN ZESN - Promoting Democratic Elections in Zimbabwe Table of Contents 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 08 2 ABOUT ZESN 13 3 POLITICAL BACKGROUND 14 4 LEGAL FRAMEWORK 15 4.1 Universal and Regional Principles and Commitments 15 4.2 The Constitution 15 4.3 Electoral Act 15 4.4 Electoral System 16 4.5 Code of Conduct 16 4.6 Electoral Court Establishment 17 4.7 Presidential Petition 17 4.8 Legislative Developments 17 4.9 Some Legislative Gaps - Electoral Reform 17 4.10De-Duplication 18 4.11Voters Registration 19 4.12Election Timetable 19 4.13Delimitation 19 5 ELECTION ADMINISTRATION 20 5.1 Structure, Composition and Appointment 20 5.2 Appointment of new ZEC Chairperson 20 5.3 Structure of the Secretariat 20 5.4 Functions of the ZEC 20 5.5 Independence of ZEC 21 5.6 Observers in the 2018 Harmonized Elections 22 5.7 Observers' Accreditation 22 5.8 Postal Voting 23 6 VOTER REGISTRATION 24 6.1 Qualifications for Registration 24 6.2 The Right to Vote 24 6.3 Non- Compliance with Right to Vote 25 6.4 Compliance with the Right to Vote 25 6.5 Biometric Voter Registration (BVR) 25 6.6 Mop-Up Voter Registration Exercise 26 6.7 Inspection of the Voters' Roll 26 6.8 De-duplication Process 27 6.9 Voters' Roll 28 7 ANALYSIS OF THE FINAL -
Elections Election
Republic of Zimbabwe 2018 Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Council (Harmonized) Elections Election Expert Mission Final Report The Carter Center July 2020 2018 Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Council Elections in Zimbabwe Table of Contents Map of the Republic of Zimbabwe ............................................................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 5 The Carter Center in Zimbabwe.................................................................................................................. 10 Historical and Political Background ........................................................................................................... 11 Table 1. Zimbabwe Facts and Figures .................................................................................................... 12 Legal Framework ........................................................................................................................................ 13 Domestic Laws............................................................................................................................................ 14 The Constitution...................................................................................................................................... 14 The Electoral Act ................................................................................................................................... -
Zimbabwe General Elections, 30 July 2018: EU EOM Final Report
European Union Election Observation Mission FINAL REPORT REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE Harmonised Elections 2018 EU EOM ZIMBABWE HARMONISED ELECTIONS 2018 FINAL REPORT OCTOBER 2018 This report contains the findings of the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM) on the Harmonised Elections 2018. The EU EOM is independent from the European Union’s institutions, and therefore this report is not an official position of the European Union. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Executive Summary 1 II. Introduction 4 III. Political Background 4 IV. Legal Framework 5 A. International Principles and Commitments 5 B. The Constitution of Zimbabwe 6 C. Electoral Legislation 6 D. Electoral System and Constituency Delimitation 8 V. Election Administration 9 A. Role and Structure of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 9 B. ZEC Management of the Electoral Process 10 VI. Voter Registration 14 A. The Right to Vote 14 B. Voter Registration 14 VII. Registration of Political Parties and Candidates 17 VIII. The Election Campaign and Pre-Election Environment 19 A. The Election Campaign 19 B. The Pre-Election Environment 20 C. Campaign Finance 23 IX. International and Domestic Election Observation 24 X. Media and Elections 25 A. Media Environment 25 B. Legal Framework for Media 26 C. Media Regulation for the Election Campaign 27 D. EU EOM Media Monitoring 28 XI. Participation of Women 30 XII. Participation of Persons with Disability 31 XIII. Polling, Counting and Collation (Including Postal Voting) 33 A. Postal Voting 33 B. Poll Preparations and Election Day 33 C. Counting at the Polling Station 34 D. The Collation Process 34 XIV. Election Results and Post-Election Environment 35 A. -
Language and Politics in Africa
