!\

•\\.> REPUBLIC OF KENYA

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I MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE

• . I' HUMAN AND NATURAL RÉSOURCES •f I

If VOLUME II

•i Bi Chapter 2 - Rural Sociology, 1 Chapter 3 - Rural Economy I I f^f^vr «V 1983

Ji REPUBLIC OF KENYA

MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE

o

ARID AND SEMI-ARID LANDS BRANCH LAIKIPIA DISTRICT

A PRE-INVESTMENT STUDY OF HUMAN AND NATURAL RESOURCES

VOLUME II

Chapter 2 - Rural Sociology Chapter 3 - Rural Economy

1983 CHAPTER 2

RURAL SOCIOLOGY

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page 2.1 Introduction - 2-1 2.2 Objectives 2-3 2.3 Historical Background in Laikipia District 2-3 2.3.1 The Maasai and Their Origin 2-3 2.3.2 The Dorobo 2-5 2.3.3 The Maasai/Dorobo Way of Life 2-8 2.3 4 The Homestead 2-9 2.3.5 Maasai Food 2-10 2.3.6 Division of Labour 2-11 2.3.7 Age/Sex Division of Labour . 2-11 2.3.8 System of Government 2-15 2.3.9 Age-Set Systems 2-15 2.3.10 Initiation and Graduation 2-16 2.3.11 The Elders 2-17 2.3.12 The Laibon 2-17 2.4 . Livestock Management (Traditional) 2-18 2.4.1 Group Ranches 2-20 2.4.2 Reciprocity 2-20 2.5 The Maasai Reserves 2-21 2.5.1 Colonial Administration of Mukogodo 2-22 Division 2.5.2 Effects of Colonization on the Maasai 2-23 and Dorobo 2.5.3 The White Highlands 2-25 2.5.4 Squatter Labour 2-27 2.5.5 Dissolution of the White Highlands 2-29 2-ii

Table of Contents (Cont'd) Page

2.5.6 Settlement Programmes 2-30 2.5.7 Types of Settlement Schemes 2-31 2.6 Population 2-36 2.6.1 Introduction 2-36 2.6.2 Growth Rate 2-41 2.6.3 Distribution 2-42 2.6.4 Population Composition 2-4 3 2.6.5 Sex Composition 2-49 2.7 Migration and Settlement Patterns and 2-51 Settlers' Characteristics 2.7.1 Types of Immigrants/Settlers/ 2-51 Land Buyers 2.7.2 Migration and Settlement Patterns 2-53 2.7.3 Rural-Urban Migration 2-53 2.7.4 Out-Migration 2-54 2.7.5 Fertility, Mortality, and Morbidity 2-54 2.7.6 Mortality Causes by the Top Seven 2-55 Diseases—1981 2.7.7 Morbidity Causes by Top Seven 2-55 Diseases—1981 2.7.8 Population Projections 2-56 2.8 Settlers' Cultural and Social Characteristics 2-57 2.8.1 The Large-scale Farmers 2-57 2.8.2 The Small-Scale Farmers 2-58 .2.8.3 The New Settlers' Cultural and Social 2-59 Characteristics 2.8.4 The Clan System 2-59 2-iii

Table of Contents (Cont'd) • T Page

2.8.5 The Traditional Political Structures .- 2-60 2.8.6 Land Ownership and Tenure 2-62 2.8.7 Land Adjudication 2-64 2.8.8 Farmers' Social Characteristics 2-66 2.9 Constraints on Smallholding 2-81 2.9.1 Problems Affecting Families 2-81 2.9.2 Capital Availability—Credit 2-81 Facilities 2.9.3 Off-Farm Employment 2-81 2.9.4 Farm Size and Poor Farming and 2-82 Livestock Husbandry Techniques 2.9.5 Large Families 2-82 2.9.6. Unavailability of Labour 2-83 2.9.7 Food and Nutrition 2-83 2.9.8 Water 2-84 2.9.9 Housing 2-85 2.9.10 Firewood .2-85 2.9.11 Medical Facilities 2-86 2.9.12 Education and Training Facilities 2-86 2.9.13 Youth Centres 2-87 2.9.14 Lack of Economic Institutions " 2-88 2.9.15 Lack of Sociological Institutions 2-92 2.9.16 Conclusion: The Settlers' Perceptions 2-92 2.10 Social Participating Groups 2-93 2.10.1 Self-Help Harambee Groups 2-93 2.10.2 Women's Groups 2-95 2.10.3 Types of Activities 2-96 2.10.4 Maendeleo Ya Wanawake 2-99 2-iv

Table of Contents (Cont'd) page

2.10.5 Other Government and Voluntary 2-100 Welfare Organizations

2.11 The Infrastructure 2-103

2.11.1 Health Centres 2-104

2.11.2 Dispensary Type I 2-104

2.11.3 Dispensary Type II 2-105

2.11.4- Health Manpower 2-105

2.11.5 Education 2-107

2.11.6 Examination 2-111

2.11.7 Existing School Building Structures 2-112

2.11.8 Adult Education 2-113

2.11.9 Change Agents 2-116

2.11.10 Government Officials 2—116

2.11.11 Constraints 2-118

2.12 Recommendations and Project Proposals 2-120

2.12.1 Basic Needs Activities (BNA) 2-121

2.12.2 The Rural Access Roads Programme 2-124

2.12.3 Informal Sector 2-126

2.12.4 Major Activities in the Rural . ' 2-127 Informal Sector 2.12.5 The Integrated Agricultural 2-127 Development'Programme

2.12.6 The Rural Water Supply Programme 2-129

2.12.7 The Universal Adult Literacy 2-129 Programme 2.12.8 The Rural Health Development 2-130 Project 2.13 Infrastructural Projects Proposed for Project 2-131 Area

Bibliography 2-135 2-v

LIST OP TABLES

Page

2-1 Age/Sex Roles in Livestock Management 2-14 Percentage of Tasks Done by Various Age/Sex Group 2-2 Age/Sex Roles in Domestic Activities - 2-15 (Percentage of Tasks Done by Age/ Sex Groups) 2-3 Approximate Age for Maasai Age Groups 2-18 2-4 Government Settlement Schemes in Laikipia 2-37 2-5 Laikipia District Cooperative/Society 2-38 Farms Already Subdivided 2-6 Comparative Population Figures 1923 - 1983 2-40 2-7 Population by Sex and Sub-Location - 1979 2-44 2-8 Estimated Population by Location - 19 83 2-4 5 2-9 Population by Sex and Single Years of Age 2-4 6 2-10 Economically Active Population 2-4 7 2-11 Population Participation Rates 2-49 2-12 Sex Ratio by Age Group 2-50 2-13 Population Projection for the Laikipia 2-57 District 2-14 Population by Sex, Tribe or National Group 2-61 2-15 State of Land Adjudication in Mukogodo 2-65 Division 2-16 Population by Sex, 5-Year Age Group, Education 2-68 2-17 Population by Sex, 5-Year Age Group and School Attendance 2-69 2-18 Age/Sex Roles in Farming Activities 2-72 2-19 " * . 2-19 Age/Sex Roles in Domestic Activities 2-73 2-20 Length of Classified & Unclassified Roads 2-89 2-21 Women's Groups in the District 2-97 2-22 Activities Engaged in by Women's Groups 2-98 2-vi

List of Tables (Cont'd) Page 2-23 4K Clubs in the District 2-102 2-24 Population Health Facility Ratio 2-104 2-25 Population Per Dispensary 2-105 2-26 Health Manpower 2-106 2-27 Population Per Doctor/Nurse 2-107 2-28 Existing Educational Basic Need Structure ' 2-108 2-29 Nursery Schools 2-108 2-30 Village Polytechnics 2-109 2-31 Secondary Schools 2-109 2-32 Primary School Teachers 2-110 2-33 Adult Education in Laikipia 2-114 2-34 Comparison Between RARP and Conventional 2-125 . Road Construction 19 77/78 2-35 Proposed Primary Schools 2-131 2-36 Proposed Secondary Schools 2-132 2-37 Proposed Craft Training Centres 2-133 2-38 Health Facilities 2-134 2-vii

LIST OF MAPS

PAGE

2-1 Estimated Population Distribution 2-43a 2-2 Social Services • 2-88a î 2-1 ; I X

2.1 INTRODUCTION

Laikipia District is occupied by a heterogeneous mixture of peoples from almost every part of Kenya; however, the majority of the population is made up of Kikuyu, Kalenjin, Turkana, Meru, Samburu, Boran, etc. The rest of the population is made up of the pastoral Mukogodo Maasai and the Dorobo. A small percentage of the non-African population is Asian traders. A small remnant of white settlers (who are still holding onto their farms and ranches) are managers employed by other farmers.

The African population moved into the District after the exit of the white settlers who had dominated the District's economy since the onset of colonization and up to the time Kenya became an independent nation. The settlers' mode of agriculture during their occupation was plantation type of farming and ranching on large well managed farms. These were maintained through a labour force obtained from neighbouring Districts especially Nyeri. This approach along with subsidized extension services from the colonies' coffers made Laikipia a major producer of beef, dairy products, and cereals.

African hunger for land became apparent when the Laikipia District was opened up for African occupation and the Kenyan Nationals moved in large numbers to take up the ; 2-2

land. This is illustrated by the large population differences between 1962—when the District was still under European occupation—and 1983—when about 80% of all land purchased was occupied. The 1962 population was estimated at 70,033 inhabitants and has risen to an estimated population Of over 170,000 in 1982. The huge immigration of formerly landless, mainly proverty-level people have unbalanced the equilibrium of the whole system of land ownership and use as well as the social and economic systems. The economic system has degenerated with the subdivision of large scale farms and ranches into ubiquitous small-scale farms of about 2-1/2 to 10 acres on generally marginal lands that get insufficient rainfall and water (with the exception of the western and southern high potential areas of the District). In addition, the majority of the small farmers have come from high potential areas where mixed farming is practiced without any problems. They have brought with them their high potential farming technologies and crops (maize, beans, potatoes, etc.) suitable only in high potential areas. Thus, there has been a lack of adaptation to the arid and semi-arid ecological system and the generally waterless terrain which needs special systems and crops to be developed and established. As a result of the above, there has been either low crop production or complete crop failure. As a result, the Government must provide famine relief food to about one-third of the population every drought year.

An international labour organization mission carried out some research between 1977 and 1979 to work out a strategy on alleviating poverty and providing equitable income distribu­ tion throughout Kenya. The mission identified Nutrition, Housing, Health, Education, and Water as basic needs to all 2-3

the inhabitants of the Republic. Lack of these essentials, no doubt, has contributed to the low standard of living in most settled areas in Laikipia.

The project proposals should, therefore, ascertain which basic needs to develop and the intensive smallholder farming technology necessary for efficient crop, livestock, fodder, and fuel subsistence level production.

2.2 OBJECTIVES

According to the Laikipia District Development Plan for the period 1979 to 1983, "the primary objective of the District is to increase the productivity of the crops in the smallholder sector and to maintain livestock production while preserving the carrying capacity of the ranches and conserving the soil. This objective is designed to alleviate poverty through intensive farming in a smallholder area and to promote extensive ranching which can provide the Nation . with valuable beef supplies." The main purpose of our sociological study is to identify problems facing these new settlers, evaluate available developable resources and design workable developments projects which will help solve the identified problems.

2.3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND IN LAIKIPIA DISTRICT

2.3.1 The Maasai and Their Origin

Before European alienation of the District, the area was inhabited by the nomadic pastoral Maasai and the Dorobo. The Maasai roamed the countryside with their livestock in search 2-4 of pasture and water while the Dorobo confined themselves to the forest hills of Mukogodo where they subsisted by hunting wild game and gathering wild fruits, roots, and honey. They kept no stock and possessed no property. They lived in caves.

The Maasai are said to have moved south from the watershed between the Nile and Karamoja in the late 15th century. They moved southeast into the area of the Lake Rudolf and then pushed into the area of the Rift Valley and eventually south into Tanganyika (Tanzania). Around 1820, the Maasai split into "sections, the predominant ones being the II Loikop and the Purko. The II Loikop moved as far as Mount Kilimanjaro and the Usambaras. Around 1850, they began to retreat northward. During this northward retreat, the group split into its constituent groups—the Uasin Gishu Maasai, the 01 Tiamus Maasai (Njemps), the Laikipiak Maasai, and the Burkeneji (Samburu).

By 1870, the two major sections óf the Maasai had become sharply divided, the II Loikop (the Laikipiak section) in the north and the Purko in the south were particularly hostile to each other. The Purko attempted to destroy the Laikipiak but were defeated. About 1890, the Purko again attacked the Laikipiak and the Uasin Gishu Maasai, and this time completely defeated them. Some survivors of the battle were absorbed by the victorious Puirko while the rest scattered to all parts of northern Kenya in search of a livelihood. Some fleeing groups joined the Dalakutuk section of the Maasai living in the Nanyuki area. Others fled into what is now the Mukogodo Division, while others entered the Samburu and Meru District. The Mumonyot section of the defeated Laikipiak ( 2-5

fled through Mukogodo into the Somali area around the Lorien Swamp—eventually returning to the Ngare Ndare Valley via Meru and settling close to the Mukogodo. The Maasai were absorbed by the Dorobo, but the Maasai influence on the Dorobo was greater than the Dorobo influence on the Maasai. Thus, the Dorobo adopted Maasai customs and traditions to such a high degree that completely turned them into Maasai speaking pastoralists.

2.3.2 The Dorobo

These are the oldest inhabitants of the Mukogodo Division. Numbers of pure Dorobos have drastically decreased due to the Maasai influence which has converted a great majority to Maasai speaking pastoralists. Their origin is very obscure, but historians claim they could be remnants of the people who were living around the northern and western edges of Mt. Kenya before the Bantu invasions that brought in the Meru and the Kikuyu around 1650.

There is no known history or legends of the origin of the Dorobos with the exception that they have apparently always inhabited the Mukogodo Forest where they iived from day-to-day by hunting wild game and gathering fruits and honey. They had no tangible property hence their name Dorobo which is derived from the Maasai word Ol-Toroboni (plural—II Torrobo) which means poor folk without cattle or any other possession. They lived in small extended family groups on individual ridges where each group had honey gathering and hunting rights. Their food consisted of roots, wild fruits, honey, and meat of small game such as hyrax and small bucks. They wore hyrax skins and those of other small animals. 2-6

Unlike the Maasai, the Dorobo did not have a well established age- system which was synonymous with the government of the community. They only had a loose council of elders which helped resolve disputes especially ones, connected with stealing honey. This group decided on fines to be paid.

The Dorobo absorbed the Laikipiak and the Mumonyot Maasai who had escaped the Purko menace. They intermarried and exchanged gifts—the Dorobo getting their first livestock and learning the art of livestock husbandry from the Maasai. They also learned the Maàsai art of building and living in huts, adopted the age—set system and the system of government through elders. In other words, the absorption of the Maasai into their midst completely turned them from hunters into Maasai speaking pastoralists. During the course of the current study in Mukogodo, no distinction between the Maasai and the nationalized Dorobos was found.

The Dorobo are divided into four sections, the lie Uaso, the II Ngwesi, the II Ndigiri, and.the Mukogodo Dorobo.

(i) The lie Uaso occupied the area close to the confluence-of the Uaso Narok and the Uaso Nyiro Rivers. During land alienation in the area, they were forced out of • their area into the Samburu Reserve and settled at Leroghi but later drifted back into Mukogodo. Many were absorbed into the European farms as labourers while the remainder drifted back to their original homes. 2-7

(ii) The II Ngwesi occupied the northern end of the Mukogodo Reserve where they closely associated, traded, and intermarried with the Meru.

(iii) The II Ndigiri were formerly living in areas around Nyeri but were pushed out by the Kikuyu agricultura­ lists during the early 19th century. They moved north to the Loldaiga hills and then entered Mukogodo through the Kibirichia area of the Meru District. They were pushed further north by the European settlements to a place called 01 Choki which lies partly within and partly to the west of the present Mukogodo Division. They closely associated and traded with the Kikuyu and to a small extent intermarried.

(iv) The Mukogodo Dorobo apparently have always lived in what is now called the Mukogodo Division. Although they absorbed many of the defeated Laikipiak, they were not forcedb to migrate to the Southern Reserve (Narok and Kajiado) but stayed on together with other Dorobo sections and the Mumonyot section of the Maasai who were exempted from moving to the new reserve.

Other immigrants to Laikipia included a few Kikuyus who came in only as traders (before European alienation of the land) and others who came as labourers to work on European farms after alienation of the land. There were also the Meru, a few of whom were adopted by the II Ngwesi Dorobo and settled there. In addition, a few Samburus brought their cattle into the area for grazing. Somalis were also found in the areas but they came only as stock traders. 2-8

In 1911, 1912, and 1913, the Europeans began to clear the District of its native inhabitants for further European settlement. The Laikipiak, the Dalakutuk, and a few Mumonyot were affected, requiring a large number to be moved to the Southern Reserve (Kajiado and Narok) which was enlarged 'to receive them. Those who evaded the move were grouped together with the Dorobo and enclosed in the Mukogodo Reserve which was declared a "Closed District" in 1936. After the removal of a majority of the Maasai and their stock and the confinement of the Dorobo and a few Maasai into the Mukogodo Reserve, Laikipia District became and remained predominately a "European Colony" and a "Prohibited" area. No natives except the labourers who worked on European farms were allowed into the District. The labourers were also restricted to their particular employers' farms with very little freedom of movement and no right to acquire property.

The Maasai and the Dorobo who remained suffered constant harassment from the settlers who kept insisting that the Maasai and their stock be removed from their midst as they threatened the settlers' stock with diseases such as pleural pneumonia, rinderpest, etc. which were prevalent among Maasai livestock.

Due to the forced exile of the Maasai (as late as 1959) they continue to accept, with reservations, any new innovations which are likely to destablize their way of life.

2.3.3 The Maasai/Dorobo Way of Life

Cattle ownership among the Maasai had and still has a very high economic and social value. Cattle ownership l« an 2-9

indication of wealth and prestige as well as being the source of food. The life of a Maasai revolves around his cattle. He is completely dependent on them for subsistence, because he has virtually no agricultural investment in land and a minimal reliance on non-pastoral produce for his diet. .

Milk, meat, and blood drawn from the animals continue to be the mainstay of the Maasai diet. The hides and skins are used for making clothes.

Apart from stock being a source of subsistence and clothing, they function as insurance for the future in providing a rational means of storing wealth. The Maasai believe in quantity above quality. The number of animals in a herd is a measure of a man's present and future wealth—an indication of his status. They are the means of exchange in social transactions, i.e., marriage. The more animals a man has, the more wives and children he can have which are also an indication of high status. Animals are used in all kinds of ceremonies specifically those involving law, religious and magic rituals, birth, sickness, or death.

Livestock are technically owned by the male family head, though rights in their use and disposition are retained by his wives (to whom most of the herd are allocated) and his sons who eventually inherit them. Girls do not inherit property.

2.3.4 The Homestead

The Maasai live in extended polygamous family units inside an encampment which is protected with a strong, thorny 2-10

stockade. Inside is a ring of huts that encircle the cattle kraal. The family head inhabits the central hut, his first wife the one on his right while the second wife lives in the one on his left, the third wife two doors away on his right and so on. Each family encampment has a gate through which its animals leave and enter. Each homestead has an average of three wives and about three to four children from each wife.

2.3.5 Maasai Food

Upon getting married, each wife is allocated a number of cows from which she derives her family's daily food. As the daily food is mainly milk and meat, each family is required to have a substantial herd to provide this. According to Jean Brown, a family of six requires a minimum of 60 to 70 head of cattle for subsistence.

Blood is also used as food. It is drawn from a live ox. The beast is caught and a leather thong is tied round its neck. The head is twisted to one side so that the jugular vein bulges. An arrow tipped with a small block of wood to prevent it penetrating too far is shot into the vein and blood flows out and is put into a gourd. It is either drunk or mixed with meat and fat and used as food.

Due to constant droughts and a reduction in cattle/goat products, many Maasai have resorted to the use of agricultural foods which they buy from their neighbours or from shops. The most common food is maize meal which is used

1 Note bibliographic reference for this and other such sources in rear of this section. 2-11

in making porridge or ugali eaten with milk or meat or vegetables. Other foods include potatoes, maize, beans, vegetables, fats, sugar, tea leaves, or coffee.

Cases of malnutrition in both adults and children were observed, but no data was available showing the level of malnutrition. The Health Officer at the Dpi Dol Health Centre noted that cases of child malnutrition were on the increase, probably due to shortages in milk and meat which were previously sources of protein. Poorer families are the hardest hit as they cannot afford to buy protein-rich foods.

2.3.6 Division of Labour

Labour forms an integral part of any production system. In a pastoral system, where grazing and water are theoretically of free access, capital (in form of animals) and labour power are the essential forms of production. The producer must acquire and control these for a successful operation.

2.3.7 Age/Sex Division of Labour

Among the Maasai, the ideal distribution of tasks is by age and sex. Work of herding animals is left almost entirely to the young uncircumcised boys of 6 to 14 years who do 90 percent of all the herding tasks. Young boys of 4 to 5 years tend calves and small stock near the homestead while the 2-12 older boys 6 to 15 years tend and water the big animals away from the homestead. Upon circumcision, boys become Moran (warriors). During this stage, they enjoy a period of comparative freedom in which they are exempted from routine herding tasks.

Before colonial intervention, the Moran acted as the society's army, guarding it and their livestock against cattle rustlers and wild animals. They organized warfare and cattle raids against their neighbours. Now that such activities are prohibited by Kenyan law, they have very little responsibility in the community. They may be called upon to help supervise the young herders and assist in the dipping and watering of animals. Otherwise, they spend their time sitting and beautifying themselves by plaiting their hair and decorating their bodies with red ochre. They are a wasted human resource.

Upon marrying, the Moran enter the elder stage where they become managers and decision-makers in livestock production. They collect information on range condition and, where necessary, scout for new places to graze the cattle and supervise the children who do the herding. They rarely do any herding work.

