CALIFORNIA STATE u'NIVERSITY, NOR'rHRIDGE

IZCUCH.P~CA: QUECHUA WOMEN AND MALE HIGRATION

IN A PERUVIAN PUEBLO

A thesis submitted in partial s~tisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Anthropology

by

Gisele Maynard Tucker

May, 1982 The Thesis of Gisele Maynard Tucker is approved:

Carol Mackey~person

California State University, Northridge

ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Since my first visit to Cuzco, Peru, in 1977, I have wished to study the lives-of- the-Quechua Indian women.

This project therefore evolved with the financial assis­ tance and understanding of my husband Edward Tucker, as well as with encouragement from the members of my Master's thesis comrn.ittee.

I wish to acknowledge the strong support of Dr. Carol

Mackey, the pertinent advice of Dr. Douglas Sharon, and the patient guidance throughout the writing of this work of Dr. David Hayano.

Finally, special acknowledgments must be made to my co~~dres of Izcuchaca for accepting me into their lives and helping me during my two seasons of field work.

iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii

LIST OF TABLES vi

LIST OF NAPS vii

LIST OF PLATES . . viii

ABS'l'RACT ix

l. INTRODUCTION l

The Quechua Indians in a Modern World . l Cuzco: An Urban Center in the Andes . . . 2 Modernization and Land Shortage . . . • 5 Purpose and Hypotheses ...... 6 Notes to Chapter 1 ...... 9

2. SOME SPECIFIC STUDIES ON MALE MIGRATON AND THE QUECHUA SOCIETY . . . . • . . 10

Male Migration and Its Consequences . 10 Ethnographic Studies on the Quechua Indians ...... ll Andean Women ...... 12 Methodology ...... 14 Notes to Chapter 2 ...... 19

3. 'l'HE QUECHUAS' LOCATION AND SOCIETY 20

Physical Environment ...... • . 20 Quechua Peasants: Ethnographic Background ...... 21 Izcuchaca; The Field Location ...... 27 Notes to Chapter 3 . . . • • 31

4. 'rHE ACTIVI'riES OF MEN AND WOMEN IN IZCUCHACA ...... •.. 32

Why Men Migrate from the Village 32 Nomen's Daily Activities .... .34

iv Chapter Page

Women's Marital Position ...... 39 Notes to Chapter 4 . • • • • • • • • • 42

5. SOME SOCIOECONOMIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN •rwo GROUPS OF I ZCUCHACAN WOMEN . . . . 43

Women Married to Nonmigrant Husbands . 43 Women Married to Migrant Husbands 46 Sununary ...... 50 Notes to Chapter 5 • . • • . • . 53

6. PRESENT-DAY CUSTOMS IN IZCUCHACA . 54

Vanishing Traditions .... 54 Modernity and New Values . . . . 55 Notes to Chapter 6 • • • • • 60

7. CONCLUSIONS 61

Final Prospect: National Integration 61 Summary . . . 63

REFERENCES CITED 66

APPENDIX 74

v LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

I. Characteristics of the Four Social Levels of the National Culture . 4 II. Socioeconomic Differences between the Two Groups of Women 44

III. Some Characteristics of Izcuchacan Women 49

vi LIST OF MAPS

Map Page

I. Izcuchaca and Surrounding Area . . 15

II. Anta-Izcuchaca Plan 28

vii LIST OF PLATES

Pla_te Page

I. Woman Selling Fried Pork at the Control 18

II. Woman Peeling Potatoes for Soup to be

Sold ...... 41 • • • 35

viii ABS'l'RACT

IZCUCr~CA: QUECHUA WOMEN AND MALE MIGRATION

IN A PERUVIAN PUEBLO

by

Gisele Maynard Tucker

Master of Arts in Anthropology

The Quechua-speaking I~dians of the Peruvian Andes

live at high altitudes, from 7,000 to 12,000 feet above

sea level, in $mall agricultural communities. The object

of this thesis is to study the socioeconomic changes which

impinge upon ·their traditional existence. For that. pur­

pose I examine the lives of a small group of married

Quechua women in a village near Cuzco as they are affected

by their husbands' wage-labor migration.

During the last few decades in the Peruvian highlands,

traditional societies have undergone many changes due to

"modernizat.ion." For example, most purchases are made with the use of cash instead of barter. Parents emphasize

formal education for their children and modern commodities

ix are sought. These socioeconomic changes have created an irreversible impact upon the Quechua. Indians' traditions and life-style. Within these small villages one of the major determinants of change has been the steady exodus of

Indian peasants to the main urban centers in search of a

"better life," and the increased season~l and cyclic migration of male villagers in quest of wage-labor outside their communities.

This study compares one group of women married to migrant husbands to another group of women whose husbands are nonmigratorial, and focuses on their respective socio­ economic adjustments to their husbands' wage-labor migration.

Results reveal an expansion of women's activities through their growing participation in the household economy for the group of women living with migrant spouses, though both groups of women display a diminishing adherence to traditional customs and the greater .accept­ ance of Westernized values.

X Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

The Quechua Indians in a Modern World

Since the conquest of Peru by the Spanish explorer

Pizarro and his small army in 1532, the ~ndean highlanders have been isolated from the rest of the country for about four centuries. This isolation is attributed to the phy­ sical proportions of the Peruvian Andes. High mountRins, cliffs, escarpments, and deep valleys have increased the b~practicability of road construction. In addition, the sparse distribution of the rural settlements, the specialized human adaptation to the harsh ecological set­ ting, and the self-sufficient agricultural subsistence have kept the Quechua Indian communi~ies autonomous but. marginal to the national culture. Van den Berghe (1977) not·es that "Up to 190 7 when the railroad "''ras f .inished

Cuzco was still isolated as it had been in colonial days.

In the early 1900s a trip to Lima took two months on horseback" (p. 61} .

From 1919 ·to 19 30, the Augusto Leguia CJOvernment reorganized the country's industrial development. This autocratic centralized administration increased control of the provinces by bet.ter ways of communica·U..on and trans-

1 2

portation. Coincidental with the breakthrough in communi- cations was the development of the capitalistic system which led to the industrialized and urban growth of the

Peruvian coastal region. At that time communications were opened between the highlands and the lowlands (Van den

Berghe 1977:60-61). Consequently, the indigenous popula- tion of the sierra (the highlands) was confronted with twentieth-century modern technology, urbanization, indus- trialization, and monetization. Since then, the Quechua

Indians have attempted to adjust to the diffusion of modern ways of living by revaluating and modifying their traditional life style, customs and values.

Cuzco: An Urban Center in the Andes

Cuzco is located high in the Southern Peruvian Andes.

·remperatures range from 40 to 70 degrees F. during the day and drop to below freezing at night. Situated ~t 11,500 feet above sea level, this town serves as the main urban center for the region. It has a population of approxi- mately 100,000 inhabitants.

During the Inca empire, Cuzco, with its numerous

·temples and well-regimented administration, vJas the pinnacle of the Peruvian civilization. However, the Inca capital was taken by Pizarro and his men in 1533, and today ruins and monuments of this historical city testify to the conquest by the Spanish army. In the center of the 3

town, buildings juxtapose Inca and Spanish cultures, and

one can see that many colonial houses adorned with carved

wood balconies were built on Inca wall foundations.

Because of its history and its vicinity to Machu

Picchu, Cuzco is now one of the main tourist attractions

for world travelers. An expanding urban center, this town

displays numerous markets, hotels, and restaurantsi it

also provides a large network of regional and inter-

national transportation. The local population is

descended from a mixed Incaic and Spanish heritage, and

most are bilingual in Quechua and Spanish. Around Cuzco

itself, subsistence production is adapted to the high

al t.it.udes. Peasants grow corn, potatoes, and barley

depending on rain or drought, often using tools dating

from the Inca period.

In small villages around Cuzco, each ranging from a

few hundred to a few thousand inhabi t.ants, Quechua campe­ 1 si!lo~ (Indian peasants) (see Table I) subsist on agri- cultural and pastoral activities. Most women wear

traditional regional costumes, and many campesinos chew

coca (e!-:::t!.:..hroxylon coca). Usually men cultivate the

fields daily while women tend to the small animals (pigs,

chickens, guinea pigs), and care for their family. Life

is hard because of the lack of modern agricultural tech­ nology and the scarcity of household conunodities. A man

spends more than eight hours daily plowing his field with a ~h~kitai~la (Inca hoe) while a woman averages a working 4

TABLE I

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOUR SOCIAL LEVELS OF THE NATIONAL CULTURE

Lowest Level: Quechua Indians (campesinos) Extended family Agricultural subsistence Coca chewing Pagan and Catholic beliefs Quechua speaking Illiterate Regional Costumes Country dwelling

Transitional Level: Cholos Nuclear family Agricultural and unskilled jobs Coca chewing (irregular) Catholic and pagan beliefs Quechua and Spanish speaking Semi-literate Regional and western clothing Country and urban dwelling

National Integration: Mestizos Nuclear family Middle-class professionsa Catholic Spanish speaking Literate Western clothing Urban dwelling

Elite: Blancos Nuclear family High class professionsb Catholic Multilingual High educa·tion Fashionable clothing Lima dwelling

aPolice and military careers, teachers, office clerks, merchants.

bindustrials, politicians, doctors, dentists, business men. 5

day of 12 hours peeling potatoes, cooking, washing, and

taking care of her children.