Language and Politics in Africa Language and Politics in Africa: Contemporary Issues and Critical Perspectives Edited by Daniel Ochieng Orwenjo and John Obiero Ogone Language and Politics in Africa: Contemporary Issues and Critical Perspectives, Edited by Daniel Ochieng Orwenjo and John Obiero Ogone This book first published 2010 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2010 by Daniel Ochieng Orwenjo and John Obiero Ogone and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-2383-X, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-2383-8 This book is dedicated to all those African politicians who live not by politics , but for politics; and to all those linguists who, in their desire to create a semblance of normalcy in our political milieu, are constantly struggling to make us see the difference. TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword ..................................................................................................... x Acknowledgements ..................................................................................xiii Part One: The Language of Politics in Africa ‘Brown Is Saying Nonsensical Things, Much More Idiotic than Blair’: An Analysis of Hate Language in Political Discourse used in Zimbabwe........................................................................................ 2 Rewai Makamani, Polytechnic of Namibia Mugabe’s Graveside Orations: Collective Memory and Nostalgia ........... 26 Jairos Kangira, University of Namibia “Of Shifting Goal-posts and Scoring Own Goals”: Patterns of Metaphorical Language Use in Kenya’s Political Discourse ............... -
REPORT on the EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION to the HARMONISED ELECTIONS in ZIMBABWE (28 July -1 August 2018)
REPORT ON THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION TO THE HARMONISED ELECTIONS IN ZIMBABWE (28 July -1 August 2018) Annexes: A List of participants B Declaration of Mr Norbert Neuser, Chair of the EP Delegation C EU Election Observation Mission Press Release page 1 of 12 INTRODUCTION On 7 June 2018, Parliament’s Conference of Presidents authorised the sending of a delegation to observe the Harmonised elections in Zimbabwe, scheduled for 30 July 2018. The EP Delegation was made up of seven members led by Mr Norbert Neuser (S&D, Germany). The other members were Claudia Schmidt (EPP, Austria), Željana Zovko (EPP, Croatia), Joachim Zeller (EPP, Germany), Neena Gill Cbe (S&D, United Kingdom), Juan Fernando Lopez Aguilar (S&D, Spain), and Jozo Radoš (ALDE, Croatia). The European Parliament delegation carried out its activities in Zimbabwe from 28 July to 1 August 2018. As usual, it was integrated into the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM) - the first one to be deployed to Zimbabwe since 2002. The EOM was present in Zimbabwe from 6 June 2018 and was led by MEP Elmar Brok (EPP, Germany). It comprised some 140 observers (including long- term and short term observers, the EP delegation, as well as diplomats from EU Member States resident in Zimbabwe, plus Canada, Norway and Switzerland). On Election Day, observers visited over 600 polling stations in 154 of the 210 constituencies in all ten provinces of Zimbabwe to observe voting and counting. Other international observer missions were present in Zimbabwe during the election period, namely the African Union (AU), the Commonwealth of Nations, the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), a Joint International Observation Delegation of IRI and NDI, and the Carter Centre. -
The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change a Party of Excellence! the Official Mouthpiece of the MDC
Iz qula enzo u I G ze o n ir z it o a G M u q a j u n l i a h C C h o i r n i t j i a a M M a a i j t i n r i o h C The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change A Party of Excellence! The Official Mouthpiece of the MDC Tuesday 27 September MDC Information & Publicity Department, Harvest House, 44 Nelson Mandela Ave, Harare, Zimbabwe Issue 087 2011 No more dud elections Zambians sent a clear message to SADC that politics of machetes, knobkerries and guns have no place in modern Africa - MDC Three years after the signing of the urgency before any credible poll could systems that protect the safety of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), an SADC and the African Union (AU) be a reality. And, to this end, all parties people. The report was published in international lawyers group says it is should support the reform process must cooperate fully with the efforts Johannesburg at a time when South clear a solution to Zimbabwe’s crisis through technical and financial aid, be of the Southern African Development Africa radically shifted its stance on remains elusive, mainly because of allowed to second monitors and peace Community (SADC) in its attempts to the Zimbabwean crisis, ditching former Zanu PF intransigence and political advisers to the transitional government. finalise a road map to a new Zimbabwe. president Thabo Mbeki’s so-called insincerity. policy of quiet diplomacy. “SADC should further review the The United Nations (UN) and the The influential International Bar existing legislative agenda to identify European Union (EU) should remain At a public meeting organised by Association’s Human Rights Institute GPA reform priorities that have not been actively diplomatically engaged in the Sapes Trust Dialogue, South (IBAHRI) says the environment is addressed, with a focus on enabling supporting and assisting the efforts Africa ambassador to Zimbabwe Vusi gravely polarised and characterised by a conditions for credible elections,” the of SADC and the AU to facilitate Mavimbela said President Jacob Zuma resurgence of Zanu PF violence, arrests, report says. -
Zimbabwe's Elections: a Legitimate Ritual of ZANU PF