Women have full responsibility for domestic maintenance including building houses, milking cows, and preparing family meals which involves fetching water and firewood. They inspect all animals allocated to them for illness or ticks and provide the special care needed for young animals including shelter and ensuring adequate food which may include supplying grass to penned calves and rams. They also 2-13 have the task of caring for young babies. Women are assisted by female children in domestic tasks when the girls are not needed for herding. Women spend a lot of their free time making necklaces and belts out of beads which they buy from traders.

Girls are married soon after circumcision which in the case of Mukogodo Maasai varies from one day to 3 months after the "circumcision. • - . ;• •

••• .• ••• Çhildbearing among the Maasai is controlled by taboos. When'a woman is pregnant no' further sexual relations are allqwed until a child is born., and can walk. This acts as a birth control practice which has proved very effective.

Tables 2-1 and 2-2 show the age/sex roles in livestock management and domestic activities and percentages of tasks done by the various age/sex groups according to Barbara E. Grandin.

From Table 2-1, we deduce that 92% of all herding work is done by children. Watering and dipping, which are the more difficult tasks, are done by adults, 81% and 89% respectively. Most of the boma livestock work is also done by the adults (59%), but youngsters also assist with 42% of the task.

From Table 2-2, we learn that 80% of all domestic activities are performed by the women assisted by the young girls who do 15% of the tasks. Boys contribute only 34% while male adults contribute only 1.6% of their labour to domestic tasks. 2-14

Table 2-1: AGE/SEX ROLES IN LIVESTOCK MANAGEMENT PERCENTAGE OF TASKS DONE BY VARIOUS AGE/SEX GROUP

Childrenl Adu Its Total L.M. Observations

M. F. M. F. % No. % By Tasks Watering 15 5 75 6 (101) 123 11 Herding 47 45 3 5 (100) 641 57 Dipping 5 5 68 21 (99) 19 2 Borna L/s Work 18 24 33 26 (101) 274 24 No. of Observa­ tions 389 363 245 124 1,121 . % Total Obs. per Age/Sex 42 47 48 10 Source : Time Allocation and Labour Inputs on a Maasai Group Ranch. Preliminary findings from Olkarkar by Barbara E. Grandin. 1/ For children 6 years and older. 2-15

Table 2-2: AGE/SEX ROLES IN DOMESTIC ACTIVITIES (PERCENTAGE OF TASKS DONE BY AGE/SEX GROUPS)

Childrenl Adults Total Domestic Observations

M. ï\ M. F. • % No. % by Task.

Milking 2 • 18 - 80 (100) 137 15 Cooking/ Roasting Meat 4 5 6 85 (100) 165 18 Child Care 2 . 25 1 773 (10.1) 215 24 Fetch Wood/ Water 1 ' 9 1 89 (100) 143 - 16 Other 8 19 ' 1 7 2 (100) 254 28 No. of Observa­ tions 35 146 15 718 914 101 % Total Obs . Per Age/ Sex 4 19 3 58 Source: Same as Table 2-1.

2.3.8 System of Government

Maasai clans are governed by .a Council of Elders which operates through discussion, consensus and group sanctions.

2.3.9 Age-Set Systems

The process of developing elders is a long one, taking many years and involving many rituals. A boy is weaned at 2 to 3 years. When he reaches the age of 4 to 5 years, he is given the

1/ For children 6 years and older. 2-16

responsibility of looking after small stock and calves around the homestead. From the age of 6 to the time he is circumcised (about 14 to 16 years of age), he tends his father's stock along with other boys and their herds in the communal grazing grounds.

2.3.10 Initiation and Graduation

The elders wait until there are sufficient boys capable of functioning as an army to guard the country. When there are enough, a decision is made to have them circumcised. Each initiate is circumcised in his father's bcma. After a few days recuperation, he joins the other candidates and they form the manyatta, the new army. They now enter the warrior group. They start flaunting themselves, fighting, and raiding.

The leader and chief councillor of the warrior group is known as the Olaiguenani. He is selected before the boys are circumcised and given a staff of office (represented by a club called an Okiuka)'. The marks of a brave warrior are made on his thighs. Members of his age group learn to respect him and refrain from contradicting him. He leads them through all the rituals until they are old men. By the time this happens his authority is no longer confined to the age group alone but extends throughout the community. He is now a village elder with more status and power.

After acting in this warrior stage for a period of 14 to 20 years, a big ceremony, the Eunoto, is held. A black bull is

Before colonization, the Laikipia Maasai used to hold their Eunoto at Kinopop, Kinangop. 2-17

slaughtered to mark the end of the warrior stage and open the way for the warriors to marry and hence enter the elder stage.

2.3.11 The Elders

The Council of Elders that governs the activities of the tribe is selected from this group. This is the group that formulates the laws of the tribe and ascertains that they are strictly observed. The group discusses the welfare of the tribe making decisions concerning movement of stock .as well as resolving disputes brought to them by members of the clan.

2.3.12 The Laibon

This is the highest level of authority. His position is hereditary and confined to one sub-clan. He mediates between Ngai (God of the Maasai) and the Maasai . He helps resolve major disputes and may suggest the size of a fine. A murderer may be advised to pay the victim's family 49 cattle (if the victim is male)—the 9 symbolizing the 9 orifices of the body is a magic number. The Laibon predicts the future, either by inspecting the entrails of a goat or by shaking pebbles as dice in a.buffalo horn. He authorizes ceremonies, ensures fertility, and sanctions war. He advises Morans, using persuasion rather than command.

Table 2-3 shows the various stages a Maasai goes through before entering the elder-age group.

/ 2-18

Table 2-3: APPROXIMATE AGE FOR MAASAI AGE GROUPS

Children Male Female Years Years

Kini 0-2 Kini 0-2 Kiti 3-6 Kiti 3-6 Olaiyioni 6-15 Entito 6-13 Moran 15-18 Esiankiki 13-15 Adults Ilmirish 18-30 15-25 iseuri 30-45 25-40 ' " Il Nyangusi Older 46x 40x Source: Time Allocation and Labour Inputs on a Maasai Group •', Ranch. Preliminary findings from Olkarkar by Barbara E. Grandin.

2.4 LIVESTOCK MANAGEMENT (TRADITIONAL)

The management of the beasts and their grazing requires a high degree of attention and experience. It is highly specialized, involving the constant movement of men and animals in search of grazing and water. It also involves the selection of good breeding bulls-which were obtained from the Isiolo District before the "close in" (discussed in Section 2.5).

Grazing land is owned by clans, not individuals, and stock units can move anywhere within the clan territory. Their seasonal movement over the grazing grounds through the wet and dry season patterns tends to settle into a regular annual cycle which is restricted to an area of the country with which the owners have long personal experience. The cattle owners are careful not to waste good grazing ground on animals which are'capable of surviving under harsher conditions, and areas which have adequate water in the dry season are carefully reserved for use in that 2-19

season only. Most pastoralists dig wells or make dew ponds to catch water.

The size of herds are not controlled by the availability of grazing land but by the management capability of a herds owner, the availability of a labour force (the more grown-up boys a man has the more animals he can send out to the better grazing areas), and herding skills and techniques.

The collective- ownership and use of pastureland inevitably leads to overuse of the land since it is theoretically in every pastoralist's interest to maximize herd growth and the personal use of the common resource. They neither feel responsible for nor take the responsibility for the maintenance of the land, pasture improvement, or stock-upgrading. These factors have contributed to overstocking which, in turn, has led to the Mukogodo Division being overgrazed to an disproportionately high degree.

Another factor tied to the one above, which has also contributed more to land misuse, is the reluctance of stock owners to dispose of their surplus livestock through open market channels which are very limited in Mukogodo. The Maasai exhibit a lack of interest in exchanging cattle for cash, which prevents their obtaining the benefits of the cash economy in the form of consumer goods. During the 1978-81 drought, many animals died and yet those with surviving animals refused to sell them thinking that the conditions would improve and their surviving stock would multiply once again. 2-20

2.4.1 Group Ranches

The group skill individual ranches that have been introduced and established in the Mukogodo Division are aimed at changing the Maasai from nutritional nomadism to commercial nomadism—a transformation of nomadic pastoralism from a subsistence to a commercial orientation. This may persuade the Maasai to keep less but better quality animals which will bring them more income. Such a commercial endeavor will involve management and protection of the forage and the land and control of the number of animals and their overgrazing.

2.4.2 Reciprocity

One factor which has contributed to the survival of the Maasai and their stock is their system of reciprocity in resource utilization. This emanates from the powerful bonds of solidarity between the specific families, clans, age-sets, and sub-tribes as well as stock-friends. All Maasai people are obligated by social convention to assist one another when the need arises. For example, though land forage and natural water supplies in a given grazing territory belong to members of a particular clan, outsiders are never refused access if their grazing territories have been hit by a drought. If a clan member loses his stock through disease or theft, members of his clan "loan" him livestock until he recovers; thus, a member of a clan is never left to suffer alone. This social custom will probably continue even when the ranches are demarcated and adjudicated as is the case in Kajiado and Narok, where ranches were established much eariler. 2-21

Of more benefit to land use than the reciprocity approach would be a scheme of controlling the number of livestock units an individual member will be allowed to hold in a ranch so as not to exceed the ranch's carrying capacity, a systematic plan of disposing of surplus and coil-livestock. This will necessitate building more roads and trails, thus opening up the Division to outside markets. Presently, the Division is almost closed to the outside world.

2.5 THE MAASAI RESERVES

When European colonialists decided they wanted the Laikipia plains for their settlers' livestock farming, arrangements were made to clear the region of all inhabitants and their stock. In 1904, a treaty was signed between the colonial authorities and the Maasai Chief Laibon, Lenana, whereby all Maasai were to be moved to reserves and leave their grazing lands for the European settlers. Two reserves, one in the south (Kajiado and Narok) and one in the north (Mukogodo) were created. The northern reserve included most of what is now Laikipia and the Leroghi Plateau in Samburu. It did not include the Mukogodo Division although most of the Maasai continued to live there.

In 1908, Lenana signed another treaty whereby the Northern Maasai Reserve was to be abandoned and the Maasai agreed to live in the enlarged Southern Reserve. Arrangements were made to remove the Maasai in Laikipia to the Southern Reserve. This was 2-22

accomplished in July 1913 when most Maasai and their stock were moved to the Southern Reserve. Those who evaded the move were confined to the already overgrazed Mukogodo region while farms were established in the rest of the District for European settlement.

After the 1914-1918 War, pressure of settlement increased and more farms were laid out for European settlement—which drastically reduced the grazing available to the Maasai. Specifically, in 1920 farms were established though never occupied in the area between Tura and the Uaso Nyiro. These farms would have cut the Maasai and the Dorobo off from the Uaso Nyiro River. The issue of boundaries was not resolved until December 1934 when the Ngare Ndare—IL Polei boundary was given to the Dorobo. In the west, however, both the Musul and Tura water holes were still in alienated land. In September 1935, that boundary was revised following the present one from Musul along the south to Ngare Ndare, thence a line northwest to the Mukogodo I peak to Lendile to Musul. The Mukogodo Reserve thus came into legal existence in 1936; and, in February of the same year, the first Government chiefs were appointed. In May 1936, it was declared a "closed district." With a clear demarcation of boundaries and the . establishment of the African court later in the year, Mukogodo became an independent entity.

2.5.1 Colonial Administration of Mukogodo Division

The Mukogodo Division was, until 1924, nominally administered from Meru with much of the Northern Frontier District. In 1924, the administration was incorporated at Rumuruti Town, a small frontier village in the northern part of Nyeri District. 2-23

On July 1, 1934, Mukogodo became part of Laikipia-Samburu District and the Rift Valley Province; the District headquarters was designated Rumuruti Town. In December 1935, it was returned to North Nyeri District. In 1948, arrangements were made to move the District headquarters from Rumuruti to Nanyuki where it is currently located.

2.5.2 Effects of Colonization on the Maasai and Dorobo

Enclosing the Maasai and Dorobo in the Mukogodo Reserve had long-lasting repercussions on livestock management. The more serious ones are:

(1) Before colonial intervention, the Maasai obtained good Boran breeding bulls with which they had traditionally upgraded their cattle from their neighbours to the north—the Somali, the Ghalla, and the Boran. As recently as 1961, they were not allowed to purchase the breed at the auctions in Isiolo. This prohibition greatly reduced the quality and productivity of the Maasai herds requiring more animals per family for subsistence.

(2) Not only was the area of land available to the Maàsai for grazing drastically reduced, but they were left with drier areas of less reliable levels of rainfall. The Maasai were forced to remain semi-nomadic pastoralists--no longer able to move their stock to where grass and water were plentiful.

(3) Previously, animals were removed to another grazing area and then ticks and other livestock pests were destroyed by burning the infected areas. However, with the new boundaries, this was no longer possible as there was no idle land for rotational grazing. The result was a high increase of ticks and other 2-24

livestock pests which became uncontrollable making the animals even weaker and more vulnerable to livestock diseases.

(4) With European farms surrounding the Mukogodo Reserve and the strict quarantines imposed on the Maasai stock, there was no way the Maasai were able to sell their surplus stock to the outside world. From the early 1920s, every pastoral reserve found itself in quarantine for one disease or the other. It became illegal for an African herdsman to take his animals across a reserve boundary for purposes of cash sales. They were also restricted from buying or selling cattle at the official auctions. The number of animals in the Mukogodo Reserve, for example, increased to disproportionately large but very weak herds. These ate up all edible forage leaving the soils bare and subject to elements of soil erosion. The Mukogodo Division is presently badly eroded and efforts to rehabilitate the vegetation are proving a big problem for the Government.

The basic colonial stock development principle was to support European ranching and discourage African pastoralism. The white settlers feared competition from African herders and so were antagonistic to African livestock development. As a consequence, the Administration ignored the potential of cattle as a source of wealth except for paying fines and taxes. Until the 1950s, the region was virtually ignored and neglected economically. Administratively, colonial authorities were only interested in maintaining law and order.

Socially, very little was done for the residents by the colonial authorities—no social amenities were provided; schools, health facilities, communication facilities, and even service centres were not provided; and very little interest was shown in 2-25

the people of the region. The first primary school and dispensary were not opened until 1959.

The restriction of movement of people from other areas into the reserve meant that the residents were not exposed to new ideas or innovations. The people remained primitive and undeveloped.

The post-independence administrators decided to develop all regions equally. However, the Mukogodo Division was considered to be a challenge due to the nomadic pastoralism (moving continuously from place to place) of the people and their negative attitude toward any kind of administration or change. Thus, apart from a few dams (most of which are now silted up), some catchment rock dams, a few bore holes, a few primary schools, and one health centre--all of which were implemented before independence--very little else has been done to change or improve the living systems and standards of the Maasai.

More needs to be done to improve the standard of living by providing the people with the basic necessities of life such as adequate water and food, better housing, and sufficient health and educational facilities.

2.5.3 The White Highlands

European alienation of land in Kenya owes its origin to widespread expropriation of high-potential agricultural land which accompanied colonialism from 1897. After 1915, all land in Kenya had passed to the colonial power by the doctrine of eminent domain. This central authority could, at its discretion, distribute parcels of it to whomever it pleased. 2-26

The Laikipia area was earmarked for expropriation as it looked suitable for ranching. Thus, beginning in 1913, when all Maasai and their livestock had been removed to the Southern Reserve and the remaining confined to the Mukogodo Reserve, surveying commenced and farms were established for occupation by the new settlers. By March 1921, there were already fifty-eight settlers who had taken up residence and started working on farms. A majority of the settlers obtained their farms under the Soldier Settlement Scheme. The main land use was large scale ranching. According to a locai committee of settlers which met in 1923, 10,000 acres were the "absolute minimum required for an average farm." The rent for the 10,000 acres was to be Ksh 100/- per year.

Along with beef, dairy products were also produced including butter, cheese, and ghee. Wool from sheep formed part of the farm produce.

Large-scale growing of crops was tried and found to be successful in areas with adequate rainfall.

Labour on the farms was not a- problem as this was easily available from Kikuyu land and other neighbouring Districts. The only major problem the farmers experienced was that of marketing their farm produce due to a lack of transport facilities. The access roads from the farms were very poor and the main road from Nyahururu to the railway station at Gil Gil was just a track. Worse, there were no motorized vehicles in those early days. Farms relied on ox-carts to transport people and their goods to the railway station at Gil Gil. 2-27

Storage facilities were also inadequate, posing a major bottleneck for the high-production farmer.

2.5.4 Squatter Labour

Land in the Central Province had also been alienated by the colonialists and reserves established for the Kikuyu. The Kikuyu Reserve could not accommodate all those rendered landless and homeless. Population pressure on the land and a need for cash money 1 drove the Kikuyus and others to the white settled areas. Thus, cheap labour was readily available from the' Kikuyu.

Other labourers included Merus, Nandis, Tugens from Baringo, a few Luos from the Kavirondo Gulf, Maasai, and Dorobo.

Kikuyus, Merus, and Nandis worked mainly in agricultural farming while Maasais, Dorobo, and Tugens worked herding. Luos were employed in the saw mills in the Marmanet area.

The labourers were taken in as tenant labourers, residing on the farms. Some, especially those' from agricultural areas, were given a plot of 2 to 3 acres on which they grew subsistence crops. They were paid a monthly salary of Ksh 5 or 6 with no food rations.« (Those who did not grow their own food received two pounds of posho, skimmed milk, and sugar.) The Maasai, the most wanted herders, received a monthly salary of Ksh 10 to 15 with food rations. The rations were generally not adequate and unbalanced. Those who farmed their own small plots were better off, but they too were not allowed to keep livestock. 2-28

This resident farm-labour system encouraged squatting and attracted more people into the area.

In 1921, there were only eighteen squatter families in the District. This number increased to 1,484 squatters in 1923, and 5,124 in 1927 working for 115 settlers. Their numbers increased every year.

The squatter labour was heavily exploited and was given few benefits from the huge profits the settlers made from the farms and ranches. They were not allowed to own property--land, or livestock. Whatever money they earned was spent on subsistence. There were no savings. If a labourer decided to leave his employer, he would go home almost as poor as when he went to look for employment. He would, however, be more mature and have a wife and children. This was the situation at the close of the white settler era. Many of the squatters were left with no money or property with which to start a new life elsewhere. A majority are still squatting in squatter villages in town centres such as "Location" in Rumuruti, "Likii," and "Kwa Mbuz" in the town of Nanyuki; in forest reserves; and/or on the farms where they previously worked but which have now been bought by Africans and are not yet subdivided.

1 Since colonial subjects were required to pay a hut and pole tax, many left their homes in search of jobs (and new homes) in order to pay the taxes. 2-29

The squatters were denied any type of education by their settler employers. As settlers were never interested in the education of their labourers' children, there were very few schools. School-age children were to work with their mothers doing "light duties" such as weeding and picking pyrethrum. The general state of their welfare was very poor. They were often undernourished and overworked. They lacked proper health care as there were fee dispensaries or other health facilities and these always lacked drugs.

Sauatters 2*• are Lb.y *_vthemselve. 1 s noti. a majo• r problem- i~i . Mos.« t*. ofc them (wherever they live) are poor, landless and unemployed as they are old and illiterate and lack any type of skills that can help them get jobs. They have established slums in towns which lack all necessary facilities including water, health, and sanitary facilities. Squatters form 10% of the total District population. Resolution of the squatter problem should be seriously considered when planning development in the Laikipia District.

2.5.5 Dissolution of the White" Highlands

One of the major political concerns during the fight for independence (starting in the 1920s and culminating in the 1952 Mau Mau Rebellion) was the return of the alienated lands. As early as 1940, colonialists had observed that if the "white highland" economy were to survive, African political opinion on

These were the children of the original squatter labourers. 2-30

the land issue had to be considered. A royal commission, appointed in 1955 to look into this matter, re-affirmed the necessity of integrating Africans into the highland economy through programmes that would safeguard European farming interests as well as provide a stable framework for the organization of the economy of an independent Kenya.

Many meetings and conferences were held between the African political leaders and the colonial authorities abroad and in Kenya in the late 1950s and early 1960s. From their deliberations, it was obvious the country would attain her independence from Britain within a very short time. It was, therefore, thought necessary to settle the numerous landless people in the former scheduled areas and therefore satisfy their political, social, and economic aspirations. This would avoid illegal, forceful grabbing of land by numerous landless people. This would have been disastrous to the new, independent country both politically and economically. The exercise of settling the landless people, particularly squatters on European farms, was programmed to be done in an orderly and rapid manner.

2.5.6 Settlement Programmes

The first well-organized land settlement body was the Land Development and Settlement Board which was launched in 1961. Another was the Settlement Fund Trustee (SFT) which was even stronger and more powerful. It was a distinct corporate body and was also an independent legal entity. It had powers to purchase, hold, manage, or dispose of property. It was to be self- supporting, self-accounting body with powers to employ staff and borrow and lend money for settlement development purposes. 2-31

In 1962, the Department of Settlement was created as a Government department to administratively and technically administer the settlement programmes on behalf of the SET.

Thus, the institution for proper, well coordinated, settlement of landless people was established and the exercise of purchasing European farms and settling the landless commenced.

2.5.7 Types of Settlement Schemes

2.5.7.1 One-Million-Acre Programme

At the beginning of this system, one million acres of land were purchased from European farmers. Within this million-acre programme, there were two types of schemes: High Density and Low Density. Under this programme, the British government provided money for the purchase of all land and loans for developing the High Density Schemes. Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC), The World Bank (IBRD), and the West German Government gave, development loans funds for all Low Density Schemes and a few High Density Schemes.

2.5.7.2 The High Density Schemes

These were for poorer families, most of whom had no prior knowledge of agriculture. Plots ranged from 6 to 10 hectares each. Only a nominal fee to cover registration of documents was required from the settlers. Each settler was given loans3 for land purchase and for development payable in 30 years and 10, years, respectively.

3 These loans were for the land purchase and development amounts. 2-32

Estimated income from plots was envisaged to be Kè 25 to KÈ 100 per annum above the subsistence and loan repayment level.