Modernization and Land Shortage

During the last few decades, "modernization," that

is, the use of cash, the knowledge of Spanish, literacy,

the adoption of modern commodities and values, and the

use of the radio, has infiltrated the Quechuas' life and

altered many centuries-old traditions. For instance,

barter between peasants at marketplaces is no longer the main way to acquire vital necessities; money is now widely

preferred for most purchases (Adams 1959:137; Bourricaud

1962:43; Guillet 1980:157; Miller 1970:173). Formal

schooling and the learning of Spanish are encouraged for

children, and through the wide diffusion of the radio the

Quechuas have become aware of more urban and diversified

life·-styles.

Despite these changes, modernization does not seem

to have improved traditional agricultural techniques.

C:cop yield remains minimal because of archaic irrigation

syst2ms and inefficient technology (Bourricaud 1962:181;

Matos Mar 1961:173; Nurlez del Prado 1965:114). Small

farmers do not receive financial aid from governmental agencies or private loans from banks to improve their

farming techniques because of their lack of assets (Mon­ toya Rojas 1967:88). During the numerous but ineffective l~nd reforms (Harding 1975:220-253), the hacienda lands 6

were parceled poorly by government officials, and in some cases individual plots have to be worked by hand because there is no access to the fields for mechanical vehicles.

In the -~_ie~ra, the national ·census of 1975 estimated the mean number of children for each woman at 6.9 (Boletin

Demogra~ico 23:16), but the land-rnan ratio in the Depart­ ment of Cuzco is only 0. 08 compared ·to 0 . .54 of a hectare on the coast (Paulson 1971:108). Hence, land resources ar.e not adequate any longer for the subsistence of the indigenous population. Moreover, in the 1950's expanding industries, urban development, land shortage, improved roads and transportation, have caused a mass migration of c~~pe~~n~~ to the major cities (Dew 1969; Handelman 1975;

Lewellen 19781 Matos Mar 1~61; Montoya Rojas 1967; Myers

1973; Miller 1970; Valdivia Ponce 1970). For the Quechua

Indian families who choose to remain in ·their communities, the need for cash in order to buy food, clothing, and household commodities has forced some of the men to leave behind t.heir wives and children and migrate to distant urban centers in search of seasonal wage labor.

Purpose and Hypotheses

The goal of this study is to examine the effects of male temporal labor migration on the life of their wives in Izcuchaca, a small village near Cuzco. This work is based on tvm seasons of fieldwork conducted during the summers of 1980 and 1981. Data were gathered primarily 7

by participant observation and structured interviews. In

this study I hope to demonstrate that Quechua Indian women

play a vital role within the family and the society. Fur­

thermore, I wish to show that any socioeconomic change

which affects the society at large bonds itself in the

living habits of a family and disrupts customs and values,

thus altering the transmission of cultural knowledge

between parents and children. Finally, I hope to illus­

trate some of the more pervasive problems of adjustment to

modernization which are encountered by the indigenous

peoples of the Peruvian highlands.

More precisely, I examine women's household tasks

and their extra-domestic activities relating to their

economic comrnitment to the household. I also inquire

about their attitudes toward the conservation of tradi­

tional customs and their acceptance of Westernized values.

In doing so this thesis investigates the following

hypotheses: Women who are married to migrant husbands,

in contrast to women whose husbands are present in the

village, will show:

1. An increase in economic participation in the

household.

2. An increase in the adceptance of new values

related to modernization.

I have organized the thesis in seven chapters.

Chapter Two introduces a review of anthropological studies

upon which this work is based, and gives a description of 8

data collection techniques. Chapter Three examines the

Andean ecological zone and describes the ethnographic

background of the traditional Quechua communities and the

village of Izcuchaca. Chapter Four points out the reasons

for the wage-labor migration and its consequences and

depicts the daily activities of the women, along with

their "marital position." Chapter Five offers a statisti­

cal analysis of the answers to the inquiry formulated by

the group of women married to migratorial spouses and the

group of women married to husbands present in the village.

Chapter Six discusses the reasons for the vanishing tradi­

tions and the unanimous acceptance of Westernized values.

Chapter Seven, the concluding chapter, places the Quechua

India.ns' problems in compa:r:ative perspective to most traditional societies in the world today and predicates their national integration along with the importance of

Izcuchacan women's roles as socializers and cultural transmitters. 9

Notes to Chapter 1

1 The modern Indian is called carnpesino (peasant) by decree of the revolutionary government in 1968 (Paulson 1971:10). In Peru, Indians occupy the lowest social level (see Table I) and "Indianness" is associated with strong social and cultural prejudices. Chapter 2

SONE SPECIFIC STUDIES ON MALE MIGRATION

AND THE QUECHUA SOCIETY

Today, through the powerful forces of diffusion, transportation, radio, film, television, and the press, t~he most isolated rural societies in the vlorld have come

.into contact with modern technology, commodities, and monetization. Foster (1962) states explicitly that

"Economic factors should receive extensive treatment for they seem to set an absolute limit to change" (p. 60) .

Indeed, economic stress in .rural areas seems to be the basis for the rapid transformation of traditional socie­ ties in the world today and contributes to the institu­ tionalization of labor migration from countryside to city.

Male Migration and Its Consequences

~"I'his selection of works shows the socioeconomic im.pact of men's cash labor migration worldwide. For example, in

Highland Papua New Guinea, Awa women's roles are shifting towards g.reater autonomy because of heavy male migration out of the village and the women's greater involvement in coffee production (Hayano 1979) . In South Africa, among the Zulu tribal people male migration has upset the social

10 11

customs of marriage and the Zulu ancestral cosmology, resulting in the women's psychological fear of being cursed while giving birth (Sibisi 1977). In West Africa,

Sudarkasa. (1977) noted that tribal customs are vanishing because of economic stress and the movement by the men with their first spouses to the city in search of work, leaving their second and third wives behind with their kinsmen. In fact, in Mina, Mexico, the emergence of matrifocal households due to the absence of males for wage-labor reasons has resulted in an organized group of women and the election of a woman mayor (Olson 1974) .

Finally, in Chan Kom, Mexico, Elmendorf (1976) and Miller

(1981) reported that the building of a road from Chan Kom to the main highway, which facilitates urban contact and male migratory exodus has brought irreversible changes in the life of the villagers and particularly in women's tra- ditional marriage patterns.

Ethnographic Studies on the Quechua Indians

In Peru, ethnographic work on the Quechua Indians dealing with shamanism, the life cycle, customs and tradi- tions, can be found extensively in the works of Bolton

(1973,1977,1979), Dobyns (1963,1971), Doughty (1968),

Flores Ochoa (1979), Gifford and Hoggarth (1976), Isbell

(1979), Mackey (1970), Mangin (1964,1970,1971), Nufiez del

Prado (1965, 1973), Sharon (1978), Van den Berghe and 12

Primov (1977), and others. In addition, the repercus­ sions of social change on highland communities and people have been analyzed by Adams (1959) and Bourricaud (1962).

In the 1950's the Vices project launched by Cornell

University tested a plan for the .int.roduction of guided change in small ~~_!l.mnidades camp~~inas (agrarian commu­ nities) (Dobyns, Doughty and Laswell 19 71) . Shortly afterward, Kuyo Chico was the focus of a tentative study of applied change described by Nunez del Prado (1973).

The alteration in Northern Andean haciendas' working force and the subsequent male migrations to the coast in search of wage labor was analyzed by Hiller (1970). Meanwhile, the exodus of an overwhelming number of highland peasants to the cities, mostly to the barriadas (squatter settle­ ments} of Lima, became the focal study of Valdivia Ponce

(1970), who found that individuals often suffer from psychological shock when they settle in city life. Fur­ thermore, several specific studies have analyzed.and discussed the reasons for individual migration and the socioeconomic, linguistic, and psychological problems arising r.·.;hen highlanders reside in the slums of the capi-· tal (Mangin 1964; Matos Mar 1961; Montoya Rojas 1967;

Myers 1973; Patch 1961; Preston 1969}.

Andean Women

In the few works published specifically on Quechua rural women, Derre (1975} has analyzed the effect of 13

capitalism upon different groups of rural women near Caja­

marca (Peru), and concluded that their socioeconomic

position had not improved from the hacienda era. In 1973

Smith examined the abuse and urban problems encountered by

the Quechua women who migrate to Lima in search of domestic

labor. Finally, Bourque and Warren (1979) have written an

important work on the subordination of Andean women. In

this study the authors have traced the reasons for women's

sexual repression to the social, political, and economic 1 institutions of the national Peruvian society.

