IN a PERUVIAN PUEBLO a Thesis Submitted in Partial S~Tisfaction Of
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CALIFORNIA STATE u'NIVERSITY, NOR'rHRIDGE IZCUCH.P~CA: QUECHUA WOMEN AND MALE HIGRATION IN A PERUVIAN PUEBLO A thesis submitted in partial s~tisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology by Gisele Maynard Tucker May, 1982 The Thesis of Gisele Maynard Tucker is approved: Carol Mackey~person California State University, Northridge ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Since my first visit to Cuzco, Peru, in 1977, I have wished to study the lives-of- the-Quechua Indian women. This project therefore evolved with the financial assis tance and understanding of my husband Edward Tucker, as well as with encouragement from the members of my Master's thesis comrn.ittee. I wish to acknowledge the strong support of Dr. Carol Mackey, the pertinent advice of Dr. Douglas Sharon, and the patient guidance throughout the writing of this work of Dr. David Hayano. Finally, special acknowledgments must be made to my co~~dres of Izcuchaca for accepting me into their lives and helping me during my two seasons of field work. iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii LIST OF TABLES vi LIST OF NAPS vii LIST OF PLATES . viii ABS'l'RACT ix l. INTRODUCTION l The Quechua Indians in a Modern World . l Cuzco: An Urban Center in the Andes . 2 Modernization and Land Shortage . • 5 Purpose and Hypotheses . 6 Notes to Chapter 1 . 9 2. SOME SPECIFIC STUDIES ON MALE MIGRATON AND THE QUECHUA SOCIETY . • . 10 Male Migration and Its Consequences . 10 Ethnographic Studies on the Quechua Indians . ll Andean Women . 12 Methodology . 14 Notes to Chapter 2 . 19 3. 'l'HE QUECHUAS' LOCATION AND SOCIETY 20 Physical Environment . • . 20 Quechua Peasants: Ethnographic Background . 21 Izcuchaca; The Field Location . 27 Notes to Chapter 3 . • • 31 4. 'rHE ACTIVI'riES OF MEN AND WOMEN IN IZCUCHACA . ..•.. 32 Why Men Migrate from the Village 32 Nomen's Daily Activities .... .34 iv Chapter Page Women's Marital Position . 39 Notes to Chapter 4 . • • • • • • • • • 42 5. SOME SOCIOECONOMIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN •rwo GROUPS OF I ZCUCHACAN WOMEN . 43 Women Married to Nonmigrant Husbands . 43 Women Married to Migrant Husbands 46 Sununary . 50 Notes to Chapter 5 • . • • . • . 53 6. PRESENT-DAY CUSTOMS IN IZCUCHACA . 54 Vanishing Traditions .... 54 Modernity and New Values . 55 Notes to Chapter 6 • • • • • 60 7. CONCLUSIONS 61 Final Prospect: National Integration 61 Summary . 63 REFERENCES CITED 66 APPENDIX 74 v LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. Characteristics of the Four Social Levels of the National Culture . 4 II. Socioeconomic Differences between the Two Groups of Women 44 III. Some Characteristics of Izcuchacan Women 49 vi LIST OF MAPS Map Page I. Izcuchaca and Surrounding Area . 15 II. Anta-Izcuchaca Plan 28 vii LIST OF PLATES Pla_te Page I. Woman Selling Fried Pork at the Control 18 II. Woman Peeling Potatoes for Soup to be Sold . 41 • • • 35 viii ABS'l'RACT IZCUCr~CA: QUECHUA WOMEN AND MALE MIGRATION IN A PERUVIAN PUEBLO by Gisele Maynard Tucker Master of Arts in Anthropology The Quechua-speaking I~dians of the Peruvian Andes live at high altitudes, from 7,000 to 12,000 feet above sea level, in $mall agricultural communities. The object of this thesis is to study the socioeconomic changes which impinge upon ·their traditional existence. For that. pur pose I examine the lives of a small group of married Quechua women in a village near Cuzco as they are affected by their husbands' wage-labor migration. During the last few decades in the Peruvian highlands, traditional societies have undergone many changes due to "modernizat.ion." For example, most purchases are made with the use of cash instead of barter. Parents emphasize formal education for their children and modern commodities ix are sought. These socioeconomic changes have created an irreversible impact upon the Quechua. Indians' traditions and life-style. Within these small villages one of the major determinants of change has been the steady exodus of Indian peasants to the main urban centers in search of a "better life," and the increased season~l and cyclic migration of male villagers in quest of wage-labor outside their communities. This study compares one group of women married to migrant husbands to another group of women whose husbands are nonmigratorial, and focuses on their respective socio economic adjustments to their husbands' wage-labor migration. Results reveal an expansion of women's activities through their growing participation in the household economy for the group of women living with migrant spouses, though both groups of women display a diminishing adherence to traditional customs and the greater .accept ance of Westernized values. X Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION The Quechua Indians in a Modern World Since the conquest of Peru by the Spanish explorer Pizarro and his small army in 1532, the ~ndean highlanders have been isolated from the rest of the country for about four centuries. This isolation is attributed to the phy sical