2.5.7.3 Low Density Schemes

These were for richer families who had a prior knowledge of farming and could afford to pay an initial deposit equivalent to 10%'of land cost and working capital. Plot sizes ranged from 10 to 20 hectares each. Income accrued from farm produce was estimated to be between Kfe 100 and Kè 250 after deducting subsistence and loan repayments. It was stipulated that the exercise of settling the landless on 'this one million acres would be done within a period of 5 years with over 200,000 acres being settled each year. The exercise, however, lasted from 1962 to 1970 with at least 35,310 families being settled on approximately 477,134 hectares of land.

Of the 35,310 families settled through this programme, 633 families were settled on 10,283 hectares of land in the Laikipia District—the Nyahururu and Marmanet Schemes. Each family was allocated an average of about 16 hectares of reasonably arable land. Each plot was budgeted to provide an income of between Kë 25 to Kè 100 p.a. above the subsistence and loan repayment level. This figure was exceeded as the land was/is very productive. This settlement scheme was carried out during the 1967-68 fiscal year. 2-33

2.5.7.4 Harambee Schemes

During the following fiscal year, 1969-70, 6,529 hectares of land were purchased under the Harambee Scheme in Lariak and 01 Arabel (Ngarua Division) . Only 431 families v/ere settled in these two schemes. Plot sizes ranged from 14 to 16 hectares. Proposed generated income was to be between Kè 40 and Kè 60 but has been much more due to the high potential of the land.

2.5.7.5 Haraka Schemes

The Marmanet Forest Extension Scheme is one example of the Haraka Scheme and has 800 plots covering 2,824 hectares. The plots sizes average 5 acres of virgin, potentially arable land excised from the Marmanet Forest Reserve adjacent to the older Marmanet Settlement.

2.5.7.6 Shirika'Schemes

There are two settlements, Ndindika and Kalalu, which were formerly run on a commerical basis by the S.F.T. but are now conventional operations after demarcation and allocation of the five acre plots.

All Government settlement schemes except for Kalalu and Ndindika are located in the high agricultural potential regions of the Rurnuruti and Ngarua Divisions, where rainfall, soils and climate favour mixed farming. Ndindika, which is in the Ngarua Division is situated in a drier region, more suitable for ranching. Kalalu, on the other hand, is situated in the Central Division near Nanyuki town. It is also in a drier region. 2-34

Acreage in the last two schemes (Kalalu and Ndindika) is small as compared to other conventional schemes with'plots averaging 'five ' acres. The other settlements average more than 20 acres each.

Development loans were made available to the early settlers for farming, road building and other infrastructure components, including produce marketing through cooperative societies. The earlier settlers were generally prosperous and did not face any insurmountable problems—a factor which has contributed to* "the continous high level of produce in the region.'

* * • • Title mapping and registration of plots in settlement schemes is progressing and, as soon as it is 'completed, those settLer.s who., have paid off their loans will get their title deeds.

2.5.7.7 Z-Plots

These were 100-acre plots with permanent houses on them. Eligible purchasers of these plots had to make a 10% downpayment of the capital value of the land. ,

2.5.7.8 Cooperative/Company/Society Farms

Apart from the Government organized settlement schemes, there were other schemes organized by groups of people who formed land-buying cooperatives, societies, or companies. They pooled their resources and bought land from the outgoing white settlers and divided it among their members, each receiving an acreage 2-35 commensurate with the number of shares bought. Most of these farms are in the more marginal drier zones where the only productive land use system during the European settler tenancy was large-scale ranching. It is highly questionable whether these farms will succeed.

The rainfall and general ecological systems do not favour rainfed mixed farming especially when it is on a small scale as it is now.

The cooperative, company, and society farms are about 53 in number with a membership of 154,182. Thirty-five of the companies have already subdivided their farms and settled a total of 73,621 shareholders. Fifteen of the companies are in the process of subdividing to settle 38,413 members. The cooperative society farms will hold about 56% of all the District's population when they are all sub-divided and settled. Acreage per person is mostly from 2-1/2 to 10 acres up to 100 acres. The large-scale farm holder has 20 to 100 acres while the small-scale holder owns 2-1/2 to 20 acres.

The large-scale holders were usually people who had enough money to purchase more shares than their poorer counterparts. Most of the large-scale holders reside on their farms and manage the work and production of crops and livestock. Their farms are usually productive and will support a family and farm labourers.

The small-holder farmers, who form the bulk of the district's rural population, are the poorest of the settlers in terms of money and services. This group, together with the Mukogodo pastoral nomads, lacks the most basic human needs and are settled in very marginal dry areas where it is almost impossible for a 2-36

family unit to earn a living. They frequently rely on the Government to provide them with food through the Famine Relief Programmes. Tables 2-4 and 2-5 show the government settlement schemes and cooperative society farms.

2.6 POPULATION

2.6.1 Introduction

The 1983 'estimated population of the Laikipia District stands at 173,428 inhabitants. The 1979 census estimated the population at 134,524. In 1969 it was estimated at 66,506, while, in 1962 the census showed there were 70,033 inhabitants in the. District.

Estimated population census figures for 1969 and the 1983 show that the population has more than doubled a 14 year period—an indication of an ihflux of people into the District rather than an indication of natural growth.

After forcing out the Maasai, the District was occupied by white settlers who strictly and successfully kept Black Africans from immigrating into their colony. Population growth during their occupation (between 1911 and 1963) was therefore regulated. This changed after independence when the Kenya Government bought out the white settlers and began settling her own landless nationals, especially those from adjoining Districts. This movement of landless Africans into Laikipia and the settlement schemes explain the high population rise after 1970.

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District in search of employment on the white settlers' farms. The drop from 1946 could be attributed to the fact that the white farms had already been established and no more migrant labour was required from outside the District. This growth could be natural growth plus a very small percentage of migrant labourers-.

Between 1962 and 1969 there was a negative growth rate. This could be accounted for by the fact that a lot of the white settlers had started moving off their farms after being bought out, and, therefore, many of their labourers left too as there was no more employment available for them. The majority must have gone back to their original home districts or moved to nearby towns. The rise again between 1969 and the present is a result of mass migrations of Africans into the District to take up the vacated farms.

2.6.2 Growth Rate

The Laikipia"Development Plan for 1979-1983 estimated that the population growth rate between 1969 and 1978 would be 1.1% and the density 8 persons per square kilometer. However, the 1979 census revealed a dramatic population increase which averaged 7.3% per annum and 17 persons per square kilometer.

Population increase from 1970 up to today is due to migration plus the natural growth.

Population increase in the Mukogodo Division has been constant as there has been no significant migration into or out of 2-42 the Division. in the rest of the District, especially in the high potential areas of Ngarua and parts of the Rumuruti Division and the Central Division, the increase has largely been due to immigration.

This trend is likely to change soon when all those who have bought land have settled and no more "arable" land remains. The time when this is likely to happen is not known. It all depends on how soon those who have bought land move in, probably in the next two or three or even five years.

2.6.3 Distribution

The population map (Map 2-1) illustrates the distribution of the population within the District, Division, and within smaller administrative units called locations.

Population distribution in the Laikipia District is attributed to availability of land—unlike in other regions where certain physical factors, such as availability of water, soil fertility, and rainfall reliability, are the determining factors. In the District, land was bought, subdivided, and allocated to shareholders with no regard to its suitability for agricultural production or its livestock potentiality.

More than one-third of the population is concentrated in the high potential areas of Ngarua and Marmanet, the rest is sparsely distributed in other parts of the District where farms have been subdivided and owners are in the process of settling despite the unreliability of the rainfall and other harsh ecological conditions. 2-43

Locations like Ngobit, Naromoru, and Segera in the Central Division are shown to be sparsely populated. This will change when and if all who have bought land there have settled. If they do, the area will be more densely populated than the high potential areas in the western parts of the District where plot sizes are bigger, 5 acres or more, while those in the central area of the District are 2-1/2 acres or more.

Table 2-7 explains 1979 population distribution and density according to location while Table 2-8 shows the 1983 estimated population by location.

2.6.4 Population Composition

2.6.4.1 Age Composition and Dependency

Laikipia District is characterized by a youthful population and a moderately elderly population and consequently has a high dependency ratio.' Table 2-9 gives a breakdown of the population by sex and age. The population in the 0 to 14 age bracket is 50.43% while 1.32% is in the 60 to 64 age bracket. Thus, 51.44% of the population is heavily dependant on the economically productive population. The productive population (both males and females) is 48.56% in the 20 to 60 age bracket.

This is the group that produces food, develops the farms, or works outside the District to earn a living for themselves and their dependants. The group is more often over-burdened with responsibilities. The structure of the economically active population is shown on Table 2-10. Table 2-11 gives a breakdown of females and males who are economically active. 1 1 1 1 . 1 - 36 *5' 37'T5 36*15' 36'30 jroo'

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1 LEGEND DIVISION LOCATION " POPULATION NANVUKI TOWNSHIP 20.000 •— DISTRICT BOUNOARr NARO MORU . 8,500 NG08IT •—brvisioi CENTRAL t.S» —— OL-D'AIOt ii.ooa —- LOCATION SEOERA S.SX • -,— WO PEOPLE TOTAL si.sr.-o FOREST RESERVE UM ' IAN 5,0« —f* RANCHES OR FARMS NOT i'ijMURUTI 11,000 O MUTARA »ET SUB-OfVIDED 4,000 SALAMA »,000 URBAN CENTRES RUMURUTI MARMANET SCHEME O 27,000 G . RURAL CENTRES FORtST •C» o MARKET LOCAL/CENTRES IGWAMITI. 8.000 '•'' 1 TOTAL 65,000

5IPIL1 n soo KINAMBA 15.500 NGARUA GITUAMBA 11,000 OL MORAN 4. too TOTAL 4 2.5LC

MUKOGOOO S SCO I1NGWE51 1,500 UUKOGOOO I'LHOIGIRI f.SOC i i. i i t c » « n JO it. TOTAL 14.5'..0

Estimaltd Tot al lor Datricl I7).1CC 1 ftt'utiK O» •!•>»* MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE- ' ARJO AND SEMI/ARlO LANDS BRANCH Noi#: I ht indicated ötiftbulwn'of population n an or-ffonmaittin *hich not bi-»n titimalfC IfOm field inttrvit»« Q r* 1. Ohïf'vOt'Onj m conjunction with In« pooutaiori brtoktio*^ L AIKIPIA' DISTRICT PRE-INVESTMENT STUDY prON»M»d h#»t*'l* tO' 1863 0« 0 dtlWiti*» t'Of* !'•» I ? "-

ESTIMATED POPULATION DISTRIBUTION

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Age dependency does not necessarily mean complete economic dependency. In rural areas, children under the age of 15 often contribute much of the labour on the farms and in the household. A good example is that of the Maasai where 90% of the herding work is done by children younger than 15 years of age. Old people, of over 60, are also very actively involved. However, as educational opportunities are opened to more children and more children are attending school, their traditional contribution is shifting to an older group—mostly the middle aged.

But labour contributions by school-going children is quite significant in the evenings after school and during school holidays. In the evenings, older girls fetch water and firewood and help with the preparation of family meals. Boys help with livestock activities. On weekends and during the holidays, smaller boys and girls help on the farms.

Table 2-10: ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION

Age Total

20-24 10,849 25-29 9,319 30-34 7,391 35-39 5,887 40-44 4,662 45-49 3,457 50-54 3,129 55-59 2,459 2-48

Table 2-11: POPULATION PARTICIPATION RATES

Age Male Female

20-24 5,696 5 ,153 25-29 4,767 4 ,552 30-34 3,920 3 ,474 35-39 2,988 2 ,899 40-44 2,539 2 ,123 45-49 1,815 1 ,642 50-54 1,663 1 ,466 55-59 1,361 1 ,098 Total 20-59 24,749 22,407 Source: Population census, 1979, from Census Bureau of Statistics (CBS).

2.6.5 Sex Composition

Table 2-12, below, explains the ratio of males to females according to age groups. The ratio of males to females is higher. It can be deduced from this table and from field surveys that there are slightly more males residing in the District than females—an indication that very few males have left the District to look for employment. The overall picture of the population in the District indicates that not very many of the middle-aged group, both males and females, have left the District. This could be explained by the fact that (1) a majority of the settlers moved to the District because they had no alternative employment either in urban towns or in the reserves and (2) most of the settlers are not very highly educated and, therefore, do not qualify for jobs outside the rural economy. Most of them are, therefore, employed on their own farms or on large farms or ranches as farm labourers while a few others are employed in the informal sector. I, 2-49/50

Table 2-12: SEX RATIO BY AGE GROUP

Age Male Female Age Male Female % % % %

0-4 49.6 50.3 40-44 54.4 45.5 5-9 50.4 49.5 45-49 52.5 47.4 10-14 53.0 47.0 50-54 53.1 46.8 15-19 51.7 48.2 55-59 55.3 44.6 20-24 52.5 47.5 60-64 54.0 45.9 25-29 51-.1 48.8 65-69 58.7 41.2 30-34 53.0 46.9 70-74 54.0 45.9 35-39 50.7 49.2 Age Nos. 57.5 42.4 , Ratio-— Total for the District 51.6 48.3 Source: Calculated from data available from 1979 CBS census. 2-51

2.7 MIGRATION AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND SETTLERS1 CHARACTERISTICS

Migration refers to a movement in or out of a given location to another specified area. The following are some of the reasons why people migrate:

1) Pressure on available land, whereby people move to other rural regions in search of grazing or crop-growing land (rural-rural migration);

2) Famine;

3) Unavailability of employment opportunities in their areas of residence (rural-urban migration);

4) Political factors; and

5) Epidemic (human or livestock).

In the case of the Laikipia immigrants, pressure on available land in their former areas of residence greatly influenced their migration to the Laikipia District where land was available. Factors 2, 3, and 4 above also played a major role in this migration.

2.7.1 Types of Immigrants/Settlers/Land Buyers

The majority of Laikipia immigrants were formerly poor landless people without regular jobs and therefore no regular incomes. Most of them were still living in villages which had been created by the colonial authorities during the Mau Mau Rebellion. When a state of emergency was declared in 1952, all Kenyans in the Central Province were forced to 2-52

leave their homes and live in villages where the authorities could keep watch and make that the guerrillas received no assistance from the villages. When land consolidation, adjudication, and registration was completed in this region, the majority of the people found themselves with no land. They were, therefore, allowed to stay in the villages until a solution could be found. These people were joined by scores of other landless nationals who moved from the white high­ lands after their employers, the European farmers, sold the farms and left.

When the Laikipia District was opened up for African acquisition, those who did not get land in the Government settlement schemes joined the land-buying cooperative societies and companies, contributing money and buying land from the outgoing white farmers.

Others who joined the villagers were people who had land or a business in the reserves, but due to fragmentation, the land could no longer sustain the increasing number of depen­ dants. Some sold the small plots and moved to the new District completely while others left their small plots with members of their family. There were others who had very low paying jobs in town centres; and, considering the expenses incurred in a town life, they opted to go to the rural areas and start a new life on the farm where they were guaranteed a regular source of subsistence, if not income.

A few rich people bought big farms and moved in and are managing them nicely, while others just bought the land and never settled on it. Some have kept managers on the farms to look after them. These absentee landowners appear to be speculating for higher land prices after which they will probably sell the land at a profit. 2-53

Migration into Laikipia can be termed as rural—rural migration. In the case of Laikipia immigrants, their move was from high potential areas to semi-arid areas, which are basically unsuitable for crop production.

2.7.2 Migration and Settlement Patterns

The majority of the immigrants (32.9%) are from the Central Province while 23.4% are from the rest of the country. The rest of the population (43.7%) are non-migrants, that is they have always been native to the District. This is illustrated in Table 2-15 which shows the original places of residence of the immigrants. Table 2-16 shows the residence of the District's current population (12 months before the 1979 census).

Most of the immigrants are settled in the west Laikipia Division (62%) where the first settlement schemes, both government and private (cooperative, society, company), were established. Others are settled and some are still being settled in the Central Division, that is Ngobit, Maramoru, Segera, and Loldaiga locations.

2.7.3 Rural-Urban Migration

Rural-urban migration was very significant during the period when white settlers were leaving their farms. Most of the displaced squatters moved to Nanyuki town and established two squatter villages—Likii and Kwambuzi.

Others moved to Rumuruti town where they established a squatter village. 2-54

Currently only 14.11% of the District population resides in urban centres. The rest (85.89%) resides in rural areas where they are actively engaged in subsistence and commercial farming. Those in towns are employed either in the formal or the informal sector.

2.7.4 Out-Migration

The number of people who have moved out of the District in search of off-farm employment or for other reasons, is not available. However, very few of the settlers have moved out of the District after settling.

2.7.5 Fertility, Mortality, and Morbidity

According to the Medical Officer of Health in the Laikipia District, the fertility rate among females of child bearing age is 6. There are 22,636 females who are between ages 15 anmd 59, which is regarded as the most productive age. (16.8% of the whole District population). The fertility of the females will have a major impact on future population growth, density, and distribution.

Infant mortality rates have been determined at 70.8%. The number of infant deaths reported in 1981 was 95; 13 deaths were reported for children under five years of age.

During this same year, one maternal death was reported while the total number of reported deaths was 377. The crude mortality rate has been determined at 0.6%. Life expectancy for males is 53 years and for females 57 years. 2-55

2.7.6 Mortality Causes by the Top Seven Diseases--1981

1. Diarrheal diseases 2. Acute eye infections 3. Acute respiratory infections 4. Intestinal worms 5. STD 6. Skin diseases 7. Accidents

2.7.7 Morbidity Causes by Top Seven Diseases—1981

1. Prematurity 2. Obstructed labour 3. Congenital malformations 4. CVA 5. R.T.A. 6. Chest infections 7. Dehydration

Reported annual illnesses:

Influenza - 340 Measles - 982 Mumps - 22 2 Scabies - 213 Diarrhea - numbers not available Intestinal worms - numbers not available

With increasing routine immunizations, measles and other infectious diseases of childhood are less important and do not constitute major causes of child mortality. The nutri­ tional status of children is noticeable when protein rich foods become insufficient or completely unavailable in times of drought in the more marginal regions of the Mukogodo 2-56

Division and parts of the Central and Rumuruti Divisions. Protein-energy malnutrition is reported to be the most common form of malnutrition in Kenya. In 1981, 865 cases of Marasmus and 604 cases of Kwarshiorkor were reported in the District. There may be many more cases which are not reported because they never reach the hospitals.

Cases of disability in the productive age group made up 0.2% of the population in 1980.

2.7.8 Population Projections

According to the Central Bureau of Statistics the population projection for 1983 for the Laikipia District was 80,000 people, which would be an increase of 1.0% based on the 1969 census. This was based primarily on natural growth; growth from immigration was not considered. The current high growth rate is a result of an influx of people into the area plus natural growth (7.3% per annum).

The projected population for 1990 is expected to be approximately 239,821. This has been calculated at a rate of 7.3% per annum up to 1986 (when it is assumed the rate of immigration will stagnate after all arable land has been taken up) and at the national growth rate of 4% per year from 1987 to 1990. 2-57

This is illustrated in Table 2-13 below:

Table 2-13'. POPULATION PROJECTION FOR THË LAIKIPIA DISTRICT ' 1979-1990

Year Total Population

1979 134,524 1980 146,583 - 1981 155,067 1982 164,004 1983 173,428 1984, 183,576 1985 193,901 1986 205,000 1987 213,200 1988 221,728 1989 230,597 1990 239,821

Source: Calculated from data available from CBS 1979 population -census figures.

2 .8 SETTLERS' CULTURAL AND SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS

There are two categories of established settlers:

1) The rich well-to-do large-scale farmers; and 2) The poor small-scale farmers.

E 2.8.1 The Large-Scale Farmers

The large-scale farmer owns from 20 to over 100 acres of land which he received through the Government Settlement Programmes or bought directly, either from the settler or through the land-buying cooperative societies or companies.

He had the capital to put up a nice big house or bought the former farmer's house along with the farm and had enough capital left over to immediately develop the farm. He may 2-58

have gotten a development loan from the existing lending institutions. The majority of the large-scale farmers have successfully managed to keep their farms productive. This category of settlers had some knowledge of agriculture and had no problem in adapting new innovations suitable for their new areas of residence and farming. They have been able to maximize production and draw huge incomes from their farms.

2.8.2 The Small-Scale Farmers

On the other end of the spectrum is the poor small-scale farmer who owns and cultivates a few acres of land and generally for only economic subsistence. He started with a small plot of 2.5 to 5 or 10 acres. The'majority of these farmers could not afford to buy more than two shares.

Most of the cooperative/society/company farms are within the marginal agroclimatic zones III and IV with some in zone V, and, therefore, it has become a struggle for the small- scale farmer to survive. Other constraints include unavailability of schools for the children, health facilities for the family, transport for the farmer and his produce, and water for his family and livestock. The sociological study of the District revolves around the small-scale farmer and his nomadic pastoral neighbour, the Maasai in the Mukogodo Division who lives in absolute poverty in a harsh environment.

One share which bought a maximum of five acres of land cost around Kè 1,800/=. See Chapter 3 -for further detail. 2-59

2.8.3 The New Settlers' Cultural and Social Characteristics

The District is occupied by different people from diverse ethnic groupings who have different social and cultural traits. Since all of them are driven by a common desire to own a piece of land in this District and make it home, most of them have tried to merge their different cultures and traditions to suit this new life. Cultures and traditions which could not be merged have been dropped. As a result a new society has evolved which has very loose cultural and traditional ties. It is not rigid or highly structured but rather an adaptable amorphous society with considerable flexibility that has enabled the settlers to adapt to their new environment and associates and accept new innovations in almost every facet of their new life.

Most of the different ethnic groupings had some common cultural traits, e.g., the household which was and is the basic unit of production, the kinship system, the clan systems, loose government systems headed by elders, and so on.

Among the new settlers, Kikuyus (64.3%) form the majority of the society, followed by Kalenjins (8.7%). The population's ethnic composition is detailed in Table 2-14.