In addition to the studies cited above, two contrast­

ing perspectives on the status of rural women have been

expressed. The first (Nunez del Prado Bejar 1975) states

that the rural woman's power in decision making and her

covert role are valued because of her administrative

skills in the family's production. The other (Salles and

Martinez 1978) argues that because rural women are not

themselves aware of the import.ance of their role, they are

more inclined to perpetuate their submissive and exploited

posi·tion within the family. In relation to the last

statement, I have witnessed in Izcuchaca that women's

inclination to submissiveness has been disrupted by their

forced financial participation in the household and the

emerging consciousness of their abilities. However, I am

not stating that Izcuchacan women feel as "liberated" as women in the Western world, only that they are now more

aware of their social position and are beginning to 14

question it. 2

The reason that motivated me to study the role of

Izcuchacan women was the obvious lack of ethnographic data

on Quechua Indian women within the general literature,

with the exception of the recent valuable analysis of

Bourque and h'arren (1979). It is my hope that this study

will contribute to an expansion of our knowledge of Andean

women's role, social position, and ideology as they answer

this inquiry about their life, values, and aspirations.

Presently, very little is known about either the campe­

.?i~' adjustments to imposed social change or to their

husbands' absence on migratory wage-labor. Although

Andean v10men play an important role as socializers and as

nurturers, their work is rarely seen to be as efficient,

mobile, or lucrative as the men's. Moreover, women are

the major transmitters of social rules and traditions due

to their constant interaction with children from birth to

adolescence (Dinnerstein 1976; Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974).

Consequently, any alterations of their social chores

imposed by socioeconomic processes of change should become

apparent in their life routine.

Methodology

This study is based primarily on field work conducted

in Izcuchaca during the summers of 1980 and 1981 (see

Map I) . A.l though I have been studying the Quechua lan­

guage for four years, differences in regional dialects 15

lzcuchaca and Surrounding Area

0LL.ANTAYTAA180

location of mapped area ~---

I,. 0 18km

Map I 16

compelled me to perform my field work with a bilingual

Quechua-Spanish interpreter. In 1980 I lived in Cuzco and

commu·ted daily by bus (a distance of 25 km.) because of the

scarcity of lodging facilities in the pueblo {village).

However, during the summer of 1981 I was able to rent a

room from one of my informants, a woman who often lives

alone with her seven children while her husband migrates

regularly to their fields in Quillabamba (about 100

kilometers away) .

The selection of Upis {a section of Izcuchaca situ­

ated at the entrance of the village) was suggested to me

by the villagers themselves. During the surveys of the

compounds with my informant, I asked for volunteers. Not

all vmmen agreed to participate; refusals were explained

on the grounds of not having time or being suspicious

about the interview. Some refused because they were

unable to obtain their husband's permission. Nevertheless,

two groups of 15 women each {between 18 and 46 years of

age) were interviewed in Upis and in its vicinity. The

first group was represented by women whose husbands mig-rate for wage--labor; the second group was composed of women whose husbands have never migrated.

A 30-item questionnaire was prepared in Quechua and

Spanish. Questions were tested and slightly altered

during the initial period of field work in order to trans­

late them into Spanish and Quechua so that the informants would respond readily. Formal interviews were conducted 17

inside or outside the compounds, and were tape recorded

with consent. The questions concerned the daily activi-

ties of the women, their economic participation, and their

family responsibilities. The women also freely expressed

themselves about the preservation of traditional rituals along with their wishes for the future of their children.

In addition, I spent days observing them in their routine activities in their compounds, at the marketplace, and 3 particularly at the Co~trol (see Plate I) . 18

H 19

Notes to Chapter 2

1see also the ethnographic film Andean Women (1975) on the Bol.ivian Aymara Indians made for the American Uni­ versities Field Staff by Hubert Smith. 2 I fully agree with Bourque and Warren (1979) that women's social repression can be found in all layers of the society and is accentuated by the national institu­ tions. Women's subordinate role is also perpetuated through the informal education given by the mother to her daughters. However, in Izcuchaca, many teenage girls are not following their mothers' roles (daughters are now formally educated and aspire to a different life) . The break of cultural norms is apparent between mothers and daughters, and has forced the women to question their own social position. i . -control is the location where trucks and buses have to sto~ for a formal check by the Guardia civil (national police) (see Van den Berghe 1977:72-73). Passengers' names and cargo are examined. In Izcuchaca it is also the place across from Upis where women gather to sell their produce. Chapter 3

THE QUECHUAS' LOCATION AND SOCIETY

Physical Environment

As one travels through the Andes, two things become apparent by their repetition; the first is the immense variety of the mountain landscape with its multiple altitudinal floors, each char­ ac·terized by different micro-climates and biotic communities. The second is the adaptation of the indigenous population to this landscape. (Brush 1977:1-2)

From Ecuador to Bolivia the Andean chain of mountains is divided into two parallel ranges, the Eastern and

Western Cordilleras. They widen into a third coastal range through Peru. In Peru this mountain range opens up into a large plateau which expands in Bolivia at altitudes between 7,000 and 13,000 feet above sea level. The

Peruvian highland formation is called the altiplano (high plateau), and it is inhabited by a scattered rural popula- tion. The year is divided into two seasons, dry and rainy, the latter occurring from September to May with an average rainfall of 50 to 60 inches (Robinson 1967:288).

In the altiplano the features of the mountains and the lack of well-distributed rainfall make arable land scarce and its productivity minimal. Land is usually terraced because of the steep sloping mountains, and

20 21

irrigation is of primitive form. The most important food

crops are maize, potatoes, and barley, along with guinoa

(Chenopodiwn quinoa) , ocas (Oxalis tuberosa) , peas

(Lathyrus satinus and cicer arietinum) , fava beans

(Phaseolus lunatus), and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris).

Several types of potatoes and maize are also cultivated.

The indigenous fauna of the highlands are the llama

(Lama) , the alpaca (Lama guanicoe pacos) , and the vicuna

(Lama vjcugEa) . Guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) have been

raised as a staple food since the time of the Incas. Fur-

thermore, during the sixteenth century Spaniards brought

their own farm animals, horses, cows, sheep, pigs, don-

keys, and chickens, to Peru. Horses and donkeys transport

both people and loads, lla~as are beasts of burden, sheep

and alpaca produce wool for clothing, and cows, pigs, and

cb.ickens are raised to be part of the food consumption.

Quechua Peasants: Ethnographic Background

Subsistence production and daily activities vary

slightly in different regions of the altiplano. For

ins·tance, in the puna (around 4,000 meters in altitude,

the highest part of the altiplano above timber line)

pastoralism is the main source of life support (Flores

Ochoa 1975). On the other hand, in the lower altitudes,

from 2,000 to 3,000 meters, people subsist mostly from agriculture. The following description is a general sum- 22

mary of the social organization of agrarian communities in

the highlands.

The family is patriarchal, and is composed of parents

and offspr_ing and occasionally one or two grandparents.

Endogamous marriage between villagers is preferred because

of the ties to the land (Mishkin 1963:442), and inheritance

is bilateral. At first the residence of the newlyweds is

patrilocal and later it becomes neolocal. Bride service is

not required and marriage between cousins is prohibited

(Stein 1961:121).

Young people usually marry around 20 years of age.

Sexual promiscuity is permissible and marriage is performed

on a trial basis (sirvinakuy, convivenci~), that is, no

legal or religious ceremonies sanctify the union, couples

simply set up house together. Later on, if they wish they

might complete their union with the traditional marriage

ceremony (see "Bolton 1977). However, this ceremony is not

mandatory and a trial marriage has the same value as a

legal union for the villagers. Children are desired, and

an infant spends his first months in the environment of

his mother and siblings. From an early age parents empha­

size work, responsibility, and sexual division of labor.

At the age of three or four a child is already assigned

. small household tasks (Bourricaud 1962:155; Mishkin 1963:

258; Stein 1961:159). Six- or seven-year-old children are

fully trained in their customary tasks. Boys learn the

basics of agriculture or herding from their fathers. 23

Mothers teach their daughters to weave and spin, and the domestic chores of cooking, washing, and taking care of younger siblings.

Women spend their days informally educating their children and performing domestic activities. They prepare food, cook, wash, and tend the compound animals. Between these chores women shave the wool from sheep or alpaca hides and spin in order to weave or knit garments for their families. Women organize the hous'ehold resources for the yearly repartition, and also buy or barter on a small scale food products for commodities and necessities of life at local markets.

During the planting and harvesting seasons women and children help the men with agricultural work. In some regions the task of women is to sow the fields; in other regions they break earth clods behind maJ.e plowers during the !'_Cil?._~ (the turning of the earth in preparation for the planting season). It is said that, while working, women's fertility powers are transmitted to Pacha Mama (the earth) .