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 10 • No. 8 • August 2020 doi:10.30845/ijhss.v10n8p12 Zimbabwe’s Elections: A Legitimate Ritual of ZANU PF Emaculate Mvundura Lecturer in the Department of Humanities Africa University, P O Box 1320, Mutare Zimbabwe Abstract Elections are often thought of as the heart of the political process (Heywood, 2007, p. 247). In principle, elections are mostly viewed as democracy in practice – a means through which the people can control their government and keep it in check. In return, elected leaders will always be conscious of the fact that their stay in power is primarily premised upon their ultimate satisfaction of the electorate who in essence, wield power. In democratic political systems, elections are an important feature of public participation in choosing the individuals and groups that will rule them (Makumbe, 2006, p. 1). However, majority of African countries’ ruling parties mostly hailing from governments led by former liberation movements have mastered and perfected the art of manipulating electoral systems with the primary objective of deceiving the people into believing that they govern themselves. As such, whereas there is absolute defiance of the proper conduct of a free and fair election, authoritarian governments still regard the legitimate stay on power as critical especially power retention attained through an election, regardless of how sham its conduct could be. Such has been the case in Zimbabwe – a state whose electoral history has been marred with violence, electoral fraud, and prolonged stay in power by the ruling party. Under the given circumstances it is challenging to dismiss as inaccurate, assertions that in Zimbabwe just like many African states, elections are still only viewed as a viable means to retain legitimacy of the otherwise illegitimate authoritarian regimes. -
Elections in Zimbabwe July 31 General Elections
Elections in Zimbabwe July 31 General Elections Frequently Asked Questions Africa International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, D.C. 20006 | www.IFES.org July 25, 2013 Frequently Asked Questions Why is the July 31 election in Zimbabwe significant?................................................................................... 4 Why was a power-sharing arrangement in place before this election? ....................................................... 4 When did the constitutional referendum process take place and what were the results? ......................... 5 What sets the new constitution apart from the old one? ............................................................................ 6 Under the new constitution, what institution has the mandate to carry out the country’s elections? ...... 6 What are Zimbabwe’s treaty obligations related to holding democratic elections? ................................... 6 What elections are taking place on July 31? ................................................................................................. 7 What is the structure of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission? .................................................................. 7 How were the Zimbabwe Electoral Commissioners chosen? ....................................................................... 7 How many poll workers are employed by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission? ...................................... 8 Does Zimbabwe have an electoral law that governs the details of the -
Like Most Other Former Colonies, Zimbabwe, at Independence, Inherited a Racially Determined Socio-Economic System
POLITICAL CONTEXT: ZIMBABWE Introduction: A historical overview: Like most other former colonies, Zimbabwe, at Independence, inherited a racially determined socio-economic system. Indeed, the political climate during the colonial period was akin to South Africa‟s apartheid, except that in the then Rhodesia it was called “separate development.” British colonial administration in Rhodesia had ensured that there were separate schools, clinics, hospitals and other social amenities for whites and blacks. This obviously irked the majority black population, who had also lost most of their fertile land and livestock to the white colonists. The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, comprising Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Nyasaland (Malawi), and Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), broke up in 1963. Both Malawi and Zambia attained national independence from Britain in 1964, while the settler community in Rhodesia remained under the control of the imperial British government for a further year and a half. The view of the white settlers in Rhodesia was that those African countries that were becoming independent were essentially also turning to communism as the primary ideology. There was therefore a determination to resist communism and keep Rhodesia firmly in the western capitalist camp. To protect their privileged status in Rhodesia, white settlers resorted to drastic measures. Desperate to keep the majority blacks under their rule, white Rhodesians formed a political party, the Rhodesia Front (RF), which was led by Ian Douglas Smith, who became the Prime Minister of Rhodesia in 1964. On 11 November 1965, Smith made the infamous Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), purportedly to end British rule in Rhodesia. It is necessary to point out that UDI was also aimed at thwarting black Africans‟ demand for black majority rule in Zimbabwe.