2.8.4 The Clan System

2.8.4.1 The Kikuyu Society

Each Kikuyu belongs to one of the nine widely dispersed totemic patrilineal clans which existed basically to serve and assist members in times of need and difficulty. This attribute still exists, but its importance has diminished due 2-60

to the dispersion of members to the various parts of the District where the member received his/her peice of land. The system of allocating plots was done through a ballot system, and it was very rare for even two brothers to obtain plots adjacent to each other. Apart from disruption of the clan system, extended familial groupings have been disrupted. The only significant social unit remaining is the nuclear family which has tried to fit itself into the.new community. These groups have been held together not by clan or kinship affiliations but by self-help groupings which have been established and to a large extent have taken over the functions of the clan and kinship affiliations.

2.8.4.2 The Kalenjins Society

The Kalenjins who had very stringent customs and traditions had to relax them to fit into the new social setting. The Kalenjins, like the Kikuyus, are patrilineal and emphasize clan lineage relationships.

Self-help groupings replacing the clan and familial systems applies to nearly all the tribal groupings.

2.8.5 The Traditional Political Structures

The Kikuyus had no centralized political organizations. The homestead was an internally self-governing unit with the household head having complete control over all members of the family. Anarchy never prevailed in the Kikuyu or Kalenjin societies which historically was devoid of a chief and a hierarchical political structure. A council of selected elders (Kiama) sat and discussed matters pertaining to the activities of the community. They resolved disputes among the members of the community, penalized rule violators and rewarded the good people. rH I Cv!

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Kikuyus are people who accept change easily, so they accepted the system of government through chiefs more easily than did the Kalenjins..

The system of government among the Kalenjins was through a council of elders who were selected on the basis of age, wealth, and family stability. Dispersed homesteads were the common settlement pattern with several joining- together to form one unit—a village. The village was presided over by a council of elders. Many villages joined together to form a territory and were governed by a council of elders from the different villages. They met to discuss matters pertaining to the affairs of the group. They decided on land use and on allocation of land for cultivation.

The chief system was imposed on the Kikuyus and Kalenjins. Government through elders is still more preferred than the government system of chiefs. If a chief is appointed without the consent of the elders or the clan, he may be rejected together with all his new ideas and innovations.

2.8.6 Land Ownership and Tenure

Individual ownership of land is deeply ingrained in the Kikuyu society. The predominant attitude is that land provides the means to meet the basic subsistence needs of the family. For a pastoralist or a subsistence cultivator, land is his means of survival. It is insurance for a future home for his children, especially sons, (as they are the ones who inherit land from their fathers) and wives (who, on marriage, are given a portion of it for growing subsistence staples). Land provides a base of identity and association with one's relatives (kin). This is established through links with one's clan lineage and tribal members. A person's identity stems from this kinship system. Even if a person is living 2-63

outside his traditional home, he returns home relatively frequently to maintain these ties and to perform obligatory kinship functions. Land is also associated with continuity between generations.

With land consolidation and registration, land as capital investment has become paramount. Every individual Kikuyu is striving to own a piece even if it is on rocky ground or in marginal areas. This need to own a piece of land is one reason why so many Kikuyus are migrating to the arid and semi-arid areas of the Laikipia District.

Among the Kalenjins, individual ownership is ingrained in the community. Traditionally, land ownership was vested in the tribe and clan. Land as clan property was adminis­ tered through the clan elders whose responsibility it was to allocate land for'cultivation. Any individual who desired a piece of land for cultivation had to approach the council of elders for allocation. Once the land was allocated, the individual had the right to use it undisturbed, and it could be inherited by the sons of the family. Thus, traditionally, land was not viewed as a commodity and could not be bought or sold.

Grazing land was used communally, but members of different clans could obtain special clearance from the council of elders to graze on another clan's land. Mixed farming was the dominant economic activity. In the new settlements, the system is changing. An individual raises money and purchases his own piece of land which he uses as he wishes and when he wishes. He is free to sell it or do whatever he wishes with it. 2-64

2.8.7 Land Adjudication

Land adjudication is the government policy to survey, demarcate, and grant a freehold title deed to every land­ holder in rural Kenya. Only one division of the Laikipia District is affected as it was formerly held in trust for the Maasai and the Dorobo. The task is difficult, tedious, and controversial especially where land is communally owned. Given the land tenure system in Mukogodo where ownership is vested in the clan, land adjudication has been blocked when individual ownership and individual titles are sought and where other members of the clan are opposed to it. The process is proceeding although it is taking a long time. Creation of physical boundaries will, mean that the pasto- ralists will be restricted in their grazing movements. If . there is drought in their area, they will either have to graze beyond their boundaries in other ranches through negotiations, or by force or their livestock will die. If the group ranch phenomenon is to be meaningful, successful planners must take into account the traditional system of resource utilization so development proposals are based on the existing structure and are acceptable to land and live­ stock owners. The long-term ecological conditions, particu­ larly the inconsistent rainfall pattern, must be considered so that effective rotational grazing systems can be estab­ lished on ecologically viable units. It would then be possible for the pastoralists to remain within defined areas and become responsible for the preservation of the range resource by controlling the number of stock.

Since adjudication was started in 1972, a total of 60,815 hectares of land have been processed through the system. It is hoped once adjudication and registration is completed, each individual or group will be able to improve their livestock and at the same time take good care of pas- 2-65

tures within their ranches. Table 2-15 shows the state of land adjudication in the Mukogodo Division.

Table 2-15 STATE OF LAND ADJUDICATION IN MUKOGODO DIVISION

Location Date Declared " Date Completed Area Affected

JL Ndigiri 7-11-72 10-8-76 33,791 ha (29 parcels) Mumonyot I 24-1-73 18-4-80 . 19,521 ha (27 parcels) II Ngwesi I 6-3-73 5-5-78 7,503 ha (14 parcels) II Ngwesi II 21-2-74 Not complete Mumonyot II 27-3-79 Not complete

Source: Land adjudication office—Nairobi, Kenya.

Land adjudication has advantages, for example:

(1) Destocking can be effected more easily and the animals improved and better managed. Grazing lands and water sources can be better taken care of, too.

(2) Land owners can easily obtain development loans from the loaning institutions to help develop their ranches. This would make it possible to commer­ cialize livestock farming in the Mukogodo Division.

Land adjudication also has disadvantages, for example:

(1) Adjudiciation generates a landless class. In the case of the Mukogodo Division, no consideration has been given to future population increase and the Maasia system of ownership of property by every adult male. This means that if one member now has 6 sons and the sons and the members own a total of 50 cows between them, in about 15 years time each of the 6 sons will each have his 20 or 30 cows, and it will not be very easy to persuade the sons (as 2-66

members of a ranch) to reduce their stock. Destocking may not be possible on these group ranches.

(2) Nomadic pastoralists can only settle on land if the ecological conditions are favourable regardless of physical development. Since climatic factors are beyond human control, the question of trying to make the Maasai sedentary will always be a difficult one.

2.8.8 Farmers' Social Characteristics

2.8.8.1 Household

The household or nuclear family is defined as the people who normally live in the same place and share meals and may or may not include the joint family consisting of two or more lineally related kinsfolk, their spouses, and offspring. According to the 1979 population census, there are a total of 30,281 households with an average of 4.4 persons per family.

The majority of the farm holdings in the study area hold more than one household, that is, the main household belonging to the farm owner, his wife and young children, his married son's household, his parents, and probably one or two younger brothers. The son or the younger brothers may be away on other off-farm employment, but they always leave their families behind who derive their subsistence from the farm. This is supplemented by the earnings of those working outside.

2.8.8.2 Sex and Age of Household Head

The head of the household in a normal traditional setting is always a mature man of over 25 years of age. For as long as he remains alive, he remains head of the family. There are cases, however, where the male head is absent, either diseased or away on an off-farm employment. In such cases, women are left as heads of households.

2.8.8.3 Occupation and Level of Education of Household Head

The majority of those interviewed indicated that the main occupation of the household head was farming. The majority of them indicated that they had had little or no education while some indicated that they were attending adult education classes.

A few of the household heads were employed as teachers or had businesses near their homes. These had some education. Table 2-16 gives a breakdown of population by sex, five-year age group, and level of education. Table 2-17 gives the population by sex, five-year age group, and school attendance.

From the tables we learn that 51% of the population has had no education at all, 22% has attended to Standard 4, 13% to Standard 7, while only about 6.2% have attended to Form 4 and only 0.4% have gone beyond Form 5. The level of educa­ tion in the District is rather low which has contributed to the lack of understanding of what the extension workers are attempting to demonstrate. Considering the entire popula­ tion, males are more highly educated than females.

2.8.8.5 Division of Labour

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The man acts as a director, making decisions on what is to be done on the farm and providing the capital for financing the various activities. He usually delegates duties to members of the family and does some of the work himself.

The following duties are carried out by the males in the household.

1. Clearing bushes—that is preparing the land for planting, 2. Fencing the farm, 3. Building the living quarters, 4. Looking after the livestock including herding and watering, 5. Guarding the community against preditors and rustlers, and 6. Making tools.

Women are responsible for the following tasks:

1. Producing the family staple foods which involves planting the prepared patches, 2. Weeding, 3. Harvesting, 4. Preparing family meals, which involves:

Grinding grains, Fetching water and firewood, - Cooking the food, and Cleaning up the dishes. 2-71 '

5. Looking after the young children, 6. Taking care of the young stock especially penned calves and rams, and 7. Milking the cows.

With more and more men drifting to the urban centres in search of off-farm employment, more and more responsibilities are being shifted onto the woman. This results in poor management and organization of farming activities which results in low productivity.

Tables 2-18 and 2-19 detail the performance of various farming and domestic tasks by age/sex groups. The conclu­ sions were reached after interviewing a sample of 78 small­ holder farmers in the study area and through observations.

Young boys and girls of 6 to 14 years assist with both farm and livestock management and domestic activities in the evenings, on weekends, or during the holidays when they are not attending school.

2.8.8.6 The Role of Women in the Society

In the Kikuyu society, women are the backbone of the rural farming economy as well as the caretakers of the homes.

Traditionally the homestead was a basic economic unit with a clear division of responsibilities based upon sex. Men and women performed separate tasks. The men built huts, made tools, carried out trade, and looked after livestock. Women did all the household tasks, e.g., producing staple foods and preparing meals, fetching water, collecting fire­ wood, looking after children, milking cows, and at times being called upon to close herd the young calves and small stock if there were no young children to do the work. Women 2-72

Table 2-18: AGE/SEX ROLES IN FARMING ACTIVITIES (Percentage of Tasks Done by Age/Sex Groups)

Children 6-15 years Adults Male Female Male Female % % % %

Fencing 9 4 81 6 Bush clearing 5 2 72 21 Building houses 4 1 85 10 Digging 7 3 46 44 Ploughing-Tractor - 100 -•'; Planting 5 6 30 56 Weeding 5 6 27 62 Harvesting 5 6 27 62 Marketing (carrying 1 11 8 80 produce to the market)

Source - Survey data. 2-73 i

Table 2-19: AGE/SEX ROLES IN DOMESTIC ACTIVITIES (Percentage of Tasks Done by Age/Sex Groups)

Task Children 6 -- 15 years Adult!3 Male Female Male Female % % % % Fetching water 0 70 0 30 Firewood 2 9 1 88 Preparing meals 4 6 5 85- Cleaning dishes, house 4 14 3 79 Looking after the young children 4 27 1 68 Other 9 17 2 72

Source - Survey data. 2-74

have traditionally been responsible for the growing of sub­ sistence crops for feeding the whole family. Men assisted only in bush clearing, cutting down trees, and preparing the field for planting.

In recent years, as more men have migrated in search of cash income to supplement the family income, an increasing number of women are becoming household heads and the prin­ cipal farm managers. Women have taken on all farm duties, i.e., preparing the field for cultivation, building houses, and taking care of livestock in addition to the traditional tasks of planting, weeding, harvesting, and looking after the young ones. In addition to her household and farm tasks, she has to go to the market to buy food or sell surplus farm produce which may be her only source of cash until the husband brings home more cash.

She also participates in self-help programmes or joins oLher women in theiv social groupings. The.3e provide ch^ women with a break froi.i the household and farm tdsku, ïhese breaks impinne upon her time and often t-ake Vier away front essential activities at home or on the farm. The net result of the increasing responsibilities and demand placed en a woman's energy and time is inefficient farm management, labour shortages, and low productivityT

The role of women in agriculture is often taken for granted and, therefore, when chances for training arise, they are more often extended to the men, who are frequently away from the farm. Women need to be more actively integrated into agricultural projects by being offered relevant training to enable them to become more efficient and more productive. Male extension workers seem to prefer dealing with men farmers. Thus relevant advice is more often given to the men who are not present to incorporate valuable suggestions into the agricultural system. : 2-75

2.8.8.7 Farm Sizes and Farming Systems

Plot sizes range from 2.5 - 10 acres among the small- scale farmers and 20 to over 100 acres among the large-scale farmers.

Agriculture is by far the most important economic activity among the smallholder settlers. In the Mukogodo Division, livestock herding predominates. The farming system which prevails within the smallholder areas is a mixed rainfed subsistence agriculture with crops such as maize, beans, potatoes, and peas. In the high potential areas, cash crops such as pyrethrum and coffee are grown.

2.8.8.8 Farming History and Eating Habits

Traditionally, sorghum, millet, pigeon peas, arrowroots, yams, bananas, and sweet potatoes were the predominant food staples grown and eaten by every Kikuyu. Arrowroots were grown in the marshy river valley basins while the other crops mentioned above were grown on cleared and burned patches of high ground. Ploughed farms are now dominant; and maize, beans, and Irish potatoes are replacing finger millet, sorghum, pigeon peas, bananas, yams, and sweet potatoes as the staples.

The predominant food among the Kikuyus is irio—a mixture of boiled maize and beans, peas or pigeon peas mashed with potatoes, bananas, and vegetables. The more commonly used vegetables are nettles which grow wild and pumpkin leaves which are grown on the farms. The other staple food becoming very popular with nearly all the settlers is ugali—a stiff paste or porridge made from maize flour and eaten with meat, milk, vegetables, or beans. 2-76

Maize, beans, and potatoes perform a dual role—as both a food staple and a major cash crop. With only 14% of its population in urban areas, urban consumers provide only.a small market for farm produce. Most surplus crops are traded locally. The prices in this informal market are not well established, but those who sell their surplus produce through the National Cereals and Produce Board enjoy well established pricing and marketing systems. The National Cereals and Produce Board has a network of buying centres, and the prices of the cereals are reviewed annually.

Since the farmers live relatively close to the subsistence level, if not below it, a reliable food supply becomes top priority. The satisfaction of cash requirements may be subordinate to the need for a food supply in every farmer's management decisions.

2.8.8.9 The Cropping Pattern

The farming and cropping system is based on traditional methodology from the settlers' original homes which are areas of high potential agricultural land with good, well- distributed reliable rainfall and good soils. (Crops grown in the original homes included maize, beans, and potatoes. These were usually intercropped.) There has been no attempt at new farming techniques for new crops more suitable to the Laikipia marginal areas where rainfall is erratic and unrealiable. No experiments have been made with dry land crops like pigeon peas, cassava, or sweet potatoes which would do well if tried.

Planting seasons in the more marginal areas of the Laikipia District have not been completely established, but they follow the beginning"of the rains which is not always predictable. Therefore, there is a lot of uncertainty and high risk in farming. 2-77

2.8.8.10 Labour

As many small-scale farmers cannot afford to buy or rent machinery, it is rarely used. Ox ploughs are not commonly used in Laikipia; most of the work is done manually by members of the household using hoes, jembes, and pangas. Work is slow, tedious, and there is often a shortage of labour. With the men away working in off-farm employment and children in school, most of the work is left to the women. Labour shortage is a major constraint in this farming economy.

2.8.8.11 Farm Equipment

The most commonly owned farm implements are the.panga, jembe, hoe, and axe. Data was unavailable for the number possessed by each household. But every farmer, no matter how poor, must have the above items in order to farm. These become insufficient during periods of labour peaks. This is one factor which contributes to delays in weeding which in turn contributes to low crop yields.

A few large-scale farmers own tractors which they use on their farms and rent to their neighbours who can afford to pay the charges .

2.8.8.12 Off-Farm Activities

Some small-scale holders have sought off-farm activities which earn them extra income. Some of the informal sector activities include:

1) Charcoal and Other Forest Products Industries— These are dealt with in great detail in Chapter 10. 2-78

2) Food and Beverages—There are other settlers who have opened small kiosks where they sell food, and beverages including beer. Some sell their wares in open air markets where sweets, salt, etc. are sold.

3) Transportation—Owning matatus or lorries which carry people and goods from plàce-to-place brings in some outside income.

4) Handicrafts—Women mainly engage in this activity.

5) Metal Implements—Other off-farm activities include manufacturing simple farming tools, simple jikes, pans, basins, etc. from old oil drums.

The rest of the off-farm workers work outside their areas either as clerks, teachers, or senior government officers who usually do not reside on the farms.

2.8.8.13 The Livestock Herding System

Livestock plays an important role in the social and economic lives of the people in the study area, especially in the Mukogodo Division where existence is based on ownership of livestock. Since grazing land is-communally owned, no one feels obliged to destock and keep stock that will not over- exploit the land. Instead every stock owner wants to maximize on stock so he can become wealthier and thus more influential. As a result, there is extensive overgrazing, which has left the land bare and badly eroded, resulting in poorly fed, weak animals.

Before the last drought, a rich man had an average of 300 cows while the average Maasai had from 10 to 20 cows with 80 plus goats and sheep. Many animals died during the last 2-79

drought, and many people are now trying to rebuild their stocks.

It is very difficult to find a Maasai who owns no stock, because of the stock-friendship system whereby a poor man is lent a number of animals by clan members until he can obtain his own.

The other small-scale farmers own one or two cows (often the indigenous breed) and a few goats and sheep. These are grazed around the homestead or on farms belonging to absentee landowners. When all plots are adjudicated, grazing land available will be greatly reduced.

Large-scale farmers have well programmed grazing systems. Rotational grazing, moving animals from one grazing area to another depending on availability of forage, is most common. They have organized paddocks planted with good grass. Water for their animals is available nearby. Therefore, their animals are well taken care of and well kept.

2.8.8.14 The House

The settlers build two or three houses before they settle in the better, improved permanent house.

The first one is just a simple structure of poles and pieces of wood held together with strings and thatched with grass. This is normally occupied by the person who first comes to see the piece of land, installs beacons, and probably starts clearing land.

After some time, the settler may put up another more permanent house made of poles, mud walls and a thatched roof with grass or corrigated sheets. He may bring his family. 1

2-80

They settle on the land and begin to develop it more vigorously.

After a year or more in this house, the settler may put up a semi-permanent house made of timber and roofed with corrigated sheets. Other buildings go up including a granary, animal enclosures, a kitchen, and a pit latrine. A homestead may contain a holding-drum for rain water or water drawn from a river or dam.

'Although a few Maasai are changing their buildings to the round grass-thatched or iron-sheet roofed huts or houses, the Kikuyu majority continue to build their traditional oval- shaped houses which are smeared with mud and cow dung.

2.8.8.15 Traditional Medicine and Cures

Before the introduction of modern medicine, there were medicine men and women who used herbs, roots, and barks to cure ailments. There were also midwives who assisted with childbirth.

Today, there are many areas without modern medical facilities or mobile clinics. In these areas, the tradi­ tional medicine men and women are still sought after in cases of sicknesses or childbirth. This is true of Mukogodo and other new settlements. Some people prefer the traditional medicines to the modern ones.

Training the traditional practitioners will enable them to practice with more ease. Additionally, investigating the medicinal qualities of the traditional herbs and roots will be useful to modern medicine. 2-81

2.9 CONSTRAINTS ON SMALLHOLDING

The new settler has encountered many problems in his effort to make the District his permanent home.

2.9.1 Problems Affecting Families

The small-scale landowner was very poor because all his savings were invested in buying the land. He was left with very little capital with which to develop the land, build a house (most of the houses are small structures made of wood, mud, and thatched with grass), fence his plot, and prepare the land for crop growing or livestock rearing. All that the farmer could manage to do was clear a small portion of land and grow a few subsistence crops. He lives below the rural poverty consumption level of Ksh 22,000.

His dream is to be able to make a little more money in order to pay school fees for his children, build a better house, and buy himself better clothes.

2.9.2 Capital Availability—Credit Facilities

Despite his many financial needs, the small-scale farmer rarely seeks assistance from lending institutions.

2.9.3 Off-Farm Employment

This is not available in towns within the District and many school dropouts find themselves without jobs. Some are reluctant to spend all their time working on their fathers plots and frequently are found hanging about the shopping centres doing nothing. J 2-82

2.9.4 Farm Size and Poor Farming and Livestock Husbandry Techniques

Food shortages could be attributed to the smallness of the farms (2.5. to 5 acres in a majority of the cases) in areas of unreliable rainfall and poor farming practices applied by the farmers. Due to a lack of knowledge the farmers fail to adapt farming innovations suitable for these areas. Instead they imported high potential-areas-farming techniques and crops, some of which fail to grow here. Maize for example, is completely unadapted to the climate of this area; and it is one crop the farmers insist on growing. The result is yearly crop failures. Beans and potatoes do well when rains are favourable, and they can be used both as a subsistence crop and for marketing if there is a surplus.

Every settler has a cow or two, a goat, and a sheep from which he gets milk for his family. Unfortunately, the type kept is a local breed whose milk yield is very low; however, this breed is favoured because it is more resistant to diseases; adaptable to the harsh climate; and, according to one farmer in Tigithi area, "does not need as much attention as the exotic breed and does not eat as much."

2.9.5 Large Families

Most small-scale farmers have more than six children to feed, cloth, and educate. His small farm is expected to provide the food and an extra income to enable him do all this, which at times becomes impossible forcing some of his children to drop out of school prematurely.

A high dependency ratio as is found in Laikipia implies that more resources must be diverted to consumption leaving 2-83

less capital available for productive investment needed to create future wealth in the economy.

2.9.6 Unavailability of Labour

Most work on the farm is done manually as the farmers cannot afford to hire tractors for land preparation, planting, and/or weeding, or casual labour to do the work. This means all this has to be done by the man and his wife (if the husband is not away on another off-farm job), because the children usually go to school. As a result, unless a very small plot is cultivated, land preparation, planting, and weeding are always delayed and crops fail even if there was sufficient rain and a promising good harvest.