Wi t.hin the community, women are judged on their cook­ ing expertise, the cleanliness of the family's clothing, and adherence to the moral code of the society. A good woman must devote her life to her children and parents.

She must be faithful to her husband and support his involvement in the socioreligious administration. or. cofradia (cargo system) of the village. 24

Men's primary activities are the production of food

resources and the informal education of their sons. Men

plow, harvest, thresh, and irrigate the fields. They

carry heavy loads and sell their cash crops to mestizo1

merchants. Men are in charge of buying and selling farm

animals. Along with their agricultural and pastoral

activities, men build and repair dwellings, cut wood, and

sometimes lead the community's cattle to the pasture

grounds. Depending on the size of the village and the

villagers' need for craftsmen, some men might practice

their skills as weavers, carpenters, and tailors for the

benefit of the villagers.

A "good man" is praised for his diligence, the well­

being of his household, his willingness to participate in

collective work, and his· involvement in the cofradia. of

the village.

Most rural communities have three major work groups.

One is the ayllu system dating from Inca times .. It is

represented by a group of extended families which form a

small corru.1mnity. Grazing land and arable land are owned

conununally. The headman of the. ayllu holds office for a· year; he directs the crop rotation and mediates quarrels

between villagers. The ayllu is a self-sufficient social

unit, and since the Inca period has established the foun­ dations of the Quechuas' communal living based on \'JOrk cooperation and solidarity. In addition, ayll~ members organize labor crews during the harvesting and planting 25

seasons (Saphni 1974:117; Stein 1961:124).

The second work group is the minka, which is composed

of villagers. It is formed when extensive work requires a good deal of manpower, such as planting, plowing, har­ vesting·, building or repairing houses. The host of a minka supplies the workers with food, coca, drinks, and music, but reciprocity is not expected from the workers

(Stein 1961 :108,128).

The third group constitutes the ayni system of reciprocal borrowing which is practiced between indi­ viduals and involves an exchange of working days, produce, and tools (Bourricaud 1962:111-112).

Individual and family ties are expanded by the prac­ tice of the compadrazgo system (godparenthood) which permits an individual to superimpose social ties during a lifetime. Compadrazgo usually operates for three major events in the life of a villager--baptism, the ritual of hair cutting, and marriage. These ties imply reciprocal action and are submitted to a strict sexual taboo between

~~a_d~_~s (godparents) (Flores Ochoa 1973:60-61; Mishkin

1963:457~458; Stein 1961:131).

In most villages the cofra~i~ represents the politi­ cal and religious organization. It is a pyramidal social structure composed of a headman, the alcalde, and officers of different rank (usually men) . The participants in the cofradia sponsor the cel~bra{ion of religious fiestas and administer the village legislature. Cofradia members have 26

prestige and status within the society (Bourricaud 1962:

123; Mishkin 1963:443).

Curanderos (healers) also occupy an important posi­

tion (Bourricaud 1962:121; Flores Ochoa 1979:81; Mishkin

1963:469). They are assigned different ranks in relation­

ship to their power and performance. Villagers consult

them for ailments, divination, or witchcraft. Curing methods a.re nwnerous and vary with different individuals and regions. Both men and women can become curanderos and act as intermediate agents between villagers and the spiritual world. Within the society, very few individuals have the possibility of reaching individual achievement beside belonging to the cofradia hierarchy or practicing curanderismo (healing) .

Overall, the structure of Peruvian Quechua society is based on institutionalized work groups and reliance ties for survival. 'di thin the community each family partici­ pating in work group collaboration and reciproca-l aid institutions insures the survival of the Quechua people.

The family functions as the smallest unit of self­ sufficiency, and wi·thin the home- parents perpetuate the moral code of the society during the informal education of the children. The sexual division of labor and the prac­ tice of cultural customs oblige men and women to work and live in two separated social spheres (laboring and nurtur­ ing}. In addition, du'ring social encounters at familial gatherings, church ~eetings, and during fiestas men and .. f

women spend their leisure time with friends of the same

gender.

Izcuchaca: The Field Location

The village of Anta-Izcuchaca is located on the pampa

of Anta (Department of Cuzco), 25 km. north of Cuzco, at

an elevation of 10,010 feet. The upper section of the

village is called Anta; it is built on top of a small hill and houses approximately 5,000 inhabitants. The two parts

of the village are connected by a steep roadway paved with cobblestones and a dirt road. The civil administration and the major public services are scattered between the 2 upper and the lower sections. The city hall, the prison, the church and the cemetery are located in Anta. The 3 .2osta or medical clinic, the prefecture, the market, and

the post office are situated in Izcuchaca. This lower section is built in a wide agricultural valley surrounded by the snow-capped mountains of the Andean Cordillera. 4 About 5,000 people reside there (see Map II).

In Izcuchaca and its vicinity, 454 families are engaged primarily in agricultural and pastoral tasks

(in forma t:ion supplied verbally by the Hinis·try of Agr icul- ture). Because of the restricted irrigation system and antiquated agricultural techniques, they grow potatoes, wheat, corn, tarweed (Madia sativa), barley and onions only once a year. Farm animals such as cows, pigs, and sheep are bred for slaughter or for their wool. Donkeys 28

. . . ~~~ ~ _.;'\,_ .... . r.• . ··.~ , / {'"'"'"•·-.,., .. ,, ...", i ·-~-.,"" ' . 1__ 1t II I ·····"~,,,, .. a(}_ji /1-'" •· c . . lzcuchaca ~/~{;;;ao£:5Lr---~-----l~ . v~'~9Vfflf3o{5CCJO,:~~:a... o,' ~·l ·-~·~- , - "./ ir. ~

1 An~\"L)~~y\\ EJ~-{ An ta-lzcuc ~'~ ·~\\ ,,.. ~~\. ~ · __

I>iap I I 29

are used to transport both people and loads. Trains going

to and from Machu Picchu pass daily through the village.

The only paved street is also the main highway for buses,

trucks or cars going east to Lima or north to the selva

(jungle) . Few stores on the main street offer food pro-

ducts and commodities~ The village seems eternally deso­

late, except for the arrival of village commuters early in

the morning, and the evening walk of restless teenagers

strolling the main street.

Water and electricity are scarce in Izcuchaca.

Usually the only water faucet for a house is situated in

the courtyard, and candles are often used in the evening.

The educated population of the pueblo, such as nurses,

office clerks, teachers, and the officials, live in Cuzco

and commute every day by bus. Many villagers also travel

by truck to Cuzco because there are only four buses

scheduled daily. However, one-third of the population-­

those who own the chacras (fields) and those families with migratory husbands--remain permanently i~ the village.

In 1968, during one of the many goverr~ental land

reforms, the land of the only hacienda was parcelled out~

A corporation was formed, composed of village officials, which bought a portion of the land and sold it to the

indigenous population for the construction of dwellings.

Now 60 families, a total of 180 people, reside in Upis, an area of Izcuchaca located across from the Control. These families live in adobe "huts" or compounds with thatch or 30

tin roofing (about 12 feet by 8 feet). Each habitation

is encircled by a low wall made of adobe bricks. The

compounds have no electricity, running water, or sanitary

facilities. Women must fetch water from faucet.s placed

in different locations outside the huts. The only furni-

Jcure normally consists of one or two wooden beds, a table,

a few chairs or stools. Religious paraphernalia and

clothes hang from walls. In a corner stands a hearth or . a kerosene stove, along with a few cooking pots. Usually

the only window is blocked by bricks to prevent thievery,

cold air, or because of the belief in mal de ojo, the evil

eye, which is blamed for headaches and fever.

The huts are dark, cool, and smokey. The tin-roofed 5 dwellings --in contrast to.the thatched huts--do not per-

mit the release of smoke, and the air becomes noxious when

women cook. On the dirt floor guinea pigs (one of the main sources of protein) run freely, along with ducks,

chickens, cats, dogs, and pigs. Jl

Notes to Chapter 3

1 A mestizo is a person of mixed Indian and Spanish ancestry who has entered the national society. 2 In the prison of Anta prisoners are not fed. Spouses or relatives must provide their daily food. Dur­ ing my visit, 23 men and 3 women were incarcerated. Most cases involved fighting under the influence of alcohol, larceny, drug selling, and prostitution.

~ ~The doctor and the dentist are often absent, there- fore the clinic is administered by four nurses during the week. They give vaccinations to infants and children; however, they cannot treat patients. People with serious illnesses are sent to Cuzco (25 km. away). Consequently villagers do not go to the pasta in crisis, but use the knowledge of the local curanderos and curandera (healers) who treat them with penicillin injections and folk medi­ cine. 4 The population census is an approximation because it includes the commuting educated population which lives in Cuzco. For instance, I have never seen more than a few hundred persons in Izcuchaca during the celebration of July 28 (Peruvian Independence Day) . r.: JTin roofing is becoming a status symbol among campe- sinos because of its high price. Also, during the rainy­ season (September to January), tin roofs are a great advantage because of their impermeability over thatched roofs. However, tin roofs are extremely noisy under rain­ fall and do not permit smoke evacuation from the hearth. Chapter 4

THE ACTIVITIES OF.MEN AND WOMEN

IN IZCUCHACA

Why Men Migrate from the Village

In the Peruvian sierra, the spread pf monetization has forced the Quechua Indians to participate in the national capitalistic economy. However, because of their low agricultural productivity, their involvement in the country's economy has led them to a position of penury, resulting in an unending search for ready cash in exchange for labor. Agricultural work in Izcuchaca is seasonal, and often laborers are paid in produce instead of cash.

