Elections in Zimbabwe July 31 General Elections
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Nuzr 1 9 6 7 0 3
V V TH E HU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper. ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT EDITORIAL MARCH 25, 1967 NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
UC Santa Barbara Dissertation Template
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Iron Mothers and Warrior Lovers: Intimacy, Power, and the State in the Nyiginya Kingdom, 1796-1913 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Sarah Elizabeth Watkins Committee in charge: Professor Stephan F. Miescher, Chair Professor Mhoze Chikowero Professor Erika Rappaport Professor Leila Rupp June 2014 The dissertation of Sarah E. Watkins is approved. _____________________________________________ Mhoze Chikowero _____________________________________________ Erika Rappaport ____________________________________________ Leila Rupp ____________________________________________ Stephan F. Miescher, Committee Chair May 2014 Iron Mothers and Warrior Lovers: Intimacy, Power, and the State in the Nyiginya Kingdom, 1796-1913 Copyright © 2014 by Sarah Elizabeth Watkins iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS While responsibility for the end result of this work rests with me, its creation would not have been possible without the support and dedication of many others. For their intellectual and moral support through the preparation and writing of this dissertation, I want to thank Stephan Miescher, my advisor, and Mhoze Chikowero, Erika Rappaport, and Leila Rupp, for agreeing to shepherd me through this process. Writing a dissertation can be excruciating, but having such a supportive and engaged committee makes all the difference. For their mentorship during my research and writing in Rwanda, I want to thank David Newbury, Catharine Newbury, Rose-Marie Mukarutabana, Bernard Rutikanga, and Jennie Burnet, as well as the Faculty of History at the National University of Rwanda. Their insights have sharpened my analysis, and consistently challenged me to engage more deeply with the sources, as well as to consider the broader context of the stories with which I am so fascinated. -
Elections in Zimbabwe: the ZANU (PF) Hegemony and Its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe*
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr.j. polit. sci. (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 122-139 Elections in Zimbabwe: The ZANU (PF) Hegemony and its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe* Abstract This contribution seeks to explain the ruling ZANU (PF) party's electoral hege- mony by outlining and analysing Zimbabwe 'sfive general elections since 1979 and the two presidential elections since 1990. In this regard, the paper argues that the ruling party is experiencing a gradual decline in elite cohesion which is manifested in the electoral challenge of independent candidates coming from the ruling party itself. This phenomenon of independent candidates could have far-reaching consequences in overcoming the present state of weak political opposition in Zimbabwe. The paper therefore suggests a scenario in which a viable opposition could come from a splinter group inside the ruling ZANU (PF) itself not unlike the major ZAPU/ZANU split of 1963. Introduction Observers of the Zimbabwe political scene are likely to assume that Zimbabwe was, until the 1990s, a one-party state. This is because for the better part of the 1980s Zimbabwe's political leadership and the ruling party aggressively advo- cated a one-party system. The socialist ideology which the leadership proclaimed during this period also reinforces this view. The fact, however, is that Zimbabwe has never been a one-party state, before or after independence in 1980. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
Zimbabwe: the Transitional Government and Implications for US
Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs October 27, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34509 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary The U.S. government, which has expressed concerns regarding the rule of law in Zimbabwe for over a decade and which has long been critical of President Robert Mugabe, has been cautious in its engagement with the country’s three-year-old power-sharing government. That government, which includes members of the former opposition, has improved economic and humanitarian conditions during its ongoing transitional rule. However, significant concerns about the country’s political future remain. Zimbabwe’s March 2008 elections resulted in the party of long-serving President Mugabe losing its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai received more votes than Mugabe in the presidential race, but fell short of the needed margin for victory. Tsvangirai later withdrew his name from the ballot days before the required runoff, amid widespread political violence. Mugabe was thus declared the winner. In September 2008, after weeks of negotiations, Tsvangirai and Mugabe reached an agreement to form a unity government, with Mugabe remaining head of state. Tsvangirai became prime minister and cabinet and gubernatorial positions were divided among the parties. Disputes delayed implementation of the agreement until February 2009, when members of the opposition were sworn in alongside former rivals as ministers in a new government. The parties to the power-sharing agreement have faced significant challenges in working together to promote political reconciliation and in addressing serious economic and humanitarian needs. -
Oxford Department of International Development Report 2013