2.9.7 Food and Nutrition

The Rural Nutrition Survey carried out in February-March 1977 by the Central Bureau of Statistic revealed that one- third of rural children were below 90 percent of the standard height, age, and weight referred to as Protein Energy Malnutrition or PEM).

There are five groups identified with nutrition problems :

o Small-holders in the low potential areas where the soil is of poor quality and deficient in moisture and the distance to water points is long;

o Small-holders whose holdings are so small that risk—carrying capacity and purchase of inputs is limited;

o The landless whose incomes are too small to provide an adequate income; 2-83

less capital available for productive investment needed to create future wealth in the economy.

2.9.6 Unavailability of Labour

Most work on the farm is done manually as the farmers cannot afford to hire tractors for land preparation, planting, and/or weeding, or casual labour to do the work. This means all this has to be done by the man and his wife (if the husband is not away on another off-farm job), because the children usually go to school. As a result, unless a very small plot is cultivated, land preparation, planting, and weeding are always delayed and crops fail even if there was sufficient rain and a promising good harvest.

2.9.7 Food and Nutrition

The Rural Nutrition Survey carried out in February-March 1977 by the Central Bureau of Statistic revealed that one- third of rural children were below' 90 percent of the standard height, age, and weight referred to as Protein Energy Malnutrition or PEM).

There are five groups identified with nutrition problems:

o Small-holders in the low potential areas where the soil is of poor quality and deficient in moisture and the distance to water points is long;

o Small-holders whose holdings are so small that risk—carrying capacity and purchase of inputs is limited;

o The landless whose incomes are too small to provide an adequate income; 2-84

o Pastoralists in the arid and serai-arid parts of the rlow potential areas who are at nutritional risk at times of drought; and

o Pregnant and lactating mothers.

More often when rainfall is unfavourable, the small-scale farmer finds himself with no food to eat and no money to buy any. He, therefore, relies on what the Government feeds him as famine relief. This is ironic in light of the fact that the farmer bought the land so he could be self-reliant. Instead the Government spends more than Ksh 80,000/- to keep him alive during drought years.

The following are areas which are provided with famine relief :

o Mukogodo Division—Ànandanguru, Alijijo, Dol Dol and Kimanjo;

o Ngarua Division--Olmoran, Magadi, Luonek;

o Rumuruti Division—Salama, Mutara, Sosian; and

o Central Division—Township, Loldaiga, Ngobit, Segera, and Weru-ini.

2.9.8 Water

Water poses one of the major problems with which the new settlers have to contend. Laikipia has very few rivers which pass through it. The main sources of water are man made dams, rock catchments, boreholes, a few furrows, and wells. These are very sparsely distributed and some too far away from those who require them. People and animals have to walk 2-85

long distances to get the water, sometimes up to 20 km round- trip. Many man-hours are spent in collecting water especially by women who job it is to fetch water in between doing other household chores as well as working on the farm, looking after children, and sometimes tending animals. In certain instances, the water quality is very poor and constitutes a health hazard especially when taken from ponds, dams, rock catchments, or furrows. This is true in the Segera area where new settlers are just moving in and experiencing this hardship.

For an average family of seven people, about 60 litres of water per day is procured for cooking, drinking, washing, and cleaning. Since they use jerrycans which hold about 30 litres each, the women must go to the river or water source twice daily. This amount is below the Government of Kenya, WHO, and USAID standard of 20-40 litres of safe water per capita per day—a good indication that a vast majority of the District does not have adequate access to water.

It is the hope of the settlers that someday they will have piped water available to them nearby. Many are willing to contribute money and labour to initiate water projects.

2.9.9 Housing

Rural housing standards are not high with less than 10 percent of the population having a corrugated iron roof and a concrete floor.

2.9.10 Firewood

Although the shortage of firewood does not pose a major problem in all areas, it is a potential one. Small-holders are clearing all the bushes on their small plots to give way to crop production. Others are selling charcoal. No trees 2-86

are planted to replace the ones destroyed. If steps are not taken soon, no trees will be left and the shortage of firewood, building wood, etc. will be a big problem.

2.9.11 Medical Facilities

There are few especially in the more recently settled areas where no public amenities have been provided. There is only one District hospital situated in Nanyuki Town. This is in one corner of the Disrict and does not serve all the people in the District sufficiently as it is too far from some of them. The Nyahururu Hospital serves both Nyandarua and Laikipia Districts and is insufficient. There are a total of four health centres and seven dispensaries in the entire Laikipia District. Only one health centre serves the entire Mukogodo Division. Most of the health facilities are concentrated in the western part of the District.

Table 2-24 shows the number of health facilities available while Map 2-2 shows how they are distributed.

Sick people in some areas have to be taken long distances to reach the existing facilities which are poorly staffed and very poorly equipped. Beds, drugs, and other clinical facilities are in very short supply.

Health education is lacking in most parts of the District due to a shortage of medical personnel. Curative rather than preventive treatment is more sought after by all.

2.9.12 Education and Training Facilities

This is another major problem encountered by new settlers when they move in with their school age children to areas where inadequate school buildings exist, and there are no teachers or necessary teaching equipment. The kind of 2-87

buildings hurriedly put up are poor and sometimes do not keep out rain. They are poorly equipped with books, blackboards, and other teaching materials in short supply. They are also poorly staffed. The kind of education offered is more biased toward academic qualifications and white collar employment in urban centres (which is not available) and does not prepare youth for future employment in their respective rural areasxas carpenters, masons, or agriculturalists.

There are a total of 137 primary schools in the District as illustrated by Table 2-28.

Secondary schools are inadequate and cannot accommodate the high turnout of primary school students. There is a total of 12 secondary schools, most of which are concentrated in the western part of the District. Their distribution is shown on Map 2-2.

Nursery schools are available. Most parents do not see the need of taking a young child to a nursery school where he/she is expectd to pay a fee. Most parents choose to wait until their chldren are old enough to go to primary school, which is free. Attendance in nursery schools is very low.

Most adults in the District are semi- or completely illiterate, and therefore their perception of development ideas is very low.

2.9.13 Youth Centres

There are only three youth centres, two in. Nanyuki town and another in the Marmanent area. They are teaching school dropouts skills which enable them to obtain employment in 2-88

their respective rural centres. Courses offered include masonry, carpentry, dressmaking, and metal work. They are playing a major role in trying to make unemployable youths employable, and their number should be increased.

There are no other training facilities available in the District, no farmers' training institutions or teacher training colleges. If people want any training, they have to travel outside the District—a rather expensive exercise.

2.9.14 Lack of Economic Institutions

2.9.14.1 Service Centres

There is a lack of service centres especially in the more recently settled areas, i.e., the new settlers cannot obtain farm inputs and other commodities without having to travel long distances to the centres where the inputs and commodities are available. This expenditure of money and time detracts from the development of the farm.

The centres (designated as local, market, rural, and urban centres) are to provide people living around them with recreation facilities, shopping, marketing, educational, and health facilities as well as administrative security. Since they are not conveniently located, the above ammenities including police stations, post, and telephone facilities are generally unavailable to the people.

The centres, apart from the ones along the main roads, are poorly connected with road networks and are difficult to reach. Something should be done to rectify the situation. Map 2-2 shows the location o£ some of the service centres. LEGEND

_ DIVISIONAL BOUNDARIES o URBAN CENTRES D RURAL CENTRES . o • MARKET LOCAL / CENTRES H DISTRICT HOSPITAL

c HEALTH CENTRES

0 OISPENSARIES

s SECONDAR» SCHOOLS

MINlSTHf OF AGRiCULlUHE AhlQ ANO 5EHI-ARIÜ LANCS BMANCH

LAIKIPIA DI5TRICT PRE-INVE5TMENT SlUDY

2-88a SOCIAL SERVICES

MAP 1982-83 PLATE 2-2 ASAL 26 2-89

2.9.14.2 Transport and Communication Facilities

The new settlement areas are very poorly served with roads. Some farms are situated very far from any major road; and as access roads have not been constructed, the areas are not very accessible. This gets worse during the wet season when even the existing roads become impassable. Settlers suffer a great deal when they have to transport their farm produce to market, bring farm inputs from the service centres, or have to take a sick person to the hospital. Vehicle owners do not like risking driving their vehicles along these roads even during the dry season.

The total length of classified and unclassified roads in the District are indicated in the table below:

Table 2-20

Length in Type Kilometers Percentage

Tarmac 121.7 11 Murrain 410.9 37 Earth 452.9 41.3 Unclassified Earth 112.0 10.7

Total 1097.5 100

Improvement of the communication systems would not only open up undeveloped areas but would hasten the rate of development. It would guarantee quicker, more efficient, and cheapter transportation of goods and people to and from service centres. 2-90

2.9.14.3 Marketing

Marketing is another handicap for those who have surplus product they would like to sell and convert to cash with which they could buy farm inputs or other household commodi­ ties. Marketing is made more difficult by the problem of transport as well as the lack of market centres.

2.9.14.4 Cooperative Societies

These could assist farmers in marketing of farm produce or providing them with credit facilities and farm inputs credit, but apart from the ones within the Government settle­ ment schemes, the others are very poorly organized and managed.

2.9.14.5 Food Storage

This is another problem facing those farmers who have a good harvest, but cannot sell it due to the various reasons mentioned above. Available food storage facilities are poor; and usually, food is spoiled by pests such as weevils or eaten by rats before the farmer can sell it.

2.9.14.6 Wildlife

This is a major problem in the area. Wild animals from the Aberdares and the Mt. Kenya Forests and those kept by a few settlers on their ranches always find their way into the small farms and at times destroy crops and livestock, and pose a threat to human life as well. If the crops are eaten or trampled by animals, some people will go hungry even if the year has been good. 2-91

There is a process of compensating such farmers, but the procedure often takes too long and often the farmers are- never fully compensated. Sometimes it costs more to follow those claims than what the farmers get in the end.

2.9.14.7 Absenteeism/Speculation

In most of the subdivided areas, especially in the drier areas, many people have not settled on their plots, either because they are employed outside the District or have a plot elsewhere, where they have another home or simply because they are never going to settle there, as their main aim in buying the land was speculation to sell it when prices are higher. The capital, in turn', is invested in trade and business, e.g., transportation. The process translates as the transfer of surplus value from the rural areas to the urban areas, especially in Nairobi and Mombasa, the centres of trade.

According to Professor J. K. Maitha the surplus in 1964 was Kfe 49.6 millions—rising to Kfe 123 millions and totalling Kfe 681.2 in the period 1964 to 1974 (see J. K. Maitha, "The Kenyan Economy." In J. Heyer, J. K. Maitha, and W. M. Senga, Agricultural Development in Kenya; An Economic Assessment, Nairobi, Oxford University Press).

Because unoccupied areas become grazing grounds and trees can be harvested for firewood, smallholder absenteeism can be an asset. This situation will stop when the absentee landholders settle down on their allocated plots.

Absenteeism can restrict development. In certain areas, there are not enough people to initiate and carry out the implementation of required projects; e.g., building schools, dispensaries, and/or starting water projects. 2-92

2.9.15 Lack of Sociological Institutions

As there are no recreation facilities, recreation is limited in the District. There are many organized sporting groups, but they lack the facilities to encourage recreation activities. There are no social halls in the rural centres where the young people can organize indoor games. You therefore find young people loitering about, drinking, or engaging in criminal activities.

Playgrounds or sports grounds are too few and they are diffident in nearly all necessary equipment. It is important to make available recreation facilities such as cinema halls (there is not a single one in the District) and indoor games (which will involve building social halls and providing equipment) and to improve and equip the existing sports grounds.

2.9.16 Conclusion; The Settlers' Perceptions

From discussions with the small-scale holders in the District, it was established that if the above enumerated problems were solved (i.e., if he could obtain water nearby, on improved and new access roads, medical and education facilities, and capital and farming advice), he could do the other things to improve his standard of living.

His first priority would be to build a more permanent dwelling using timber, and iron sheets rather than continuing to live in the mud, grass-thatched one.

He' would like to fence his land, and keep a cow or two which would provide him with milk for his family and probably a surplus he could sell. 2-93

With the money available he would hire a tractor to prepare his land, buy fertilizer and certified seeds, and hire casual labourers to help with the work on the farm. This would mean he would be able to plant and do the weeding on time, and if rainfall favoured him, he would be guaranteed a good crop yield and thus sufficient food for his household.

He would like to see his children well educated and holding good well-paying jobs. They would no longer be a liability in his old age, but an asset. Then they would take over the responsibility of looking after him.

2.10 SOCIAL PARTICIPATING GROUPS

With the roles of the clan and kinship ties diminished, people have sought other affiliations like self-help groups, women's groups, and church organizations which have taken over the duties of clan or kinship members from disciplining the young to assisting needy members to constructing social projects on a self-help or harambee basis.

2.10.1 Self-Help Harambee Groups

The self-help group organizations are the most common organizations of people joining together to tackle identified problems.

The harambee concept means a collective effort, a pooling together of resources to achieve set goals. It is a concept embodying ideas of mutual social responsibility, such as collective home-building, weeding, bush clearing, harves­ ting and fund-raising. In traditional societies, it was a common mode of assisting members in times of need or hardship. Among the Kikuyus it was known as ngwatio, among the Kamba it was Mwethia, and among the Maasia it was Ematonyok. 2-94

The concept "harambee" became a national slogan on Madaraka Day in June 1963 when the Late President of Kenya, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, formally made it a rallying cry. Since then, it has been used to denote collective effort, community self-reliance, cooperative enterprises and other forms of collective self-reliance.

In this spirit, new settlers join together, elect leaders from among themselves, pool together their cash; material and/or labour resources; and implement the required projects. In this District all the primary schools, existing secondary schools, dispensaries and health centres have been built on a self-help basis. Local contributions to harambee invesment average more than 90%; Government assistance is 60%; and influential nationals contributed about 3% while foreign donors give about 0.6%.

The harambee, self-help movement has special character­ istics which enables it to achieve its goals.

1) They reflect a bottom-up rather than a top-down development project initiation. Harambee projects are normally initiated, planned, implemented and maintained by local communities.

2) Harambee is heavily biased towards the use of local resources such as the use of local human skills and labour.

3) Harambee is guided by the principle of the collective good rather than individual gain. In emphasizing the principle of collective benefits, participation is organized in such a way that the self-image of each individual is reinforced and enhanced. This is often through public praise of each contributor. The effort is meaningful to the individual in terms of his psychological needs for identity, commitment, reassurance and work and in terms of his membership in active traditionally and political legitimate groups. 2-95

4) The choice of projects is guided by the principle of satisfying the immediate need of participating members and groups. Major project choices in this District have been primary schools, nursery schools, cattle dips, secondary schools, water projects, health projects, churches, and even roads.

What is more significant about Harambee groups is their ability to mobilize hitherto unavilable or immobile resources; for example, women contribute eggs and chicken which are later auctioned off to raise substantial amounts of cash.

People donate their energies to work on a project they are enthusiastic about completing. Leaders too donate their time to organize and run harambee activities. This kind of commitment is not common when people are being coerced or even persuaded through formal taxation or administratively through chiefs or their headmen.

Without harambee, such resources would be inaccessible to the Nation's investment efforts. It is an institution which should be strengthened and enhanced.

2.10.2 Women's Groups

Among the important social groupings are the women's groups which not only assist individuals but play a significant role in the development of this Nation. It is common knowledge that women in Kenya are involved in food production and processing as well as providing for other basic needs.

Women are engaged in a variety of programmes, some social while others are commercial. The commercial ones are 2-96

aimed at raising extra income to help subsidize the husbands' earnings or incomes from the shamba to enable the women to provide their members with the basic necessities.

2.10.3 Types of Activities

2.10.3.1 Home Improvement

Groups raise money to assist members buying: iron sheets for roofing their houses (Mabati Groups), furniture, utensils, water tanks, and other household commodities. The Mabati Groups are most popular due to the significant role they are playing in improving the standard of housing for the members. If a member's house has been roofed with corrigated metal sheets already, he may get a gradcow or something else he desires, but Mabati members make certain that money given to a member is properly utilized.-

2.10.3.2 Farming Groups: Poultry, Goats, Pigs or Beekeeping Groups

To raise money, the groups carry out a variety of enterprises. They may rent a shamba and grow cash or food crops which are sold when harvested. They may start a poultry, pig, goat, or a beekeeping project. These are sold and money is distributed among the members. Some members are given cows or goats instead of cash.

2.10..3.3 Home Craft, Handicraft or Home Management Activities

Most groups are taught practical subjects like elementary sewing, knitting, cooking, and general hygiene. They are taught how to prepare a balanced diet for the family and other matters related to mother and child care. 2-97

Handicrafts have been taken up by some groups as an economic proposition. . They make table cloths, baskets (sisal), and a variety of beadwork. These are sold (although there is an acute shortage of marketing channels), and the money is given to the members or invested in other projects.

Development innovations are more easily diffused through groups. Since women's groups are already formed, innovative, and very ready to accept advice, they should be used as opinion leaders by planners.

In Laikipia, there is a total of 168 active groups with a membership of 9,061, distributed as shown below:

Table 2-21 WOMEN'S GROUPS IN THE DISTRICT

Division Number of Groups Membership

Central 43 2 ,860 Ngarua 75 3 ,840 Rumuruti 41 2 ,160 Mukogodo 6 201 Total 168 9 ,061 Their activities are shown in the following table: \ 2-98

Table 2-22 ACTIVITIES ENGAGED IN BY WOMEN'S GROUPS

Mabati Groups (by Division) No. of Groups

Central 5 Rumuruti 13 Ngarua 15 Dol Dol Total "33

Home Improvement Central 18 Rumuruti 16 Ngarua 41 Dol Dol Total Ts Beekeeping Central Rumuriti Dol Dol Ngarua _3 (plus Mabati) Total 5 Business (Shop/Posho Mill)

Central 3 Rumuriti 2 Ngarua 1 Dol Dol Total 2-99

Table 2-22 (cont'd.)

5. Pig, Poultry, Goad, Cattle, Keeping Groups

Central 8 Rumuriti 4 Ngarua 1 Dol Dol _1 Total ]A 6. Handicraft

Central 5 Rumuriti - Ngarua - Dol Dol • _1 (bead work) 6

7. Land Buying and/or Improvement 4

NOTE: Some groups engage in more than one activity while one member may belong to more than one group.

2.10.4 Maendeleo Ya Wanawake

This is the body which coordinates all women's programmes in the District. Since there are many groups with so many diverse activities, this body could be strengthened by adding more staff to properly coordinate and assist with directing activities of the various groups.

This body in conjunction with the Women's Bureau in the Ministry of Culture and Social Services could: coordinate a fund raising effort to add more programmes and implement a training programme encompass; leadership, management and other courses (e.g., simple accounting, market sampling 2-100

techniques for handicrafts, poultry keeping, and any other relevant activities). On the home front, they could organize courses for women in proper child care, food and nutrition, and others which will assist the women in making maximum use of the scarce resources.

2.10.5 Other Government and Voluntary Welfare Organizations

There are a number of Government and voluntary organizations whose motives and efforts are directed at solving economic and social problems and improving standards of living. These include the following:

2.10.5.1 Family Planning Association of Kenya

The Association is playing a big role in trying to educate the residents on the importance of controlling their families and on the best practices to apply.

Development planners' efforts focus on improving the living standard of the people. If this is achieved, it will mean more food, more health facilities, less mortality, and more people. However, people living off this delicate ecology will result in over-exploitation of the available resources and a possibility of having the same problems. To avoid this, the Family Planning Association must educate more people in birth control and the necessity of limiting their number of children.

2.10.5.2 Child Welfare Society

The' Laikipia Branch of the Child Welfare Society focuses on orphaned and destitute children in the District. Currently, it is helping 18 orphans who are staying in a home built by the Society on harambee basis. It is also giving 2-101 food to 59 destitute children from nearby slum villages, Likii Kwa Mbuzi, Dol Dol, and Kalalu. Activities of this branch and those of other welfare organizations need to be increased to reach the many desperate people in the District.

2.10.5.3 Vocational Rehabilitation

This is a Government organization under the Ministry of Culture and Social Services. Its main function is to provide the physically handicapped with rehabilitation training in training centres. After the training, the handicapped in settling and starting their trades, i.e., leather work, carpentry, or tailoring. They are usually loaned tools and a little capital to begin. The vocational rehabilitation programme is helping many people who otherwise would be destitute. Unfortunately, there is only one such institution in the whole of the Rift Valley Province. This is not adequate. Plans should be made to establish another one to help with the huge numbers of partially disabled people in need of some type of training.

2.10.5.4 4K Clubs and Rural Youth Programmes

There are only four 4K clubs in the District which participate in some agricultural training. 2-102

These are shown on the table below:

Table 2-23 4K CLUBS IN THE DISTRICT

Division Name of School Membership Activity

Central Garrison Primary 60 Planting School tomatoes, egg plant and maize

Town Primary 35 Planting School beans and tomatoes

Rumuriti Rumuruti Primary 43 School Igwamiti Primary School

Club members are taught planning and management of vegetable gardens, staking and spraying of tomatoes, and transplanting of vegetable seedlings. It is important to involve the youth in national development at an early age; therefore, clubs like the above should be encouraged, strengthened and spread to more areas to cover more schools.

2.10.5.5 The Lions Club

Nanyuki Branch Lions Club is another organization created to help destitute, though only temporarily, by giving them food, clothing and sometimes shelter.

2.10.5.6 Kenya Prisoner's Aid Association

This organization takes care of the exprisoners and helps them settle after completing their prison terms. It is supposed to give funds to exprisoners to start businesses or reestablish themselves.

? 2-103

2.10.5.7 Kenya Freedom from Hunger Council

This is another organization which raises funds through organizing walks. The funds are pooled together with other funds to help finance self-help programmes. The movement is becoming very popular in the District.

2.10.5.8 Churches

There are many church organizations in this District which are being established by the newcomers. Apart from their evangelical work, these organizations are involved in other social activities like counseling and giving food and clothing to the poor, destitute, disabled and/or orphans. They even help in building schools, health centres, and dispensaries and/or running medical clinics. The Catholic Church is the most active in these activities.