For instance, every June, during the potato harvest, most villagers find work in the fields for two or three weeks.

They are usually remunerated in potatoes which provide a great part of their yearly food consumption. Most young 1 men in the village are unskilled, except for a few arti- sans (shoemaker, carpenter, baker); consequently, their quest for cash labor obliges them to seek menial and low- paid jobs almost anywhere. Brush (1979) writes:

Seasonal migration to the tropical valleys has by now become quite institutionalized, with a system of labor recruitment in Izcuchaca and in Cuzco, where peasan·ts are cont.racted and transported to their destinations. (p. 35)

-·------·--·------

32 33

Most of the families who live in Upis do not own farming land; they are mobile, and each family needs cash with which to purchase household necessities, clothing, and food products. Traditionally, women used to barter their own produce at the various regional markets and make clothing for the entire family. But now these practices are vanishing because of the preference for Western cloth- ing, commodities, and money. Migrant husbands usually work as truck drivers, seasonal laborers (in the selva), miners, masons, construction helpers, and ganaderos

(cattlemen) . The length of time a man is absent is related directly to his work; for example, a truck driver or a g3n~~er~ will be absent for one to three weeks, while a seasonal agricultural laborer may be away for three weeks to three months, and a miner might work for six months before returning horne. Between jobs, men come horne for a few days' rest.

The average male salary fluctuates between $60.00 and

$120.00 (U.S. currency) per month (in 1980). It should be noted that when the husband lives away, he has to provide for his own living expenses, and he might also be main- taining a second family (Mangin 1964:60-66; Miller 1970:

209-210; Myers 1973:144; Patch 1961:21). Brush (1977} writes:

Whether a man has a regular second household or merely extramarital affairs, he is expected to provide material support, predominantly food, to the woman and his children. (p. 136) One of the major social repercussions affecting the

family's stability appears to be the plurality of unions

established by the migratory husbands. Because of the

division of labor (men usually do not cook or wash their

own clothes} , the establishment of a second household

facilitates men's domestic arrangements over a long period

of time. Bourque and Warren (1979) explain that "Men are

also subject to strong criticism for doing work that is

culturally associated with women in the sexual division of

labor" (p. 105) . When I asked my informants what they

would do if they learned that their husbands were heading

a second family elsewhere, most replied they would either

separate or divorce. However, I only noted one case of

separation among them, and this was caused by a jealous

husband who had abandoned his wife.

Women's Daily Activities

Male migration has not solved the economic ·stress of

the land-deprived families. In order to alleviate this

problem, \vomen must participate in providing household

needs through their selling activities (see Plate II) .

They have ingeniously combined natural resources and their

own skills, and make a living by means of small, ambulant businesses, such as selling cooked products on the road or

reselling food products--fruits, bread, greens--at the market. ·rhey work from dawn until night. A typical day

starts around 5:00A.M. when the women prepare food for 35

Plate II. Woman peeling potatoes for soup to be sold. 36 their daily sale. This involves peeling potatoes, cutting meat in small portions, or gathering produce for market

sale. Around 7:30A.M. some of them are at the Control

selling hot soup, potatoes with cheese, or fried pork, where they remain until abou·t 2:00 or 3:00 P.M. From these activities they make between U.S. $2.00-$3.00 daily 2 (1980). rrhey require about $3.00 each day to buy food for a family of five and $6.00 if they want to include meat in the diet (this .is one of the reasons meat is so seldom eaten) . During their selling activities they spend an averag·e of six to seven hours outside the compound, carrying their infants on their backs in the traditional ll~i!Ja (shawl). Children from 6 to 15 years of age attend school; however, the younger children, from 2 to 5 years old, are left alone in the family compound while the mothers work. Women keep watch over their children every few hours until the oldest children return from school.

Around 2:00 or 3:00P.M., when they ~eturn home from their vending activities, they are faced with the tasks of wash- ing (in two buckets of water outside the hut) , ironing, and peeling more potatoes for the evening soup. ·rhey also run errands and take care of each child. Sometimes, how- ever, .i·t is not possible because of the large number of children. The mean number of living children for women with absent husbands is 3.66,. while the mean for the group with :nonmigrant husbands is 4.86. This latter group of women is slightly older than the former. · 37

Children look after each other and help with the care

of small- animals--chickens; ducks, and guinea pigs. They

run errands for their mothers and they might take over the

ambulant business for a few hours if they are not at

school.

In response to a question about whether women had to do more work in their husbands' absence, one informant, a woman 40 years of age living in an 18-year trial marriage that had produced 12 children (7 survived), stated: "Some of us work more than men. Men work and then they rest

. but we keep working and working." Yet another informant mentioned that it was difficult to maintain her work and to raise the children alone because they were

"exhausting." But if the absence of the husband is deplored and burdens some women with a surplus of work and responsibility, they do at least emerge from this transi­ tional situation with a new awareness of their abilities and a sense of marital independence .. When I asked one informant how she would feel if her husband abandoned her, a 26-year-old legally married woman with two children said: "It would be tranquil . . . without a man . living alone."

While the women peddle food at the Control, children are left by themselves in the compound. No one watches them because most adults are involved in some small out­ door business. Women rarely babysit each other's children or help each other in other ways. If one of them, for 38

example, should leave her cooking. equipment or her stall

for a moment in order to check on her children, no one

will take over her business in her absence. This lack of

cooperation is partly due to the mobility of their lives.

Every few years they peregrinate from pueblo to pueblq in

search of work and a better life. Consequently, the ties

to the extended family have been sectioned off, and the

practice of compadrazgo (godparenthood) is becoming a

burden because of the exchange of gifts (livestock and

money) which symbolize the ceremony. In traditional com­

munities, villagers involved in the institutionalized

godparenthood system are provided with reciprocal reliance

ties, which insure assistance and support to most indi­

viduals in need in the village (Foster 1961; Nufiez del

Prado Bejar 1972). In this case, the uprooting of tradi­

tional communal living has seriously endangered the

reciprocal interaction based on individual and family

bonds.

•rraditionally, women taught daughters their chores

and the craft of weaving, and men showed their sons the

agricultural tasks. The grandparents cared for the small

children when both parents were working the fields. Now, because of the men's absence and the women's expanded activities, children have had to adjust to a more autono­ mous social existence. 'I'his autonomy is reinforced by the

short time children spend with their parents opposed to

the long hours they spend at school, where they are 39

indoctrinated to modern values. Skelton {1977) writes:

"Most important, rural schools disseminate knowledge about

the urban way. of life and the opportunity available in

towns" (p. 409). The process of enculturation, that is,

the direct teaching of skills and social customs between

parents and children (Wilbert 1976), is minimized, and

this abridgement of informal education within the home

imperils the continuity of the Quechu2.s' adherence to

their cultural traditions.

Women's Marital Position

Within the family, men and women have specific duties, obligations, responsibilities, and rights dictated by the cultural norms of the society. For instance, among the Quechuas, women raise the children and organize the household, while men provide for the family's needs through their labor. In general, women's activities are centered within the domestic sphere,. while men's labor tasks involve mobility which frees them from the inevit·­ able daily routine of caring for the children. Further­ more, in Izcuchaca, men make the major decisions and regi­ men·t the 1 ife of their families.

Izcuchacan women's posture of obedience in the presence of their husbands conflicts with their control of the household during the absence of their mates. Although most women have developed manipulative ways of coercing their husbands and have become more self-sufficient 40

economically because of their ambulant businesses, their emerging independence is still very limited. Women must ask permission before making any major decisions, and when their husbands are away, women usually do not travel out­ side the village.

If they fail to obey their husbands, arguments often end in physical violence on the part of the mate on his return to the village. When I asked my informants what were the major characteristics of "masculinity" and "femi­ ninity," most of them replied that men show more "charac­ ter'' (in this context it means violence and bad temper)

(also see Mangin 1971:68). "Women are softer with the children. Women give love to the childreni men are more strict," and "Women are more. humble," said a young woman of 19. In addition, several informants thought that men were more "intelligent" because they "get around," "do everything," and are "stronger with their work." These answers imply that men can travel, have more freedom to do what they want, and exhibit more physical strength in their work.