OxfOrd department Of internatiOnal develOpment RepoRt 2013 the challenge • two-thirds of humankind live in developing countries, where most of the world’s worst deprivation is located. Understanding these societies is of central importance to any enquiry into the human condition. • International action to reduce poverty, inequality and vulnerability of people and nations must be based on critical yet rigorous knowledge. Universities have a special duty to create and share this. What We can contRIbUte • the six postgraduate programmes and six specialised research groups of the oxford Department of International Development give us unequalled depth of scholarship in key themes of this enquiry. • our interdisciplinary approach has strong roots in oxford faculties (economics, politics, international relations, anthropology, sociology, history, law, geography, management, population health and area studies) and multidisciplinary graduate colleges. • We specialise in academic research and research training, drawing on a worldwide network of partners. We are not constrained by aid agency agendas, and thus can explore new and old problems from a critical standpoint. oUR objectIves • Influencing thetheory, analysis and practice of development worldwide to the benefit of disadvantaged people and countries; supporting international networks and local institutions involved in this endeavour; engaging with the global epistemic community and contested policy agendas. • Worldwide attraction of the best postgraduate students; recruitment of outstanding -
Former President of a Former Colony
Former President of a Former Colony How The Guardian reported on the final events leading to Robert Mugabe’s resignation COURSE: International Communication Master Degree Project, 15 hp PROGRAMME: International Communication AUTHOR: Henric Lindholm TUTOR: Anders Svensson SEMESTER: VT 18 JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY Master thesis, 15 credits School of Education and Communication Course: International Communication Master Degree Box 1026, SE-551 11 Jönköping, Sweden Project +46 (0)36 101000 Term: Spring 2018 ABSTRACT Writer: Henric Lindholm Title: Former President of a Former Colony Subtitle: How The Guardian reported on the final events leading to Robert Mugabe’s resignation Language: English Pages: 52 During the month of November 2017, the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe was taken into custody by Zimbabwe’s military. This was a move in order to shift the governmental power after which Mugabe after almost 40 years as President of Zimbabwe resigned from his post. The thesis contains a Critical Discourse Analysis of articles published by one of the world’s great newspapers during this shift of power. The newspaper analysed is the British newspaper The Guardian. The analysis studied which characters and major topics are represented in the articles and how they are represented to see what fits inside The Guardian’s news reporting on the final events in the shift of power in Zimbabwe. In order to find these discursive attributes, pictures linked to the articles were analysed, the context in which the events happened as well as the discourse used in the articles from a perspective of orientalism, post-colonialism and ideology. Other theoretical aspects used are framing, representation and Critical Discourse Studies. -
Election Report Text
ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK PROMOTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS IN ZIMBABWE Report on the Harmonised 30 July 2018 Elections ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK ZESN - Promoting Democratic Elections in Zimbabwe Report on the Harmonised 30 July 2018 Elections ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK REPORT ON THE 30 JULY 2018 HARMONISED ELECTIONS ZESN ZESN - Promoting Democratic Elections in Zimbabwe Table of Contents 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 08 2 ABOUT ZESN 13 3 POLITICAL BACKGROUND 14 4 LEGAL FRAMEWORK 15 4.1 Universal and Regional Principles and Commitments 15 4.2 The Constitution 15 4.3 Electoral Act 15 4.4 Electoral System 16 4.5 Code of Conduct 16 4.6 Electoral Court Establishment 17 4.7 Presidential Petition 17 4.8 Legislative Developments 17 4.9 Some Legislative Gaps - Electoral Reform 17 4.10De-Duplication 18 4.11Voters Registration 19 4.12Election Timetable 19 4.13Delimitation 19 5 ELECTION ADMINISTRATION 20 5.1 Structure, Composition and Appointment 20 5.2 Appointment of new ZEC Chairperson 20 5.3 Structure of the Secretariat 20 5.4 Functions of the ZEC 20 5.5 Independence of ZEC 21 5.6 Observers in the 2018 Harmonized Elections 22 5.7 Observers' Accreditation 22 5.8 Postal Voting 23 6 VOTER REGISTRATION 24 6.1 Qualifications for Registration 24 6.2 The Right to Vote 24 6.3 Non- Compliance with Right to Vote 25 6.4 Compliance with the Right to Vote 25 6.5 Biometric Voter Registration (BVR) 25 6.6 Mop-Up Voter Registration Exercise 26 6.7 Inspection of the Voters' Roll 26 6.8 De-duplication Process 27 6.9 Voters' Roll 28 7 ANALYSIS OF THE FINAL -
Elections Election
Republic of Zimbabwe 2018 Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Council (Harmonized) Elections Election Expert Mission Final Report The Carter Center July 2020 2018 Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Council Elections in Zimbabwe Table of Contents Map of the Republic of Zimbabwe ............................................................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 5 The Carter Center in Zimbabwe.................................................................................................................. 10 Historical and Political Background ........................................................................................................... 11 Table 1. Zimbabwe Facts and Figures .................................................................................................... 12 Legal Framework ........................................................................................................................................ 13 Domestic Laws............................................................................................................................................ 14 The Constitution...................................................................................................................................... 14 The Electoral Act ...................................................................................................................................