If the various voluntary and government groups are properly coordinated and directed, they can serve as development agencies in their respective areas.

2.11 THE INFRASTRUCTURE

Since the adoption of the basic needs approach to development by the World Employment Conference in June 1978, the Kenyan authorities have adopted it to alleviate poverty.

The basic needs are identified as:

1. Nutrition, 2.' Housing, 3. Health, 4. Education, and 5. Water. 2-104

As mentioned in an earlier section these basic neccessities are in very short supply. However, the following are available:

2.11.1 Health Centres

Number in District - 3; Geographical Distribution - Dol Dol, Rumuriti and Ngarua shown on Map 2-2; Number of Beds - 142; Health Centre vs. Population Ratio - 43:166000; Number Planned during 1979 through 1983 Development Plan Period - 2; Number Completed - 1; and Reasons for Only 1 Centre Being Completed - Lack of Funds

Table 2-24 POPULATION HEALTH FACILITY RATIO

NO. OF POPULATION DIVISION FACILITIES 1982 RATIO MUKOGODO 1 12,977 1:2,977

RUMURUTI 7 59,696 1:8,528

NGARUA 2 44,368 1:22,184

CENTRAL 5 48,964 1:9,393

TOTAL - 15 166,004 1:11,067

2.11.2 Dis pensary Type I

Number in the District - 4; Geographical Distribution - Kalalu, Marmanet, Sipili and Shamanek; Distribution Type II - Population Ratio 4:166000; 2-105

Number Planned in the 1979 through 1983 Development Plan Period - 3; Number Completed - 0; and Reason Why Not Completed - Lack of Funds.

2.11.3 Dispensary Type II

Number in District - 6; Geographical Distribution - Lamuria, Mary Immaculate, Matara, Salama, Gitundaga, and North Marmanet; Dispensary Type II Population Ratio - 6: 166000; and Number Planned - Not Specified.

Table 2-25 POPULATION PER DISPENSARY

POPULATION PER DIVISION DISPENSARIES POPULATION DISPENSARY MUKOGODO 0 12,977 RUMURUTI 6 59,696 1:949 NGARUA 1 44,368 1:44,368 CENTRAL 4 48,964 1:12,241

TOTAL 11 166,004 1:15,091 NOTE: There is one general hospital, Nanyuki District Hospital which serves the entire District.

2.11.4 Health Manpower

The table below represents the number of health staff presently working in Laikipia District and a projection to the year 1988.

\ 2-106

Table 2-26 HEALTH MANPOWER NUMBER SHORT-FALL EXTRAPOLATED CADRE 1982 1982 TO 1988

Specialists _ 2 2 Medical Officers 2 2 4 Dentists - 1 2 Pharmacists 1 - 2 Clinical Officers 17 3 4 Nursing Officers 15 0 25 Enrolled Nurses 81 0 123 Public Health Officers 5 0 6 Public Health Technicians 30 5 50 Lab Technicians 4 1 13 Nutrition Field Workers 8 3 16 Family Health Field Educator 8 7 24 Lab Technologists 1 0 2 Pharmaceutical Technologists 3 1 8 Physiotherapists 3 0 5 Dental Technologists 0 2 4 Radiographers 0 2 4 Radiographic Film Processors 0 2 2 Nutritionists 0 1 2 Health Educators 1 0 2 Hospital Secretaries 1 0 2 Occupational Therapists 1 0 2 Orthopedic Technicians 0 1 2 Plaster Technicians 1 0 2 Clerical Officers 10 5 30 Typists 1 2 5 Medical Record Officers 1 0 2 Dental Therapists 0 1 2 Drivers 9 1 16 Subordinate Staff 74 20 144 Cooks 0 2 4 Tailors 1 1 4 Telephone Operators 1 2 6 Medical Maintenance Technicians 0 2 4

TOTAL 369 69 525 2-107

Table 2-27 POPULATION PER DOCTOR/NURSE

DESIGNATION NUMBER POPULATION RATIO

DOCTORS 2 173,428 1:86,714

NURSES 96 173,428 1:1,806.5

2.11.5 Education

Education is important in the basic needs discussion in two ways: as basic training for the children and literacy training for the adults. In addition, education and training are contributors to other basic needs components producing appropriately trained providers of services and products to the poor in health, sanitation, agricultural extension, water, low-cost housing, etc.

Primary school enrollment has increased from 1 million in 1964 to over 3 million in 1979. But the efficacy of primary schools and secondary schools is very low. Drop out is heavy, repeating of Standard VII is widespread. The typical rural school in the C.P.E. test standard show an endemic low peformance. The quality of schooling tends to vary within the District and with the income level of the parents. The number of C.P.E. candidates gaining admission to government aided secondary schools and level of educa­ tional facilities and qualifications of teachers are poorest in rural areas especially in the arid and semi-arid areas. This area has extensive under-enrollment of pastoralists children.

There are three types of secondary schools operating in the District viz. Government aided, Harambee, and private schools. They are divided as follows: EXISTING EDUCATIONAL BASIC NEED STRUCTURE

Table 2-28: Primary Schools

Ratio: Divisions No. Studentsp. Teachers Student vs Teachers

Mukogodo 8 1,100 42 26:1 Rumuruti 41 .12,150 342 36:1 Ngarua 53 13,570 370 37:1 Central 35 12,150 343 36:1

TOTAL 137 39,010 1,097 36:1

The number of students enrolled in primary schools is 39,000. However, the age eligible for enrollment is 49,800. This means 10,800 are not enrolled or 22 percent.

Table 2-29: N urse ry Schools

Ratio: Divisions No. Students Tea chers Student vs Teachers

Mukogodo 4 135 4 34:1 Rumuruti 32 1,532 36 43:1 Ngarua 30.: 1,156 31 37:1 Central 31 1,291 42 37:1

TOTAL 97 4,114 113 36:1

Source - District Education Officer, (DEO) Annual Report, 1982,

2-108 EXISTING EDUCATIONAL BASIC NEEDS STRUCTURE (cont.)

Table 2-30: VILLAGE POLYTECHNICS

Divisions . No,

Mukogodo 0 Rumuruti 1 Ngarua _ 0 Central 3

TOTAL 4

Source: DEO's Annual Report, 1982 Table 2-31: SECONDARY SCHOOLS

Divisions No, Mukogodo 0 Rumuruti 4 Ngaura 3 Central 5

TOTAL 12

Source: DEO's Annual Report/ 1982,

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GOVERNMENT SCHOOLS;

1. Ndurumo - Boys 2. Nanyuki - Boys 3. Mwanje - Boys and Girls (with a Harambee stream) 4. Gatero - Boys and Girls (with a Harambee stream) 5. Njonjho - Girls

HARAMBEE SCHOOLS;

1. Muramti 2. Tigithi 3. Ol Ngarua 4. Inoro 5. Tigithi 6. Ngumo

PRIVATE SCHOOLS;

Mt. Kenya Secondary School

Nanyuki, Ndurumo and Njonjo girls offer "A" level classes.

2.11.6 Examination

Listed below are seven types of examinations currently in use in the District.

2.11.6.1 Kenya junior Secondary Examination

Besides private candidates, the following schools entered' candidates for the examination. Mt. Kenya, Mwenje, Gatero, Inoro, Muramati, Tigithi, OL Ngarua, and Ngumo. 2-112

2.11.6.2 Kenya Certificate of Education

Private candidates registered to take this examination were 49 which entered candidates were: Nanyuki, Ndururumo, Kenya, Rumuruti, Mwenje, and Gatero.

2.11.6.3 Kenya Advanced Certificate of Education

Besides private candidates, students from Nanyuki and Ndururumo High Schools took the examinations.

2.11.6.4 Certificate of Primary Education

There were 15 private candidates, 82 primary schools entered 3,114 candidates. The District's students placed fifth nationally which indicates great effort on the parts of the teachers and pupils.

2.11.6.5 Business Education Examination

This examination covers all commercial subjects, e.g., typing, commerce, and banking. Some ladies took the exam­ ination, but the majority of the candidates failed the examinations.

2.11.7 Existing School Building Structures

Allocation of plots for school development is given priority by new settlers as soon as they acquire lands. As such, schools in settled areas have their own land where expansion can be done without interference.

But, schools which exist on company lands such as Ngobit have problems over land tenure. Schools in the Mukogodo area which are situated in the forest reserves, have trouble 2-113,

expanding. Every effort is being made to ensure that all schools have land of their own.

The influx of new settlers from neighbouring Districts dictated rapid expansion in classrooms and teachers' houses. Construction of these structures formed the nucleus of school projects throughout the District. Most schools are of a very temporary nature; some made of mud walls and grass roofs.

In the Mukogodo Division where the Maasai and Dorobo live, voluntary organizations and other willing donars helped a great deal by putting up classrooms and teachers' houses. Much of the construction has been done on a self-help harambee basis.

2.11.8 Adult Education

Government efforts to provide universal education for every teachable adult are exemplified in Table. 2-33 which shows the number of existing adult classes and the enrollment per division. ; 2-114

Table 2-33 ADULT EDUCATION IN LAIKIPIA

Ngarua Rumuruti Central Mukogodo Total

Number of Literacy 66 58 46 10 180 Classes

Number of Full-Time 13 12 19 6 50 Teachers

Number of Part-Time 34 32 39 4 99 Teachers

Number of Self-Help 20 20 0 0 40 Teachers

Total Number of 67 64 36 10 189 Teachers

Total Number of 769 987 811 123 2,690 Learners

Number of Men 119 245 189 53 606 Learners

Number of Women 650 742 622 70 2,084 Learners

There are 8 classes of males only—those who do not like learning with the women. These hold a total of 138 adults.

Overall enrollment shows that there are more women than men adult students. Probable reasons could be:

1) The small-scale farmers are more often overburdened with farm responsibilities. By the time they finsish with their daily chores, they are either too tired to go to class or it is the time they are expected to milk their cows or fetch water or firewood. 2-115

2) Attending adult classes may be seen by the adult male as the most obvious admission of ignorance.

3) Some do not see the need of learning to read when they are over 40 years of age.

Adult classes suffer from problems such as irregularity is class attendance, lateness, and poor concentration. This could be attributed to the following factors:

1) • The African never learned the rational utilization of time; the adult learners attend classes according to their self-defined preferences and priorities.

2) The adult learner has many other responsibilities. For example, a man may be busy making arrangements for ploughing his land so he may be away looking for tractors or farm inputs. A woman may have a sick child to take to the hospital, some distant relatives to visit, or just be overcommitted with household or farm activities.

3) Adults are usually taught by young school teachers and there is no way the teachers are going to discipline them for coming late, failing to attend class, or failing to do school work.

What are the objectives of adult literacy? Specifically, what are the short-term goals and the long-term goals? They are to give proficiency examinations and certificates to those who have achieved numeric proficiency and reading and writing literacy; to provide a post-literacy education as of 1983 and to register adults for CPE KJSE; and to have national literacy by 1983, for (election) voting purposes. 2-116

Most of the Adult Literacy Officers are former school teachers. The Officers have been provided with motor bikes to enable them to visit classes more regularly to monitor progress.

2.11.9 Change Agents

A Change Agent is anybody, an insider or an outsider, who tries to influence the activities of a community through coersion, persuasion, or participation in the lives of the community members and thus influencing them from within.

More often Change Agents are Government employees who are posted in certain areas to work with the people to introduce new innovative ideas, and assist people in identifying problems, planning required projects, and implementing projects.

2.11.10 Government Officials

Every Government Ministry has officers employed to work with the people at the grassroots level up to the District level. The most popular officers are Chiefs and Assistant Chiefs. Every Sublocation is served by an Assistant Chief and every Location has a Chief. Along with a cadre of staff, Community Development Assistants are employed by local councils. Community Development Staff do not exist below the Location level.

In the Ministries of Agriculture and Livestock, there are Technical Assistance. One of the most serious dysfunc­ tional linkages is the structure and internal management of the agricultural personnel who are encapsulated in four cadres of staff. These agriculturalists are differentiated by academic qualifications. •2-117

In Laikipia, the agricultural staff is divided as follows:

4 Agricultural Officers who hold a B.Sc. Degree; 8 Assistant Agricultural Officers who have obtained diplomas; 24 Agricultrual Assistants with certificates attained after reading for 2 years at Embu Agricultural Institute and Bukura Agricultrual Institute; and 11 Junior Technical Assistants (JTA's) with haphazard agricultural educations.

The shortcoming of the above structure is that the basic contact officers for the next 10 to 15 years will be the untrained Junior Technical Assistants. The bulk of Agricultural extension is done by this cadre concentrating on the Sublocation.

There is also a high ratio of farmers to the agricul­ tural staff in the District—the number of farmers is 73,621 while the number of staff is 46. Therefore, the ratio of staff to farmers is 1:1600.

The Agricultural Assistant concentrates on advising farmers at the Location level. In order to cover all locations, a number of the Assistants are burdened with responsibilities for two Locations. This inadequacy in staff affects other parts of the Ministry: water, health, education, etc.

The Ministry of Culture and Social Services has a ratio of staff. to farmers which stands at 1:8258, thus, there are only 21 Community Development Workers in the District to serve the current population of over 173,428. 2-118 ;

2.11.11 Constraints

There are a number of constraints which interfere with the smooth and effective performance of the existing staff members in all Ministries.

The major problem faced by the cadres of extension staff (Technical Assistants, Junior Technical Assistants, and Community Development Assistant) is that of transportation. Most of them have no means of transportation. Therefore, they have to walk, which makes their performance very ineffective.

There is a new programme, the National Extension Programme (NEP), within the Ministry of Agriculture to solve problems. NEP is to provide motorcycles to Agricultural Assistants which will enable them.to visit the Junior Technical Assistants who can call upon the expertise and technology at Divisional Headquarters or, if necessary, at the District or National Headquarters.

In most cases extension workers are not experts and their knowledge tends to be lower than that of the more progressive clients. This may lead to their being rejected along with their new ideas or innovations.

Limited consultation between extension workers and Research Officers located at research stations reduces the extension workers access to technical knowledge and hence their effectiveness in advising farmers.

There are serious problems in communication where the extension worker has little empathy and ability to adapt to the unique situation of the farmer. 2-119

Dependence on the extension worker's judgement is often very retrogressive in that failure of the advice given by the agent may often create serious disillusionment and reactive traditionalism. Other extension worker problems include:

1) Lack of Housing—When an officer is posted to an area, very rarely do the employers take the necessary steps to provide good housing facilities. The employees are left on their own to look for living quarters. This is often a problem in this District since new towns often lack rental housing.

2) Lack of Offices—In most cases they have no offices and have either to borrow offices from those who have, particularly Chiefs, or work from their homes, a crowded office, or working from somebody's private home is not a very effective environment in which to serve the public.

3) Lack of Stationery and other Writing Materials.

4) Lack of Vehicles and/or Fuel—Supervision of this cadre of staff is difficult as the officers at District Headquarters always lack vehicles or fuel to travel and monitor the work being done by their extension staff.

5) Lack of Communication Facilities—Telephones and postage facilities are lacking so there is no easy • way of reaching the staff on short notice.

These are problems which should be addressed when planning development in any area. 2-120

2.12 RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROJECT PROPOSALS

Looking at the background information given earlier we could summarize the state of affairs in the District as follows:

1) The District is occupied by comparatively poor people who migrated from completely different regions of varying agricultural potential, mainly high.

2) Their current homes are situated in drier zones with very unrealiable, erratic rainfall.

3) They are trying a mixed type of farming system borrowed from their original homes.

4) The farming systems and crops they are trying to introduce here are not always adaptable to the climate and hence they experience crop failures.

5) The areas they migrated to were previously very sparsely populated and of public amenities, social services, (including health and education services), transport, communication, water,'food, and recreational service centres are either nonexistent or inadequate.

6) Their young people cannot find paid, white collar jobs which they are trained for in the schools simply because white collar jobs do not exist.

7) There is a shortage of extension staff.

8) There have been rigorous efforts by the immigrants to equip some of the more badly needed facilities as well as trying to develop their small shambas. 2-121

2.12.1 Basic Needs Activities (BNA)

The planning and policy framework of a basic needs strategy is a set of public programmes and activities designed to contribute directly to raising employment and incomes of the poor, providing basic goods and services, and promoting local participation.

A programme may be defined as a BNA if it incorporates some or all of the following features:

1) Raises incomes of the target groups through employment creation and asset redistribution;

2) Makes a direct contribution to the achievement of the targets established in respect of basic needs such as nutrition, health, etc;

3) Increases production by public sector and command agencies of other basic goods and services purchased by low income groups from their disposable incomes;

4) Enhances decentralization, participation, and self-reliance.

The first task is to identify concrete activities and programmes which incorporate the above features. In Kenya, category (1) activities are illustrated by the following programmes: schemes designed to provide land for the landless or for those with tiny holdings; extension service, research, credit and other inputs redirection in favour of poor small­ holders, as for example under the Integrated Agricultural Development Project and related financed credit schemes; labour intensive infrastructural schemes such as the Rural Access Roads Programme (RADR) and measures to stimulate the 2-122

rural informal sector. Examples of category (2) activities are provided by such programmes as rural water supply, health centres and dispensaries, literary campaigns, and universal primary education. The essential feature of these services is that they seek to provide vital social and economic services for the masses rather than for the needy (few).

Category (3) is made up of public sector programmes to encourage production of consumer, intermediate, and capital goods needed to meet basic needs through social and private consumption.

Category (4) activities are exemplified by the numerous harambee (self-help) efforts throughout the country. These efforts have been a distinctive aspect of Government policy in the country since independence. At the Government level, the District Development Communities is a suitable institu­ tion for a move toward increasing decentralization in decision-making, management, and operation of programmes and projects.

There are certain shared characteristics which flow from the above features. They are as follows:

A. Small Scale Operations—Some of the BNA are characterized by small-scale, conventional operations. For example, rural access roads, cattle dips, etc. The small size of operations facilitates participation, decentralization, and self-reliance.

B. Low Capital/Labour Ratios—These generate far more employment than conventional activities.

C. Low Skill Requirements—Skills required for the construction, operation and management of these facilities are less demanding and more easily acquired; 2-123

for example, small-scale manufacturing and repair enterprises with informal apprenticeship training programmes.

D. Use of Local, Recycled and/or Discarded Materials— Making shoes from leather and old tires, using recycled scrap metals for the manufactures of braziers and employing local building material for low cost houses are examples of this category of activity.

E. Use of Simple Tools—Shovels, wheelbarrows and hoes are used mostly for rural access roads and simple tools for informal sector manufacturing and repairing.

The above BNA characteristics have important consequences for development potential and patterns.

First, a major shift towards BNA should lead to a much more integrated economy. This is.a result of many interde­ pendences. Expenditure on rural roads should stimulate activities in the manufacture of shovels, hoes, and wheel­ barrows. The increased income of workers should lead to an increase in demand for basic goods and services, provided to an increasing extent by informal sector enterprises.

Second, a strategy as illustrated above should result in greater economic independence and Kenyanization. The share of imported materials, intermediate, and capital goods in domestic activity should decline. Likewise, changing patterns of income distribution and demand should result in a switch from imported to local goods and services expendi­ tures. Indigenous entrepreneurship which is predominant in many such activities should receive great stimulus..

Third, as indicated above, change in country economy affects balance of payments. 2-124

The activities considered here relate mainly to programmes for the Laikipia District designed to provide public services through provision of additional employment opportunities. This is the case of the Rural Access Roads Programmes, the Rural Water Supply Programme, the Universal Adult Literacy Programme, and the Rural Health Development Programme. In addition, two examples of directly productive activities are the Integrated Agricultural Development Programme and the informal sector.

2.12.2 The Rural Access Roads Programme

The Rural Access Roads Programme (RARP) was established in October 1974. Its main objectives are to improve links with the relatively inaccessible parts of rural areas thereby stimulating their development providing employment opportuni­ ties to low income groups in rural areas utilizing labour intensive technology, operate on a small-scale stressing decentralization and local participation in site selection, repair, and maintenance.

Its objectives, technology, organization, and scale represents a sharp contrast to conventional road building programmes in Kenya. This is the largest labour intensive public works programme being implemented in Africa today. The cost in 1982/1983 is K$ 4.3 million. The cost per job is only 9 percent of that total with the more mechanized system of road .construction and capital/labour differentials in the region 3:1. 2-125

Table 2-34 COMPARISON BETWEEN RARP AND CONVENTIONAL ROAD CONSTRUCTION 1977/78 RARP CONVENTIONAL PROGRAMME

Cost per Km of road è 2,050 fe75,000 Cost per job created è 152 fe 1,760 Capital/Labour Ratio 1.04 3.0 Share of wages in total cost 49% 25-30% Foreign Exchange component in total cost 20% 60-85% NOTE: Excludes salaries of RARP Engineers and Headquarters staff. Materials, tools, and equipment make up one-third of the direct expenditure on the RARP. All the material required are available from local sources; e.g., shovels, wheel­ barrows, picaxes, rakes, jembes (hoes), and moulds.

Opening up isolated rural areas should lessen this major constraint to providing economic and social services. The indirect employment effects are significant though hard to quantify. They arise from the expenditure for workers hired on the project. Wage costs account for 50% of- total expendi­ tures. The bulk of these payments go to unskilled, low income employees. Over 90 percent of the total employed personnel have a high marginal propensity to consume, but a high proportion of their expenditure is directed towards locally produced goods and services.

The expenditure gathered with respect to labour intensive technology, large-scale recruitment of temporary workers, methods of payment and organizational structure is transferable to other projects like the Integrated Agricultural Development Programmes (IADP).

The programme through its staff Training Department is making 'a contribution in skill formation. Although the nature of the programmes necessitates the use of labour drawn 2-126 from the unskilled component of the labour force, the more promising ones among the casual labourers are given further on the job training in basic technical and supervisory skills and could become gang headmen who are then retained perma­ nently for projects in other Districts. Thus, there is an opportunity for those labourers who are landless and previously unemployable to acquire skills necessary for permanent employment.

2.12.3 Informal Sector

Informal sector activities contribute to the satisfac­ tion of basic needs in two ways. First, they generate employment and higher incomes for the poor. Secondly, they produce a wide range of basic goods and services consumed by low income groups.