Women define a "good man" as a dependable worker, a man who is responsible, and one who supports his family economically. Male drinking habits are feared by the women primarily because of wife-beating. Women also bitterly resent the large sums of money spent by their husbands at the local taverns (Bourque and Warren 1979:

107-108; Harris 1978:34-35). It is interesting to note 41 that the women see the men as economic providers and not necessarily as "father figures" for the children. Pre­ sently, men rarely attempt formally to enculturate their sons. During their few days of "rest" back in the village, they spend most of their time with their male friends at the local b~rs, where they listen to village gossip and become intoxicated. Thus, within the family, men seem to project a marginal image of power by using authority with physical strength and of indispensability because of their financial help.

When women were asked what they would do if their husbands never returned, they stated they would work and maintain the family alone. These women are quite differ­ ent from the image of the helpless traditional campesina who used to return to her kin in the event of marital separation. As a result of sociocultural changes which have had great impact on their lives, women are now more aware of their potential as independent providerE, of their skills in administering the household, and of their emerging autonomy. 42

Notes to Chapter 4

1 "Unskilled" wage-labor in urban centers is better remunerated than agricultural work in the countryside. Usually a field worker earns between U.S. $2.00 or $3.00 (1980) daily, plus chicha (corn beer) or aguardiente (pure alcohol) and two meals; however, during harvest season his wage may be exchanged for produce. ? -rn 1981, due to the national economic inflation, women had to earn more than $3.00 daily in order to feed their families adequately. Chapter 5

SOME SOCIOECONOMIC DIFFERENCES BE':L'WEEN TWO GROUPS

OF IZCUCHACAN WOMEN

In this chapter I investigate some socioeconomic

differences between tv.;ro groups of married '>vomen. In doing

so, I (1) examine the answers of the group of women married

to husbands present in the village and (2) compare them to

the group of vmmen married to migrant husbands. This

analysis is illustrated by a selection of ten questions 1 and based on two statistical tests (see Table II) .

Women Married to Nonmigrant Husbands

In Izcuchaca, women are occupied with the performance of domes·tic tasks and familial responsibilities, in addi- tion to ·t.heir peddling businesses. However, women living with husbands present in the village do not work on a daily basis because they tend to have a more stable income pro- vided by their husbands' secure and regular wage-labor.

These men hold such jobs as market controller, carpenter, baker, teacher, and office clerk. One informant defined her working habits in the following way: "I work only when my husband needs my help."

Women's part-time activities consist of reselling

43 TABLE II

SOCIOECONOMIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TWO GROUPS OF loJOMEN AGES 19-46 N=30

z score for Differences in individual dif­ Number of yes answers Number of yes an~wers propor.tions for ferences in Women with migrant Women with present paired comparison proportions for husbands husbands t testa each question Proportion Proportion N=lS yes answers N=lS yes answers N=lO E < • osb L Women have financial participation in the household 11 .730 7 .467 .263 2.24 2. Women selling pro- duces daily 10 .667 5 .333 .334 l. 93b 3. Husband is the major provider 9 .600 12 .BOO -.200 l.l9b 4. Children left unat- tended in the compound 12 .800 4 - . 267 .533 2.94 s. Women encul.urate boys and girls 13 .867 6 .400 .467 2.66 6. Women enculturate only the girls 2 .133 9 .600 -.467 2.67 7. Women have definite goals for the children 12 .BOO 5 .333 .467 2.59 8. Women not legally married 13 .867 3 .200 .667 3.68 9. Women thinking they could raise a family alone 7 .467 4 .267 .200 l.l4b 10. Women wishing to remain in Izcuchaca 10 .667 5 .333 .334 1. 93b

atc=1.833(df=9) t=2.371 > 1.833 significant at x=.OS level. t=2.371

bno significant difference as compared with !=1.96, E < .OS.

,X:.. o4:>o 45

produce (greens or fruits) at the market, or making ch~ch~

(corn beer) or cooking a dish for sale on the street. The

vending venture usually involves the erection of an impro­

vised stall on the road and the long wait for hungry and

thirsty commuters or passers-by. The money gained from

the sale will provide school uniforms for the children, or will be. used for the acquisition of modern commodities for

the house. Because of their sporadic working patterns women with husbands present in the village have more time

to devote to the care of their children and both parents 1 attempt to encul turate their young (question 6, Table II).

Thus parents seem to let children choose the goals for their lives. When inquiring about the women's desires for the future of their offspring (question 7, Table II), I used the following question: "What type of work would you like your children to do when they grow up?" Several women replied "What they want," which implied that these women did not want to control the children's motivations.

Besides, these informants had a more secure life, as some of these families owned small fields and a few farm animals, which insured them of yearly food supplies, or items of barter when in need.

Furthermore, in this group most women were legally married (question 8, Table II) and seemed proud of this status, even though legalization of marriage came after long years of communal life and the raising of a large family. Noreover, women did not think that they could 46

raise their children without the financial help of a man

(question 3, Table II) . One informant, a woman of 24 years of age with five children, expressed her opinion by saying, "How can I live alone . . who is going to feed me. ?"

Women Married to Migrant Husbands

Conversely, as we examine the answers of the group of informants who are married to migratorial husbands, we note that a greater number of women are forced to work daily in order to relieve the husband of his economic burden (question 1, Table II). Husbands work seasonally or periodically as cattlemen, unskilled workers in fac­ tories, truck drivers, bus drivers, miners and seasonal laborers. Due to their lack of skills, their salaries are low and when living away from their community they must also provide for their own expenses as well as maintaining their families. These families own no land or f~arm ani­ mals and women must buy food products daily for their subsistence and to pursue their street sale ventures.

However, it should also be noted that all women are· involved .in some kind of selling business at the time when economic stress encroaches upon them, and most women need the husband's financial aid to provide for the household.

For this reason, and because of the small size of the sample (N = 30), proportional differences were not statis­ tically significant for questions 2 and 3 of Table II. As 47 stated abovei women married to migrant mates are forced to work daily because of the insecurity of the husband's income. This economic implication has affected the mothers' care of the preschool children from 2 to 5 years of age. Children are left unattended in the compound from

7:30 A.M. to 2:00 P.M., the working hours of the mothers.

Socialization and cultural transmission are minimized because of the time spent away from the children (question

4, Table II) . In any event, parents' .informal education has changed. Children are not taught the traditional chores any more, such as the craft of weaving for girls and agricultural skills for boys. Now both parents encourage their children to prepare their school work, to learn a trade or a skilled job, or to resell produce in the streets.

Traditionally, parents used to socialize children of the same gender. Now, due to the fathers' absences during cyclic working periods, most women have to teach both boys

? and girlsJ (question 5, Table II). This new responsi- bility will bring about some changes in the cultural transmission of the children. For instance, the mother is often blamed for passing her subservient role on to her da, hter (Chodorow 1975:45-66) and for the exaggerated

"rrL.:,:hismo" of the men, which could be explained as a reaction to mother-only upbringing (Bolton 1979).

It is also interesting to note that these women, living alone periodically, have definite goals for the 48 future of their children. They strive to educate them and hope that they will reach a high career position with a formal education in the fields of medicine, law, or education.

In addition, I have observed that most legally married informants had nonmigrant spouses. These women are older (with a mean age of 32.8) than those in the other group (25.45 mean age; see Table III). They also have longer years of common life with their mates and a more secure future. Moreover, because their husbands' skilled work is much needed in the village they seem to have a slightly higher status within the co~~unity.

In contrast, women with migratorial husbands tend to practice trial marriage which allows them to establish another household with another man without divorce pro­ ceedings should their spouses desert them. But, trial marriage conditions seem to cause the women to be very insecure about their mates' marital c;:ommitment and about the possibility of having their husbands maintain a second fantily during their migratorial work period. Also, while the husbands are absent, their wives become marginal to the social life of the village. They cannot go t.o fies·tas or participate in the social dancing and drinking.

Besides, due to their independent type of life, villagers tend to gossip about their conduct and some women are blamed for originating love affairs during their mates' absence. Finally, as a r~sult of their autonomous ways of 49

TABLE III

SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF IZCUCHACAN WOMEN AGES 18-46 (N~30)

Women with Women with Migrant Husbands Present Husbands in the Village N=lS Percent N=lS Percent

Women born and still residing in Izcuchaca 4 26.7 3 20.0

Formal education 3 20.0 4 26.7

Monolingual in Quechua 2 13.0 2 13.0

Selling activities daily 11 73.0 7 46.7

Practicing sirvinakuy {trial marriage) 13 86.7 3 20.0

Me.ans

Ages 25.45 32.8

Number of children 3.66 4.86 50

living and their partial economic independence, women with

migrant spouses are aware of their competence as providers

and a few of them express the wish to live alone.