proportions of the Peruvian Andes. High mountRins, cliffs, escarpments, and deep valleys have increased the b~practicability of road construction. In addition, the sparse distribution of the rural settlements, the specialized human adaptation to the harsh ecological set ting, and the self-sufficient agricultural subsistence have kept the Quechua Indian communi~ies autonomous but. marginal to the national culture. Van den Berghe (1977) not·es that "Up to 190 7 when the railroad "''ras f .inished Cuzco was still isolated as it had been in colonial days. In the early 1900s a trip to Lima took two months on horseback" (p. 61} . From 1919 ·to 19 30, the Augusto Leguia CJOvernment reorganized the country's industrial development. This autocratic centralized administration increased control of the provinces by bet.ter ways of communica·U..on and trans- 1 2 portation. Coincidental with the breakthrough in communi- cations was the development of the capitalistic system which led to the industrialized and urban growth of the Peruvian coastal region. At that time communications were opened between the highlands and the lowlands (Van den Berghe 1977:60-61). Consequently, the indigenous popula- tion of the sierra (the highlands) was confronted with twentieth-century modern technology, urbanization, indus- trialization, and monetization. Since then, the Quechua Indians have attempted to adjust to the diffusion of modern ways of living by revaluating and modifying their traditional life style, customs and values. Cuzco: An Urban Center in the Andes Cuzco is located high in the Southern Peruvian Andes. ·remperatures range from 40 to 70 degrees F. during the day and drop to below freezing at night. Situated ~t 11,500 feet above sea level, this town serves as the main urban center for the region. It has a population of approxi- mately 100,000 inhabitants. During the Inca empire, Cuzco, with its numerous ·temples and well-regimented administration, vJas the pinnacle of the Peruvian civilization. However, the Inca capital was taken by Pizarro and his men in 1533, and today ruins and monuments of this historical city testify to the conquest by the Spanish army. In the center of the 3 town, buildings juxtapose Inca and Spanish cultures, and one can see that many colonial houses adorned with carved wood balconies were built on Inca wall foundations. Because of its history and its vicinity to Machu Picchu, Cuzco is now one of the main tourist attractions for world travelers. An expanding urban center, this town displays numerous markets, hotels, and restaurantsi it also provides a large network of regional and inter- national transportation. The local population is descended from a mixed Incaic and Spanish heritage, and most are bilingual in Quechua and Spanish. Around Cuzco itself, subsistence production is adapted to the high al t.it.udes. Peasants grow corn, potatoes, and barley depending on rain or drought, often using tools dating from the Inca period. In small villages around Cuzco, each ranging from a few hundred to a few thousand inhabi t.ants, Quechua campe 1 si!lo~ (Indian peasants) (see Table I) subsist on agri- cultural and pastoral activities. Most women wear traditional regional costumes, and many campesinos chew coca (e!-:::t!.:..hroxylon coca). Usually men cultivate the fields daily while women tend to the small animals (pigs, chickens, guinea pigs), and care for their family. Life is hard because of the lack of modern agricultural tech nology and the scarcity of household conunodities. A man spends more than eight hours daily plowing his field with a ~h~kitai~la (Inca hoe) while a woman averages a working 4 TABLE I CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOUR SOCIAL LEVELS OF THE NATIONAL CULTURE Lowest Level: Quechua Indians (campesinos) Extended family Agricultural subsistence Coca chewing Pagan and Catholic beliefs Quechua speaking Illiterate Regional Costumes Country dwelling Transitional Level: Cholos Nuclear family Agricultural and unskilled jobs Coca chewing (irregular) Catholic and pagan beliefs Quechua and Spanish speaking Semi-literate Regional and western clothing Country and urban dwelling National Integration: Mestizos Nuclear family Middle-class professionsa Catholic Spanish speaking Literate Western clothing Urban dwelling Elite: Blancos Nuclear family High class professionsb Catholic Multilingual High educa·tion Fashionable clothing Lima dwelling aPolice and military careers, teachers, office clerks, merchants. bindustrials, politicians, doctors, dentists, business men. 5 day of 12 hours peeling potatoes, cooking, washing, and taking care of her children. Modernization and Land Shortage During the last few decades, "modernization," that is, the use of cash, the knowledge of Spanish, literacy, the adoption of modern commodities and values, and the use of the radio, has infiltrated the Quechuas' life and altered many centuries-old traditions. For instance, barter between peasants at marketplaces is no longer the main way to acquire vital necessities; money is now widely preferred for most purchases (Adams 1959:137; Bourricaud 1962:43; Guillet 1980:157; Miller 1970:173).