'The 1972 International Labor Organization (ILO) report, Employment, Incomes and Equality: A Strategy for Increasing Productive Employment in Kenya, Geneva, described informal activities as characterized by ease of entry; reliance on indigenous resources; family ownership of enterprises; small-scale of operation; labour intensiveness and adaptive technology; skills acquired outside the formal school system; and unregulated and competitive markets.

There is considerable uncertainty about the size, rate of growth, income levels and the structure of the informal sector, but they are characterized by low capital/output and capital/labour ratios.

The informal rural sector in Laikipia is characterized by similar diversity of production geared toward meeting demands of low income groups. 2-127

2.12.4 Major Activities in the Rural Informal Sector

1. Food, beverages, and tobacco product sales mainly pombe brewing;

2. Services including transport, water carriers, food kiosks, bars, traditional healers, midwives, letter writers, dancers, laundries, and bakeries;

3. Wood product manufacturing mainly charcoal making, gourds, and calabashes and furniture;

4. Plant and animal fibre products and wearing apparrel including making sisal bags and mats, and reed baskets and mats; and weaving, spinning, and knitting, and tailoring;

5. Resource extraction (mainly by/for wood cutters and fishermen, and

6. Wholesale and retail trading, such as dukas, butcheries.

2.12.5 The Integrated Agricultural Development Programme

Kenya has experienced rapid agricultural growth since independence. It is, however, the large farm sector and progressive smallholders who have been the major benefi­ ciaries of this growth. Nearly 60 percent who may be called subsistence farmers have failed to experience significant increases in farm output and income. Indeed, large numbers have suffered absolute impoverishment. 2-128

Most of the Government programmes to raise agricultural productivity over the past 15 years have bypassed this category of subsistense farmers. In Laikipia, most small­ holders fall into this category.

The significance of the Integrated Agricultural Development Programme (IADP) is that is primarily designed to reach such low income smallholders. It further represents a departure from past programmes of this sort in its increased production of food crops for domestic consumption rather than for export.

In addition, the programme emphasizes decentralization planning and project implementation, strengthening of existing credit, training, and marketing institutions including cooperatives; and developmnt of comprehensive farming systems.

The programme concentrates on the increased production of maize beans, potatoes, passion fruits, beef, and milk.

In terms of inputs emphasis is put on fertilizers, seeds and insecticides. Credit is channelled through existing institutions such as the Agricultural Finance Corporation and cooperative societies. An interesting feature of the programme is the creation of a special credit facility, the Subsistence Farmers1 Credit Fund, to reach approximately 5 percent .of the poorest farmers who will not otherwise be entitled to receive credit from existing institutions. All the participating farmers receive special training through farmers' training institutions.

The Honourable Mr. G. G. Kariuki, a member of parliament for west Laikipia is very enthusiastic about this programme being made feasible in the Laikipia District. 2-129

2.12.6 The Rural Water Supply Programme

The rural water supply programme's official target is to provide safe water from whatever source to the whole population by the year 2000.

The Government's role is limited to the installation of the primary system, leaving secondary and tertiary distribu­ tion to be organized by local communities on a self-help basis.

Apart from current financing the main problem for the rural supply programme is the shortage of skilled staff. The further expansion of the programme has substantial training implications; for example, for operation and maintenance, inspectors, pump and treatment works attendants, and artisans are needed and for development in design and construction, more professional staff must be recruited.

2.12.7 The Universal Adult Literacy Programme

Its object is to eradicate illiteracy if possible by 1985. This involves a massive build up in enrollment in 9-year classes. This in turn will imply building up a cadre of literacy instructors drawn from school-teachers, volun­ teers, and school-leavers.' The language of instruction will be both in the vernacular (Swahili and English) or any one of the dialects.

Unit costs of courses are estimated as follows: Materials, equipment, vehicles, administration, stationery, publicity, and audio-visual aids Ksh 15/=; production and distribution of primers—Ksh 12 to 50; and teaching and other costs—Ksh 110 to 150 for a total of Ksh 137 to 215 pet- student in all. Classes are free. 2-130

Very little capital expenditure is involved as schools, farmer training centres, social halls, and other training centres are used.

2.12.8 The Rural Health Development Project

The aim of the Rural Health Development Project is to cut the incidence of the most rectifiable health problems by almost a half in 1984 and to provide essential health care for all for the year 2000. Its approach will be two-pronged, based partly on conventional clinic health care and partly on a new community health care system.

The latter makes healthcare accessible to individuals and families, by means acceptable to them, through their participation and a cost that the community can afford. The Community Health Care Team consisting of the Public Health Officer, Registered Community Nurse, Community Development Assistant, Agricultural Assistant, and Family Field Health Educator will train the community and the Health Worker and will be responsible for technical support and supervision. Each Team covers a community of between 100 and 400 households.

Each rural health unit will cover a population of between 50,000 and 70,000.' Capital intensive projects envisaged are: health centres, dispensaries, subcentres, demonstration centres, and mobile units. The location of new facilities will bè decided on based on the combined criteria of pressure on existing facilities (the population/health facility ratio) and remoteness (the rural area/health facility ratio). 2-Ï31

Only 26 percent of the health development and 11 percent of the recurrent budget, of the Ministry of Health will be allocated for rural health units.

2.13 INFRASTRUCTURAL PROJECTS PROPOSED FOR PROJECT AREA

Table 2-35 PROPOSED PRIMARY SCHOOLS

Division No. of Schools Estimated Total Cost

Rumuruti 12 @ 1,116,000/= 13,392,000.00

Ngarua 35 @ 1,116,000/= 39,060,000.00 Dol Dol 8 @ 1,116,000/= 9,928,000.00 Central 12 @ 1,116,000/= 13,392,000.00 TOTAL 67 74,772,000.00* Estimated Cost of a standard primary school in Kshs.

Proposed Primary School Cost Estimates:

Requirements Estimated Total Cost

7 Classroom's @ 70,000/= each 490,000.00 2 Science Workshops @ 75,000 each 150,000.00 1 Administration Block 100,000.00 6 Teacher's Quarters @ 46,000 each 276,000.00 10 Latrines @ 5,000/= each 50,000.00 V?ater Reservoir 50,000.00 Total 1,116,000.00

Boarding facilities for schools in the Mukogodo Division and parts of the Rumuruti Division should be provided.

Also, standard plans for schools should be provided by the Ministry of Education. 2-132 Table 2-36 PROPOSED SECONDARY SCHOOLS

Division No. of School Approx. Total Cost

Rumuruti 4 @ 544,000/- 21,780,000 Ngarua 4 @ 544,000/- 21,780,000 Dol Dol 1 5,445,000 Central 5 27,225,000 Total Estimated Cost 76,230,000

Proposed Secondary Schools Cost Estimates

Requirements Estimated Cost

8 Permanent classroom units @ 70,000 ea. 560, 000.00 1 Agricultural workshop 180, 000.00 1 Industrial Education workshop 180, 000.00 1 . Home Science Laboratory 150, 000.00 4 Boarding Units @ 120,000/- ea. 480, 000.00 1 School Library 150, 000.00 3 Science Laboratories @ 150,000/- ea 450, 000.00 1 Dining/Assembly hall 700, 000.00 18 Teachers' quarters @ 100,000/- ea. 1,800, 000.00 10 Subordinate staff houses @ 50,000/- 500, 000.00 10 Latrines each @ 5,000/- ea. 50, 000.00 Water Reservoir 100,000 litres 95, 000.00 Total Construction Cost Per School 5,455,000.00 2-133 Table 2-37: PROPOSED CRAFT TRAINING CENTRES

Division No. Estimated Cost of Contrüction Rumuruti 9 @ 540,000 4,860,000.00 Ngarua 5 @ 540,000 2,700,000.00 Central 3 @ 540,000 1,620,000.00 Mukogodo 4 @ 540,000 2,160,000.00

Estimated Cost of a Standard Craft Training Centre

Requirement Estimated Cost 2 Industrial Workshops @ 110,000/- ea 220,000.00 2 Demonstration Rooms @ 90,000/- ea. 180,000.00 1 Administration Block 100,000/- ea. 100,000.00 6 Latrines @ 5,000/- ea. 30,000.00 4 Bathrooms § 2,500/- ea. 10,000.00 TOTAL 540,000.00 2-134

Table 2-38: HEALTH FACILITIES

Division Hospitals Health Centres Dispensaries Rumuruti 1 .7 9 Ngarua - 4 2 Dol Dol - 3 3 Central - _5 _5 TOTAL 1 19 19

Construction of and equipping a standard dispensary/Health Centre would cost approximately 4,620,000/- broken down as follows:

Staff Houses - 12 @ approx. 185,000/- 22,220,000.00 Estimated Construction Cost of Treatment Wing 22,000,000.00 Vehicle and Garage 200,000.00 Extension and Electricity 200,000.00 Total Estimated cost per,idi'spensary/Heälth .Centre 44,620,000.00 2-135

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Annual Report 1981 Laikipia District, D.A.O.

1983 Annual Report: Medical Officer of Health.

Brown, Jean, The Original of Tribal Movements of the Peoples of Kenya and Their Modes of Livelihood,

Employment, Incomes and Equality; A Strategy for Increasing Productive Employment in Kenya, International Labour Office, Geneva, 1972.

Ghai-, Dharam, Martin Godfrey, and Franklin Lisk, Planning for Basic Needs in Kenya: Performance, Policies and Prospect, I.L.O., Geneva, 1978.

Grandin, Barbara E., Time Allocation of Labour Inputs on Maasai Group Ranch: Preliminary Findings from Olkarkar.

Heiland, J., "An Outline of Group Ranching in Pastoral Maasai Areas of Kenya".

Heyer, Judith, J. K. Maitha and W. M. Senga, Agricultural Development in Kenya: An Economic Assessment, "The Kenyan Economy," Oxford University Press, Nairobi, Kenya.

Journal of Eastern African Research and Development, Volume 10, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 165-188.

Killick, Tony, Papers on the Kenyan Economy: Performance, Problems and Policies, Heinemann, Nairobi. 2-136

Kinyanjui, Kabiru, "Regional Distribution of Education and Differentiation of Schools in Kenya," Paper read to the National Commission on Educational Objectives and Policies, Ministry of Education, Nairobi, Kenya, 1976.

Kitui District Water Resources Study: Arid and Semi-Arid Lands Development Project, Government of Kenya, May 1983.

Laikipia District Commissioners' Annual Reports: 1906-1959.

Laikipia District Settlement Officers Annual Reports: 1981 and 1982.

Langdon, Steve, "Multi-National Corporations in the Political Economy of Kenya," Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Sussex, England..

Leys, Colin, "A Critique of the I.L.O. Report," In: Tony Killick (Ed), Papers on the Kenyan Economy, 1981, pp. 136-141.

Leys, Colin, 1975 Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism: 1964-1971, Heinemann, Nairobi.

Llewelln-Jones, Derek, People Populating, Faber and Faber, London, 1975.

Mbithi, Philip and Carolyn Barnes, Spontaneous Settlement Problem in Kenya, E.A.L.B., Nairobi, 1978.

Mbithi, Philip and Ras Rasmusson, Self-Reliance in Kenya: The Case of Harambee, S.I.D.A., Uppsala, Sweden, 1977. 2-137

Njonjo Apollo, "The Africanization of the White Highlands: A study in Agrarian Class Struggles in Kenya: 1950-1974," Ph.D. Thesis, Princeton University, 1978.

Okoth Ogendo, H.W.O. "Land Ownership and Distribution in Kenya's Large Farm Areas" In: Tony Killick Papers on the Kenya Economy: Performance, Problems and Policies, Heinemann, Nairobi.

Ole Sankan S.C., The Maasai.

Peoples of the Earth: Volume 2, "Africa from the Sahara to the .Zambezi: Maasai—Kenya—Tanzania".

"Population Census," Central Bureau of Statistics, 1962, 1969, 1979.

Report on Child Nutrition Survey in 1978, 1978 and 1979, Central Bureau of Statistics.

Rogers, Everest M. and F. Floyd Shoemaker, Communication of Innovations: A Cross-Cultural Approach, The Free Press, N.Y., 1971.

Somerset, Tony, "A Composition of Mathematics Achievement in Standard 6 and 7," Paper Read to the National Commission on Educational Objectives and Policies, Ministry of Education, Nairobi, Kenya, 1976.

Van Doorne, J. H., "Population Density, Land Potential and Out-Migration," In: Search of Development Parameters, 1980.

Van Zwaneberg, R.M.A., "Primitive Colonial Accumulation in Kenya: 1919-1939," Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1971. 2-138

Worthy, D. G., "A Historical and Anthropological Background of the Dorobo of Mukogodo-1936-1959," In: District Annual Reports, Social Services, 1981-1982. CHAPTER 3

RURAL ECONOMY 3-i

TABLE OF CONTENTS -

• Page Acronyms and Abbreviations 3-vi 3.1 Introduction 3-1

3.1.1 Background 3-1

3.1.2 Study Objectives 3-3

3.1.3 Method of Approach 3-5

3.2 The Existing Situation in Laikipia • 3-6

3.2.1 Position, Boundaries, and -, 3-6

Administrative Subdivisions

3.2.2 Road Network 3-6

3.2.3 Railways • 3-8

3.2.4 Air Transport , 3-8

3.2.5 Communications 3-8

3.2.6 Power and Electricity 3-9

3.2.7 Service Centres .. 3-9

3.3 The Agricultural and Livestock Sectors 3-9

3.3.1 Land Use Patterns - 3-9

3.3.2 Farm Structure 3-13

3.3.3 Parametric Models of ASAL Input- 3-14 Output Margins 3.3.4 Income from Crops, Livestock, 3-39 Petty Trades, Wages, and Forestry Products 3.3.5 Crops and Livestock Farming: 3-51 Typical Farming Systems in Laikipia 3.4 Land Resource 3-63

3.4.1 Land Tenure and Production 3-63

3.5 Labour Resources • 3-66

3.5.1 General 3-66

3.5.2 Labour Situation in Laikipia 3-67 *-»'* ™~~'V^üJJs*^*.»4?«iJv'>3w»-*

3-ii

Table of Contents (Cont'd) Fage

3.6 Agricultural Inputs 3-75

3.6.1 Farm Inputs 3-75 3.6.2 Price Structure of Farm Inputs , 3-76 and Outputs

3.6.3 Credit 3-81 3.7 Marketing 3-87

3.7.1. Local Markets Network and 3-87 Marketing Activities

3.7.2 Marketing Boards and Organizations 3-90

3.8 Cooperative Sector 3-98

3.8.1 General . 3-98

3.8.2 Cooperatives in Laikipia District 3-99

3.9 Other Local Self Help Groups 3-110

3.9.1 Women's Groups ' - 3-110

3.9.2 Missionary Organizations 3-110

3.10 Recommendations and Project Proposals 3-111

3.10.1 Summary of the Present Situation 3-111 3.10.2 Objectives 3-112 3.10.3 Proposed Projects 3-112 3.10.4 Input Supplies and Marketing 3-112 3.10.5 Improvement of the Road Network 3-116 3.10.6 Total Rural Economy Project Costs 3-120 3-iii

LIST OF TABLES

Page 3-1 Land Use Patterns of Laikipia District 3-10

3-2 Area Covered by Specific Crops in Laikipia District 3-11

3-3 Area Covered by Specific Crops by Division 3-12

3-4 Holding Size Distribution 3-15

3-5 Gross Margin per Hectare for Cotton 3-16

3-6 Gross Margin per Hectare for Unimproved Maize 3-17

3-7 Gross Margin per Hectare for Sorghum 3-18

3-8 Gross Margin per Hectare for Pigeon Peas 3-19

3~9 Gross Margin per Hectare for Cow Peas 3-20 3-10 Crop Budget - Maize (Old Lands) - 1 HA (1983/84 Prices) 3-23 3-11 Crop Budget - Maize and Beans (Old Lands) - 1 HA (1983/84 Prices) 3-24 3-12 Crop Budget - Potatoes (Old Lands) - 1 HA (1983/83 Prices) - 3-25 3-13 Crop Budget - Wheat (Old Lands) - 1 HA (1983/84 Prices) 3-26 .3-14 Gross Margin per HA for Livestock in Maz V, VI. and VII 3-28 3-15 L.U. Conversion Factors for ASAL Livestock 3-29 3-16 Area Allocated for Livestock Grazing 3-30 3-17 District Livestock Census for 19 82 3-31 3-18 Income from Crops (Ksh) 3-41 3-19 Annual Net Income from Livestock in 1982 (Excludes Poultry, Rabbits, Honey, Fish, Milk, Hides, and Skins) 3-43

3-20 Annual Net Income from Livestock Under Improved Technology (Excludes Poultry, Rabbits, Honey, Fish, Milk, Hides and Skins) 3-45

3-21 District Income from Trade Premises in Service Centres (Ksh) 3-48 3-iv

List of Tables (Cont'd) . Page 3-22 Crop Acreages, Yields and Inputs in the Farm 3-56 3-23 Seeds Rates, Variety and sources 3-57 3-24 Farm Carrying Capacity 3-59 3-25 Cost of Labour in Laikipia 3-69 3-26 Crop Labour Requirements for Traditional and Improved Technologies 3-70 3-2 7 Labour Requirements for Various Activities within ' - Mild Production Systems in Man Hours per Cow Unit per Year 3-71 3-28 Number of Domestic Ruminants in Laikipia 3-72 3-29 Farm Inputs Distribution Structure 3-77 3-30 Private Farm Machinery Available in Laikipia District (1982) 3-78 3-31 Prices of Livestock and Livestock Products in Laikipia District 3-80 3-32 Price Fluctuations of Crops in Laikipia District (Private Traders Only): 3-81 3-33 AFC Nanyuki Branch Loan Portfolio for Laikipia East (in Ksh) 3-84 3-34 AFC Nyahururu Branch Loan Portfolio for Laikipia West (in Ksh) 3-85 3-35 NCPB Buying Centres and Quantities of Produce Transacted in 1983 (1982 Crop) from Laikipia West 3-92 3-36 Cooperative Societies in Laikipia District, 19 82 3-101 3-v

ANNEXES

Page

Economic Parameters of Crop Production: 3-121 Estimates for Traditional Technology (Central Division) Economic Parameters of Crop Production: ' 3-122 Estimates for Traditional Technology (Ngarua Division) Economic Parameters of Crop Production: 3-123 Estimates for Traditional Technology (Rumuruti Division) Economic Parameters of Crop Production: 3-124 Estimates for Improved Technology (Central Division) Economic Parameters of Crop Production: 3-125 Estimates for Improved Technology (Ngarua Division) Economic Parameters of Crop Production: 3-126 Estimates for Improved Technology (Rumuruti Division) Laikipia District Roads Network 3-127 Laikipia Land Zones and Uses Classification 3-128 Marketing Activities in Laikipia 3-129 National Cereals and Produce Board 3-130 Buying Centre and Agents Prices for 1982 . Maiza Planted Crop National Cereals and Produce Board Beans 3-131 Prices 1982/83 Existing Cooperative Societies in Laikipia 3-132 District (1982) KFA Sales in Laikipia District, 1980/81 and 3-133 1981/82 (In K£) 3-vi

Acronyms and Abbreviations

ADC = Agricultural Development Corporation AFC = Agricultural Finance Corporation ARO = Assistant Range Officer AS AL = Arid/Semi-Arid Lands BAT = British American Tobacco CBK = Cooperative Bank of Kenya CLSMB = Cotton Lint and Seed Marketing Board CPCS = Cooperative Production Credit Scheme DAO = District Agricultural Officer DCDO = District Community Development Officer DCO = District Cooperative Officer DDP = District Development Plan DLDO = District Livestock Development Officer EAP = Economically Active Population FCS = Farmers' Cooperative Society FISS = Farm Input Supply Scheme GMR = Guaranteed Minimum Return GOK = Government of Kenya IDA = International Development Association 1RS = Integrated Rural Survey KCC = Kenya Cooperative Creameries KFA = Kenya Farmers' Association KMC = Kenya Meat Commission KNFU = Kenya National Federation of Cooperatives LMD = Livestock Marketing Division LSF = Large-Scale Farm LSL = Large-Scale Loan LU = Livestock Unit MOA = Ministry of Agriculture MOCD = Ministry of Cooperative Development NCPB = National Cereals and Produce Board NSCS = New Seasonal Credit Scheme see = Seasonal Crop Credit SSL = Small-Scale Loan THS = Tractor Hire Services (government) 3-1

3.1' INTRODUCTION

3.1.1 Background

The Kenya Government is stressing the need for giving increasing emphasis to the development of ASAL, and the reasons for this are clearly estabished both in the fourth National Development Plan (1979-1983) and in other policy documents. Their increasing importance in the national development process is held to be due primarily to:

(i) The overall growth and transition process characterising the rural economy.

(ii) The present income and welfare levels of the population living in the ASAL:

About 50 percent of the smallholder households in the three ASAL Zones (IV, V and VI) have consumption levels (per capita income) below Ksh 1,700= (6). The income and welfare levels place the zones at the poorer end of the spectrum.

Parenthetical numbers refer to bibliography at the end of this chapter. The bibliographic references are not in alphabetical order. 3-2

(iii) The resource potential existing in ASAL:

In these areas, comprising over 1.2 million smallholders, limits set by the scarcity of natural resources are now being felt, and despite the resource scarcities and other less favourable conditions, the high rate of population increase (over 3% per annum) in ASAL necessitates continued growth in agricultural production (10).

In 1965, Kenya had about 0.78 ha of high-potential land equivalent per person. By the year 1985, it is estimated that the land equivalent above will be as low as 0.20 ha. It is therefore foreseen that the decreasing land/man ratio will continue to force people to cultivate more marginal lands every year for subsistence (10).

Within the marginal lands themselves, the pressure on land will continue to increase, due both to internal popula­ tion growth and an outward expansion from high-potential areas due to limited arable land and shortage of employment opportunities in the industrial and service sectors (10).