Still, not all informants have reached this "femi­

nist" attitude and the test of significance appears

irrelevant in this case (question 9, Table II). Most

~vomen married to husbands present in the village could not.:

consider their future life without the financial aid of

their mates, and because of their low ecOnomic input they

felt less independent and more subjugated by the presence

of their spouses. So, based on their secure life,

several women expressed their wish to settle in an urban center ultimately. This thought was opposed by the group of women with migratorial husbands who stated that city life was harder. One informant who lived in Lima for a few years said: "Here we have enough to eat but in Lima we would be starving." Furthermore, this group lives in

Upis and had invested some money in the building of their dwellings (adobe huts cost approximately $200.00 in 1980) and was reluctant to sell them or give them up. There­ fore the test for question 10 of Table II was not sig­ nifican'c.

Summary

To conclude, the tests of difference in proportions between t.he answers of the two groups of women show ·that husbands' labor migration has indeed affected the life of 51

their spouses by forcing them to ·extend their regular

activities and responsibilities (see result, ~ test,

Table II). Furthermore, the enquiry reveals that the dis­

crepancies existing between the two groups of women are

caused by the economic means of the informants, their

social status, the insecurity of their living conditions,

and their willingness to accept or reject new values.

But, it should be taken into consideration that both

groups of women are striving to cope with the nationwide

economic inflation and that all women are aware of modern ways of living. Additionally, both groups of women l.ive

in the same village and are therefore exposed to the same

type of resources by which to make a living.

Nevertheless, land is still one major source of sub­

sistence and the families which own a small field and a

few farm animals have a greater advantage over the others.

Also sociopolitical integration within the life of the village occurs through the husband's work and presence at village committees or public functions. Social status is

still a privilege restricted to the husband. Conse­ quently, women married to men present in the village feel more secure about their familial life, their future, and

their social status. In contrast, women with absentee husbands seem to be on the border of the social life of the village, and are attributed a lower status by the villagers because they cannot conform to the social norms.

Guillet (1979) writes: 52

Migrants and immigrants alike were faced with strong social controls to conform to locally prescribed codes of behavior. Gossips, threats of wi·tchcraft, and envy to name a few such mechanisms, continued to be effective in this regard. Most individuals acquiesced; the only alternatives were complete isolation from social interact.ion in the community. (p. 37)

I have noted in Izcuchaca that women gossip about each other, and my host complained daily that she "could not trust anyone in the village because villagers were mean, jealous and envious." These women's inferior status is partly due t.o their low economic means, their weak marital

·ti.es, and their semi-autonomous type of life. Because of this marginal condition they have a greater need to settle down and integrate into the village of Izcuchaca.

Conversely, women with nonmigrant husbands are secure and already integrated; thus they wish to leave the village and take up residence in a town.

However, both groups of women think about the future in terms of their children. Because these women are aware of their limited upward social mobility due to their illiteracy (87% overall) and traditional ties to their culture--illustrated by their speaking Quechua and some of their practices (clothing, rituals, sirvinakuy)--they socialize the children toward education, urban life, and

\vhite-collar jobs. 53

Notes to Chapter 5

1 The first test is a one-tailed Z test, where the difference is regarded statistically iignificant at p < .05 for each individual question. The second is a t · test of differences in proportion for paired comparison where t = < .05 significance level. 2 cultural transmission from mothers to daughters was statistically significant (Z = 2.67, p < .05), in the group of women living with nonmigrant-hu'sbands. Women teach their daughters their newly acquired skills of knit­ ing and sewing along with training in routine tasks such as cleaning, cooking, and washing, and men pass on their artisan's skills to their sons .

. 3women married to migrant husbands have very little tlme to devote to their children because of their working obligations. The difference was statistically significant (Z = 2.94, p <.05). In contrast, women married to non­ migran·t husbands are able to devote more time to their children in relation to th~ir irregular working habits. 4 During the absence of their migrant husbands women teach and train boys and girls (but due to the strict division of labor there are very few chores they are able to teach the boys). This result was statistically signif­ ican·t (~ = 2. 6 6, E. < • 0 5) in comparison to the other group.

5women with migrant husbands motivate their children toward definite professions (teacher, lawyer, doctor, nurse) . The difference was significant statistically (Z = 2.59, E < .05) compared to women married to nonmi­ grant husbands. Chapter 6

PRESENT-DAY CUSTOMS IN IZCUCHACA

Vanishing Traditions

In Izcuchaca traditional customs are vanishing because of the mobile life-style, economic stress, the desire for modern commodities, and the adoption of new values. Woods (1975) writes, "Changing traits are accepted or rejected on the basis of their utility, com- patibility and meaning in the receiving culture" (p. 17).

For example, the village cofradia was replaced by a cornnmna1 cooperative a dec.ade ago, which was dissolved a few years later because of poor management and political conflicts between administrators. Guillet (1979) provides a detailed analysis of the cooperative in the pampa of

Anta. As he explains:

Education, military service, seasonal migration and knowledge of the national culture through the media, and trips to the city have placed the cargo system and the fiesta complex in a per­ spective associated with Indian culture rather than the national culture to which many peasants aspire. (p. 28)

In the village, the ~!u and minka work groups have disappeared, showing the villagers' preference for cash in exchange for labor. However, a modified ayni system functions occasionally. For instance, one Sunday in the

54 55

sum.rner of 1981, the mayor asked the men to form a volun-

tary work group in order to repair the irrigation canals.

Those who participated were exempted from taxes on their 1 huts. The ritual el corte del pelo (the first cutting of

an infant's hair) was thought to be worthless by some

informants, who said that they preferred to take their

child to the barber. This celebration requires a careful

selection of a couple of godparents along with an exchange

of gifts. Traditionally, this ritual used to reinforce

the corapadres' (godparents') network based on reciprocal

aid. Livestock and money were given to the young child

for his future life by the godparents. Now, due to

economic stress and mobility, ties to kind or involvement

with compadres, along with the celebration of rituals,

have lost their social meaning and purpose. Furthermore,

·the women 1 s opposition to this ritual was based on the

expense involved. One informant with seven children

said: "It is too expensive nowadays."

Modernity and New Values

Wedding customs have changed because of the expansion of the Catholic religion and the empathy with the national values. For instance, sexual promiscuity is criticized and the virginal stat.e of the bride is emphasized. During my stay in the village I noted that the young unmarried girls who became pregnant out of wedlock were degraded by the villagers. Their mothers explained to me that the 56

girls' motherhood was a "failure" because they had not yet

finished the colegio (secondary school) and were obliged

to enter a trial marriage at 18 years of age.

SiEyi~akuy, or trial marriage, is still practiced by

some of the villagers. It is an old custom which includes

a period of adjustmen·t for the partners without legalizing

their union. Each partner may break the trial arrangement

and separate. Today, since the Catholic reformation, many

couples have legalized their unions in church. For

exarnp.le, one woman (45 years old) has lived with her hus­

band for 20 years and their union was only legalized by

the church five years ago. Several informants of her age

reported similar situations. I have also noted that women

are becoming increasingly aware of the security and bene-­

fits associated with a legal union as opposed to cor~­

viver~ci.9_ (free union). They know that in case of a hus­

band,s abandonment they can legally pursue him for support

of the children (Bourque and Warren 1979:108). Thus,

legal marriage seems to carry implications of upward

status and feelings of security.

I also inquired why the majority of the villagers did not chew coca and why the women were opposed to the idea of their children chewing coca. They reasoned that it was not one of their customs because it did nat grow in their region. In the Peruvian highlands, coca chewing is asso­ ciated mainly with agricultural work, and during the

interviews it was labeled as "low" and "not good" by some 57 of the informants. Clearly the vitiation and ·relinquish- ing of coca-chewing asserverate the villagers' break with the land~labor traditions and promulgate their wish for future integration within the national society. While climbing the ladder to the upper social stratum, campe- sines learn that there are specific clothes, manners, and lang-uage symbols v1hich accompany upward change. In order to integrate into the mainstream of society, Indian peasants shed regional costume, learn Spanish, and cease chewing coca.

The process of integration takes several generations

(see Mangin 1964). Paulson (1971:10) explains: "Increas·~ ing numbers of Indians have chosen to join the transitory

Cholo group and many of their descendants have in a gener- ation or two entered the mestizo national culture."

Collier (1976) describes this process:

Families often follow a pattern of step migration usually over several generations, in which mem­ bers of the family move to progressively larger urban centers in a way that helps to prepare them gradually for urban life. (p. 31)

During t:he transitional phase of integration, Spanish is learned and borrowed items of clothing are combined with traditional garments to form a synthesis in which a nevl style emerges. In Izcuchaca, women wear the 11 Chola" out- fit (a large skirt with machine-knitted sweater) along with t.he whit.e "derby ha.t" as a symbol of their belonging to the Cholo 1 S social level (see Table I for characteris- tic aspects of change). 58

As for Indian children, they are usually dressed in

modern clothing and prefer to speak Spanish. Among Izcu­

chacans education is greatly emphasized, and women of bo·th

g-roups strive for the upward social integration of their

offspring by encouraging their scholastic accomplishments.

Their wishes for the future of the children are associated

with the highest professions in the society, such as

doctor, lawyer, or dentist for boys, and secretaryt nurse,

or teacher for girls.

Illiteracy is seen as a hindrance--one informant

said: "Education is very important; without education you

can do nothing and my children will suffer like me."

Mor~over, school attendance is mandatory and is emphasized

by governmental agencies during popular meetings. But

schooling is conducted only in Spanish, tending further to

transmit Westernized values while at the same time down-

playing "Quechua-ness." Paulson (1971:102) says: "Peru-

vian school children, in painful contrast, are taught to

be ashamed of their Indian origins and culture and to deny

them."

National integration is symbolized by a perfect com­

mand of the Spanish language. Izcuchacans are learning

and speaking Spanish. But the Qucchua language is pre-

. ferred among the.m, and Quechua is spoken interchangeably

with Spanish to the children. Last su..r1uner I noticed that

usually the oldest children of a family are bilingual in

Spanish and Quechua, though the younger children are mono- 59

lingual in Spanish. All the \.Yome.n agreed that Quechua has

to be spoken along with Spanish--as one of them stated,

"in order to keep our culture." Because women ·are the

transmitters of traditions and the socializers in this

case, their willingness to preserve the Quechua language

indicates a hope that ultimately the Quechua culture will not vanish entirely. 60

Note to Chapter 6

1 El corte del pelo is the ritual of the first hair­ cutting of a child, performed when a-ch:i.ld reaches two or three years of age. It is celebrated by an exchange of gifts ·and a family feast with the parents of the infant and the godparents present. Symbolically, it seals reciprocal ties between two families. The gift of money and livestock from the godparents to the godchild are considerable assets for his future life._ Chapter VII

CONCLUSIONS

Final Prospect: National Integration

The many aspects of modernization confronting the

Quechua Indians of Peru constitute a social phenomenon which affects most traditional societies in the world today. Ethnic cultures are altered for ecological, eco­ nomic, industrial, and urban reasons, obliging their members to adopt new ways of life. Every\vhere socioeco­ nomJ..c changes have impacted man's specific and spiritual ada;~Yta ti.on to his environme·nt.

For the Quechua Indians, as we have noted previously, modernization has changed the structure of the society based on agriculture. Life in a community has been con- verted from collectivism to individualism, from bartering to the use of cash, from illiteracy to the cult of education. Traditional enculturation in a household is disappearing- because both parents are too busy "making a living," or because children reject the old customs which do not fit the aspects of modern life.

Nevertheless, land is still the main resource of subsist.ence and campesinos who are able to subsist from their fields and livestock are provided with daily food

61 62 security, and they have an economic advantage over the

landless families. But, what prospect will eventually emerge for those people? At the national level the Peru- vian government does not ignore the socioeconomic stress affecting the campesinos. Efforts are made in Lima from the numerous rninisterios (civil offices) to better their life. For instance, the government wishes to teach the

Indian peasants to adhere to a better diet, to educate them on family planning, and to improve their agro- pastoral technologies. However, most civil projects never evolve because of political conflicts in the offices of the capital, lack of funding, and the absence of trained social workers willing to live, for a low salary, among villagers in a harsh environment without basic comrnodi t]_es.

'l'herefore, the Quechua Indians are facing the impact of modernization with their own capacities and resources.

For them, national integration is unijvoidable and is accelerated by the schooling of their children. In

Izcuchaca, children wish to enter the mestizo society with professional jobs.

Thus, village life has lost its purpose. It is monotonous, depressing, and competitive. Most houses have no modern facilities such as running water, electricity, and ba t.hroorns . In the community fiestas are rarely cele- bra ted; moreover, there are no theaters or entertainmen·t of any kind. In addition, because of the village 1 S 63 peripheral location to Cuzco, Izcuchacans often travel to

Cuzco to shop or for entertainment. This town offers basic necessities such as doctors, hospitals, markets, and theaters. In fact, the elements of modern life and nationalistic integration radiate from Cuzco, where villagers are exposed to new ways of living and where they are imbued with the power and precedence of the national society~ because of the display of modern conunodities, stores, tourism, as well as scholastic and military parades.

Summary

In sum, the rapidity of t.he process of modernization as diffused through the media and education (radio, films, schooling) , has had an irreversible impact on the life of the Quechua Indians. Economic stress has forced them out of their traditional co~~unities and obliged them to renounce their ancestral ways of life. Land-depr.i ved

Quechuas are mobile because of their constant search for wage labor, their drive for better schools for their chil­ dren, usually found in cities, and their wish for commodi..,.. ties and a modern life. Traditions are jolted and many new values have been accepted" 'I' he socioeconomic marginality of the Que chua

Indians comes from the fact that, since the Spanish Con­ quest (1532) , the two cultures have not yet merged, but exist in juxtaposition. For the ~1pesl:-pos integration 64 into the mainstream of the nation means a complete rejec­

tion of Quechua culture and their ancestral past. In order to cope with this psychological conflict, the transi­ tional individuals suppress their own struggle and hope to achieve national integration through the educational achievement of their children ..

This study has focused on the social and economic problems confronting the Quechua women of Izcuchaca in relation to their husbands' wage-labor migration. The results confirm the first hypothesis that women's customary tasks have increased due to their economic participation in day-to-day life. Women organize and maintain the household during the husbands' absence and partially provide for their economic needs. In doing so, they have expanded their activities outside the family compound and have created ambulant businesses in selling cooked foods or reselling produce. But the forced economic participation of the women along with the frequent absence of their hus­ bands has altered the socialization of the children, which will lead to further change during the next generation.

As for the second hypothesis, it was stated that women ma.:cr.ied to migran-t husbands would show a greater accept­ ance to modernity and new values. This cannot be confirmed on a group basis, because everyone seeks a modern life and is willinq to convert from traditional values in order to integrate into the national culture. Consequently, the results show that most women are changing old concepts and 65

adopting new practices. This process has been intensified

by the schooling of the children, which is in Spanish and

emphasizes Westernized values, along with men's frequent

contact wi t.h city life where they immerse themselves in

urban and diversified ways of living.

The discrepancies found between women with migrant

husbands and women with husbands living in the village are

infl ueno=.d by rnul tiple conditions, such as the economic

means of an individual, the direct contact or the subdomi­

nant re~ationship within the modernization process, the

wish for higher status, the level of education and,

finally, the ability to accept or reject new values on an

individual basis.

;The implications of modernization for Izcuchacans

reveal a well-known pattern of social development which

involves the disintegration of the extended family, the rise of social alienation, the emphasis on individual achievement., the striving for upward mobility seen through

the scholastic performance of the children, and the pre-

swned utopia of city life. But, in Izcuchaca, women's awareness is awakening, and because of their roles as

socializers, women's transitional position will decide the

future of coming generations. REFERENCES CITED

66 67

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74 75

QUESTIONNAIRE

Part I

1. Who is more important in raising the children, the father.or the mother?

2. Hho supports the family economically, the father or the mot: her?

3. How many times a month or a year does your husband leave for distant locations in order to find wage­ labor?

4. ~'lhen your husband is away, do you have to take over his job and follow his orders?

5. When you are living alone, do you have to teach your daugh·ters and your sons about their work and their daily duties?

6. Do you have more responsibilities when your husband is away? What are they?

7. When you are alone at home and you need help, who do you call?

8. When you are alone with the children, can you make decisions on your own, or do you have to wait for your husband's return?

9. Do you feel you have more responsibilities than your husband? What are they?

10. In which ways does your life change when you are left alone with the children for a long time? 76

Part II

l. When.your husband is away, what type of work do you do at home, or in the fields? At what time do you get up every day? What do you do first?

2. How many times a week do you go to the market in order: to buy what is necessary for the family?

3. Do you weave every day? Do you sell your weaving at the market?

4. How long do you stay at the market each day?

5. Do you travel to the di.fferent markets in the region? In that case, who watches your children while you are away at the market?

6. How often in a week do you work in the fields? What kind of work do you do there? Do you plant, or do you irrigate?

7. From all your activities, which one do you prefer the most, and why?

8. Which activities are the hardest for you?

9. Are women stronger than men? Why?

10. Do you think women work more than their husbands? Why? 77

Part III

1. Do you think women alone can raise a family and be the head of the family? Why?

2. Is education very important for the children? Is education important for the girls? Is education a way to better oneself?

3. Are men stronger and more intelligent than women? Why?

4. iilha t would you 1 ike your children to be when t.:hey grow up?

5. Is it better to live in the city, or in the country­ side? Why?

6. Do you think children should know how to speak Quechua, chew coca, and wear the regional cos·tume?

7. Are women equal to men? Why are women different? Do women or men have more work and more responsibilities in the family?

8. Do you think children when they grow up should cele­ brate el corte del pelo, and should participate in the cofradia system?

9. What will you do if your husband doesn't come back from his seasonal work?

10. What kind of man is a good man? What kind of woman is a good woman? What kind of life is a good life?