A notable feature of ASAL is that these areas constitute 80 percent of the country's land area and only contain 20 percent of the country's population. Obviously, dealing with 20 percent of the people in over 80 percent of the land raises special economic problems (economies of scale). The provision of social services, water supply and other social infrastructure is"of greater cost per head than in the densely populated areas.

o 3-3

ASAL contain over 50 percent of the country's livestock herds (6).

Lastly, while increased settlement and exploitation of these lands provide a basis for the livelihood of small- scale farmers, the consequences are that the soils; especially those on the steeper slopes, are subject to serious erosion due to their fragile nature (sandy soils with little organic matter).

(iv) The prevailing development constraints which hamper a balanced and socially benficial utilization of the resource potential in ASAL:

The Government therefore wishes to make a concerted effort to deal with the twin problems of alleviation of poverty (through creation of productive employment to raise the per capita income) and rehabilitation of land and water resources for sustained development (through resource conservation). In addition, development of human resources through improved health, education, nutrition skills, and socio-economic infrastructure, will be necessary obligations ( 6 ) .

3.1.2. Study Objectives

The basic objective of this study revolves around the understanding of farm production constraints and the diagnosis of the available development opportunities surrounding subsistence and commercial farms in the Laikipia District. The development opportunities available can then be translated into implementable development programmes/ 3-4

projects. In the final analysis, the ultimate aim is to improve the welfare of the inhabitants by the development of the productive potential of the resources and the provision for their basic needs.

According to the Task Force Report, the above broad objectives can be achieved through the following:

3.1.2.1. Development of Human Resources

The ASAL inhabitants are generally among the least advantaged of the country's population. This is understandable in view of the sparse population and hence the difficulty of providing essential services and basic needs compared with the high and medium-potential land. The aim here is to develop human resources in ASALs through improved health, education, nutrition, and skills of the people.

3.1.2.2. Exploitation of Productive Potential

The productive potential of these lands is considerable. The productive potential of crops, animals, and wildlife is far from fully realized. The output of areas with less than 600 mm of rainfall per year in other countries in the Middle East, Asia, and North America suggests the potential of these areas if Kenya can develop the technological and organiza­ tional inputs to realize this potential.

3.1.2.3. Resource Conservation

In ASAL, the environment is highly variable and fragile, and can easily be improverished so that it loses its 3-5

productive potential. Because of this, and of the need to reclaim land that has been degraded, resource conservation is a fundamental objective of the programme.

3.1.2.4. Integration with the National Economy

The question of balanced regional development is also central to the development of rural areas. Thus ASAL need to be developed as an integral part of Kenyan economy so as to avoid lopsided development that concentrates only in the higher potential areas as has been, to some extent, the case in the past.

3.1.3 Method of Approach

The study method makes use of interdisciplinary approach to the evaluation of resources and other potentials and development possibilities. The procedure involved soil surveys and individual studies in the disciplines of agronomy, livestock, rural economy, soil and water conservation, and forestry, gathering primary information from government officers and farmers, and secondary information from relevant publications and government files. The data so collected was analyzed, synthesized, and on the basis of that, suggestions were made for projects and programme development. Integration of team activities was accomplished through regular staff meetings and work sessions and also through joint development of study concepts and outlines. The data collection required team members to spend considerable time in the field. 3-6

3.2 THE EXISTING SITUATION IN LAIKIPIA

3.2.1. Position, Boundaries, and Administrative Subdivisions

Laikipia District is located in Rift Valley Province (East of the Great Rift Valley), in the former White

Highlands. It lies between 36o9.« and 37034. East longitude and 0°45' North latitude, covering an area of 9,723 km2« It is bounded by Samburu District to the north, Isiolo District to the southeast, Nyeri District to the south, Nyandarua District to the southwest and Nakuru and Baringo Districts to the West. Administratively, the District has its headquar­ ters at Nanyuki (9).

Administratively, the District is divided into four divisions, namely, Central, Ngarua, Rumuruti, and Mukogodo Divisions, Central Division comprises Loldaiga, Lamuria, and Naro Moru locations; Ngarua Division comprises Gituamba, Kinamba, Sipili and 01 Moran locations; Rumuruti Division comprises Mutara, Igwamiti, Marmanet, Salama, Sosian, Rumuruti, and Mutitu (Marmanet Forest) locations; and Mukogodo Division comprises Mukogodo, Ildingiri, and Ilngwesi locations.

3.2.2. Road Network

Generally, roads open up underdeveloped areas and also hasten the rate of development of areas which have already taken off. Goods, especially the perishables, need quick and efficient transport. Foreign investors are attracted by good 3-7

communication links. Improvement in transportation network tends to raise the standard of living of the rural population and consequently creates a demand for other infrastructural services such as electricity, water, telephone, and recreational facilities which are socially beneficial (4).

In Laikipia, both classified and non-classified categories of roads exist. Most of the latter category exist as access roads mainly in the settlement schemes of Marmanet, Nyahururu and Ngarua locations. There are a few other minor roads and foot tracks adjoining the above two categories.

Most of Laikipia District, as far back as 1978, has been underserved by the existing road network, both in terms of quantity and quality. The few existing roads are impassable during the rainy seasons. Road surface conditions are very rough. Roadside drainage along most of the roads is inadequate. Lack of culverts for drainage across the roads and lack of bridges aggrevate the situation (G.G. Kariuki, 1979). The length of both internal and external road network in the District is not adequate for a vast District like Laikipia. Minor and feeder roads have lowest kilométrage. With the present estimate of the District population (173,428 people in 1982) , the extent of roads is only 7 km per 1000 people and only 1 km per sq. km. The ratios indicate the inadequacies of the road facilities in the District (9).

A list of some classified and non-classified roads totalling 668 km which are more regularly used is attached to the report (see annex Tahle C). 3-8

3.2.3. Railways

Nanyuki town is linked with Nairobi by the Northern Line which passes through Thika, Nyeri, and Naromoru to Nanyuki which is the railhead, but Isiolo and Meru are served by railway trucks. Owing to the sparse population in Northern Kenya, the Nanyuki rail link is not important for passengers, but is important for transporting goods and livestock from the ranches in Nanyuki and in the neighbouring Districts of Northern Kenya (9).

3.2.4. Air Transport

It is understood that some ranch owners (e.g., Solio Ranch) run light aircraft, but these are not available for use by the general public. The only Government airstrip maintained by the Ministry of Works in the District is in Mukogodo Division near Dol Dol. Ä modern airport for the Armed Forces has been completed in Nanyuki Town, but this is out of bounds for civilian flights because of security reasons.

3.2.5. Communications

The District is served by three postal services at Nanyuki, Nyahururu, and Rumuruti, where full telephone systems are maintained. A VHF radio at the headquarters in Dol Dol connects Mukogodo Division with Nanyuki, and a smaller one connects Kimanchu location with Dol Dol. Some of the European Ranches and farms have telephone services from either Nanyuki or Nyahururu. 3-9

3.2.6 Power and Electricity

Only Nanyuki, Nyahururu, and Rumuruti are served by public electricity networks.

3.2.7. Service Centres

Currently, the District has two Urban Centres (Nyahururu and Nanyuki) one Rural Centre (Rumuruti) two Market Centres (Ngarua and Dol Dol) and several Local Centres. The local centres are relatively new centres and most of them consist of only a few shops built of temporary materials. The more developed ones can be found in Marmanet and Ngarua locations, where Africans were first settled. These are Mathengera, 01 Jabet, Karandi, Kinamba, and Sipili. There are a few in the Central Division which include Ngenia, Umande, and Ethi. The rest are comparatively new and can be considered as sublocal centres (9); A list of the service centres is attached (see annex Table E).

3.3. THE AGRICULTURAL AND LIVESTOCK SECTORS

3.3.1 Land Use Patterns

Out of total District area of 9,723 km2 (ioo%) the township occupies 8 km2 ((Kl%), and 8,087 km2 (83.2%) is suitable for both ranching and agricultural crops. The balance of 1,628 km2 (16.7%) is considered economically unusable because it contains steep slopes, forest reserves, lakes, swamps, roads, rivers, homesteads, etc. (13). 3-10

Table 3-1 gives the breakdown of land use patterns per administrative divisions.

Table 3-1: LAND USE PATTERNS OF LAIKIPIA DISTRICT

Division Total Area Non-farming and Farming and (km ) grazing area grazing area (km2) (km2) Central 3,285 3~T2" 2,943 Rumuruti 4,128 - 627 3,501 Ngarua 1,098 245 853 Mukogodo 1,204 414 790 Total town­ ship 8

TOTAL '• 9,723 1,628 8,087 Source : Compiled by author from Annex Table D.

3.3.1.1 Land Use: Crops

The actual crops hectarages from 1979 to 1982 are available in the agronomists' inventory report. However, for economic planning purposes, estimated crop acreages for the year 1982 based on actual trend and average values, are shown in Table 3-2 below. From the estimates, the crops reportedly occupy 22,994.2 ha of the actual farming land (Table 3-2, col. 2) Given that interplanting is a common practice for either traditional or improved technology, and reasonably assuming that interplanting combinations included maize/beans and green peas/pigeon peas, the effective area covered by crops in 1982 was 18,609.2 ha as shown in column 3 of Table 3-2. 3-11

Table 3-2: AREA COVERED BY SPECIFIC CROPS IN LAIKIPIA DISTRICT

Crop Reported Area Effective Area covered (ha) covered (ha) Maize 12 ,130.0 12,130.0 Wheat 4 ,052.0 4,052.0 Beans 4 ,376.0 Potatoes 1 ,652.0 1,652.0 Pyrethrum 147.0 147.0 Coffee 35.2 35.2 Cotton 4.0 4.0 Pigeon Peas 5.0 Cabbages 111.0 111.0 Tomatoes 200.0 200.0 Onions 128.0 128.0 Carrots 3.0 3.0 Green Peas 147.0 147.0 Bonavist Beans 4.0

TOTAL 22,994.2 18,609.2 N.B.; When the trend is progressively increasing, the highest figure (the actual 1982 production figure) was picked. Where the trend is variable, averages were estimated to arrive at a representative figure that could have been expected during 1982.

Source ; Estimates by author, from the Agronomy Report.

Applying arguments similar to those above, the area covered by specific crops by Divisions.

It is notable that in Mukogodo Division residents have never practiced any agriculture (crop growing) in the past, although many tribes have started to understand agriculture, g U)

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3.3.1.2. Land Use: Livestock

Out of the total crop production and grazing area of 808,700 ha in the District, 18,609 ha was occupied by crops during 1982. The balance of 790,091 ha was therefore left for grazing.

3.3.2. Farm Structure

3.3.2.1 Holding Structure

Before independence, the European large-scale farms ranged from 3,000 acres to 20,000 acres. In the upper areas close to Mount Kenya forest belt and the Aberdares, mixed Farms prevailed with dairy and wheat production. Further of the mountains where rainfall is lower and more unreliable, ranching with beef cattle and smallstock dominated (15).

At present, changes in landowner structure is taking place; the large farms of the former European owners have been taken over, some kept unchanged, but many more being subdivided (1/3 of the farms have currently been subdivided) sold to smallholders. As there is a great demand for land, prices increase and most of the smallholders can afford only small plots of 1 to 10 acres each. On the average, the vast majority.of the small-scale farmers in the District own an average of 2 to 5 acres, which tends to increase to about 10 3-14

acres or more towards the drier areas. Many large-scale farms now range from 1000 acres and above, especially in Central Division. Some small-scale farms in Rumuruti Division are as big as 20 acres (15).

3.3.2.2 Holding Size Distribution

The holding size distribution in Laikipia can be summerised as indicated in Table 3-4.

3.3.3 Parametric Models of ASAL Input-Output Margins

3.3.3.1 Crops Models

Tables 3-5 to 3-9 show average input-output models for some major subsistence and cash crops under arid and semi-arid conditions, derived from Farm Management Guidelines of Ministry of Agriculture. Apart from the physical yields and labour requirements which are fixed by the guidelines, prices of both inputs and outputs are updated to reflect the current prices.

The actual input-output figures achieved in the study area will be available from the analyzed field data.

In the following parametric models, (see Tables 3-5 through 3-9), low, average, and high levels of management are respectively coded as 0, 1, and 2. The yields assumed are obtainable only during good seasons. Apart from cotton, all the crops are considered to be in pure stands, although in practice this will not be the case. Farm gate prices are used to value the gross output. CM «3 ro

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For land preparation, ox-plouging is assumed at both low and average levels of management. This includes one ploughing and one harrowing both at a minimum of Ksh 300 per ha. The minimum tractor charges (THS) for both operations are estimated at Ksh 575 per ha. If private tractor rates are used, a figure of up to Ksh 900 per ha for both operations would not be uncommon.

In all cases, average and high levels of management mean a much higher labour requirement compared to the low level of management, consequently in some cases, the return to family labour (assuming no labour is hired) per Man Day is higher at low levels than at higher levels of management. This situation would be expected to arise in view of the fact that crop yields in ASAL are constrained by climatic factors more than most other resources like labour. For instance, under rainfed conditions, one may employ as many production resources as possible but the maximum yields would still be dictated by the nature of rainfall during that year. In economic language, the law of Diminishing Returns which states that "if successive units of one input are added to given quantities of other inputs, a point, will be eventually reached•where the addition to product per additional unit of input will decline," starts to operate. Hence, because the increase in yields do not automatically correspond to the increase in labour demand as one moves to higher levels of management, excess labour should be diverted to off-farm activities to generate off-farm income. 3-22

These budget models are tailored to the lower cotton zone, which occasionally experiences, some spells of drought. The budgets assume some fairly good precipitation. The variable costs in the budget show purchased inputs only. The Ministry of Agriculture has data showing amounts of inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, chemicals etc., which are recommended and acceptable by all categories of farmers. The data also cover yields which can be achieved in different agro-economic zones at various levels of management.

It must be noted that land preparation is a very expensive, but also a very critical operation. Different methods of land preparation exist: hoeing, ox-ploughing, and tractor ploughing. Although the latter may help to overcome the labour peak needs at cultivation and planting time, thus allowing the farmer to increase the proportion of the farm which can be put under cash crops, it is observed that apart from being expensive, this kind of land preparation may also create labour bottlenecks during weeding. Ox-ploughing is thus much more economic in ASAL than is tractor cultivation.

Some crops models taken from real field situation are included in the Tables 3-10 to 3-13 on the following pages.

3.3.3.2 Livestock Models

Livestock Gross Margin

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In Mukogodo Division of Laikipia, a typical mature cattle would weigh 350 kg L.W. (0.7 LU) and a mature goat or sheep from 25 kg to 30 kg L.W. (a ratio of 15 shoats to 1 LU). In contrast, the high-potential areas west of the District would have cattle weighing over 400 kg L.W. each (0.88 LU) and shoats weighing 45 kg L.W. each (0.1 LU).

Table 3-14 shows the gross margins of livestock enterprise in the various zones. This table can.be compared with those cited for margins per hectare of crop production. The comparison will show that, for the applicable range of carrying capacities, livestock production is much less profitable per hectare than crop production.

The gross margin calculations for the preceding table assume the inclusion of all domestic ruminants of all sexes and sizes when related to the LU equivalent of 450 kg L.W. The carrying capacity rates (ha/LU are based on Pratt and Gwynne, 1977 figures. Further calculations are based on the conversion Table 3-15.

District Based Livestock Carrying Capacity in Laikipia

The land area allocated for grazing in Laikipia during 1982 was as shown in the Table 3-16 on the following page.

The District'Livestock Census was carried out in 1982 and the head count breakdown are given in Table 3-17. It is noted that the sheep, goats, pigs, -horses, donkeys and camels 3-3-3

are estimated without any differentiation by age or sex. The study group's specialist estimates that 35 percent of each undifferentiated species would consist of young stock.

All the livestock (except poultry) may be converted to Livestock Units (LU= 450 kg L.W.) using the conversion factors cited in Table 3-15.

The following LU conversions are derived for all young stock of goats, sheep, pigs, horses, donkeys, and camels for the District, and cattle for the Mukogodo Division:

35% of 253,546 sheep = 88 ,741.1 X 0.01 = 887.4 LU 35% .of 168,019 goats = 58 ,806.7 X 0.01 = 588.1 LU 35% of 2,429 pigs = 850,2 X 0.01 = 8.5 LU 35% of 11,172 cattle = 3 ,910.2 X 0.4 = 1,564.1 LU 35% of 2,052 donkeys = 718.2 X 0.2 = 143.6 LU 35% of 457 horses = 159.95 X 0.4 = 64.0 LU 35% of 717 camels = 250.95 X 0.4 = 100.4 LU

The following LU conversions are derived for ail mature stock of goats, sheep, pigs, horses, donkeys, and camels for the District, and cattle for Mukogodo Division.

65% of 253,546 sheep = 164,804.9 X 0.08 = 13,184.4 LU 65% of 168,019 goats = 109,212.4 X 0.08 = 8,737.0 LU 65% of 2,429 pigs 1,578.9 X 0.3 = 473.7 LU 65% of 11,172 cattle = 7,261.8 X 0.7 = 5,083.3 LU 65% of 2,052 donkeys = 1,333.8 X 0.4 = 533.5 LU 65% of 457 horses = 297.1 X 1.0 = 297.0 LU 65% of 717 camels = 466.05 X 0.7 = 326.2 LU 3-34

The following LU conversions are derived for all the differentiated cattle in Central, Rumuruti, and Ngarua Divisions.

Breeding cows = 61,030 x 0.8 = 48,824.0 LU Breeding Bulls = 6,916 x 1.0 = 6,916.0 LU Heifers (10-36 months) = 17,350 x 0.4 = 6,940.0 LU Heifers (36-48 months) = 4,638 x 0.7 = 3,246.6 LU Steers (10-36 months) = 22,482 x 0.4 = 8,992.8 LU Steers (36-48 months) = 6,201 x 0.7 = 4,340.7 LU Calves (below 9 months) = 25,239 x 0.3 = 7,571.7 LU Cull cows = 5,698 x 0.8 = 4,558.4 LU Cull bulls = 129 x 1.0 = 129.0 LU

Total = 91,519.2 LU

The total LUs for domestic ruminants in the District are as follows:

Cattle = 91 ,519.2 + 5 ,083.3 + 1,564.1 = 98,167 LU Sheep = 887.4 + 13 ,184.4 = . 14,072 LU Goats = 588.1 + 8 ,737.0 = 9,325 LU Pigs = 8.5 + 473 = 482 LU Donkeys = 143.6 + 533.5 = 677 LU Horses = 64.0 + 297 = 361 LU Camels = 100.38 + 326.2 = 427 LU

Total = 123,511 LU

The total District grazing area is 790,092 ha and the total LUs to be grazed are 123,511. The stocking rate therefore equals (790,092/123,511 =. 6.4 ha/SU 3-35

Reciting Pratt and Gwynne, stocking rates are .4 ha/LU, 12 ha/LU, and 40 ha/LU for MAZ V, VI, and VII respectively. For the three MAZs, the average (unweighted) recommended stocking rates therefore become (4 + 12 + 40)/3, which gives 19 ha/LU. However, because most of the grazing area (ranching zones) are in Zone V (which, in fact, occupies over 72% of the District total area), the recommended stocking rate would approximate 4 to 10 ha/LU.

Comparing the present stocking rate of 6.4 ha/LU with the recommended stocking rate of 4-10 ha/LU, the grazing area does not appear to be overstocked. However, localized overstocking within a division would not. be ruled out. The underlined statement could, however, only be verifiable with very accurate livestock data collected over a period of years because livestock numbers in Laikipia change according to seasons even within one year. Wildlife also utilize a big portion of the grazing land and would increase the stocking rates.

Divisional - based livestock carrying capacity in Laikipia

1. Mukogodo Division

The following LU conversions are derived for all young stock of cattle, sheep, goats and donkeys for the Division. 3-36

35% of 11,172 cattle 3910.2 x 0.4 = 1564.1 LU 35% of 20,552 sheep 7193.2 x 0.01 = 71.9 LU 35% of 29,513 goats = 10,329.55 x 0.01 = 103.3 LU 35% of 657 donkeys 229.95 x 0.2 = 46.0 LU

The following LUs are derived for all mature stock of cattle, sheep, goats, and donkeys for the Division.

65% of 11,172 cattle 7,261.8 x 0.72/ _ 5fo83.26 LU 65% of 20,552 sheep = 13,358.8 x 0.08 = 1,068.70 LU 65% of 29,513 goats = 19,183.45 x 0.08 = 1,534.67 LU 65% of 657 donkeys 427.05 x 0.4 = 170.82 LU

The total camel LUs for the whole District = 427. Assuming that the camels are evenly distributed in the District, Mukogodo Division would own (427/4) = 107 LUs.

The total LUs for domestic ruminants in Mukogodo are as follows:

Cattle = 1,564.1 + 5,083.26 6,647.36 LU Sheep 71.9 + 10,684.00 1,140.60 LU Goats 103.3 + 1,342.84 1,446.14 LU Donkeys 45.99 + 170.82 216.81 LU Camels 107.0 LU

Total 9,557.9 LU

2/ Livestock Unit Equivalent for Mukogodo mature cattle is 0.7. 3-37

The total grazing area for Mukogodo Division is 79,000 ha and the total LUs to be grazed are 9558. The stocking rate therefore equals (79,000 /9558) = 8.3 ha/LU.

Central Division

Young stock of sheep, goats, pigs, horses, and donkeys:

35% of 174,944 sheep = 61,230.4 x 0.01 = 612.30 LU 35% of 103,112 goats = 36,089.2 x 0.01 = 360.89 LU 35% of 2,276 pigs = 796.6 x 0.01 = 7.96 LU 35% of 290 horses = 101.5 x 0.4 = 40.6 LU 35% of 407 donkeys = 142.45 x 0.2 = 28.49 LU

Mature stock of sheep, goats, pigs, horses, and donkeys

65% of 174,944 sheep = 113,713.6 x 0.08 = 9,097.08 LU 65% of 103,112 goats = 67,022.8 x 0.08 = 5,361.82 LU 65% of 2,276 pigs = 1,479.4 x 0.3 = 443.82 LU 65% of 290 horses = 188.5 x 1.0 = 188.5 LU 65% of 407 donkeys = 264.55 x 0.4 = 105.82 LU

Cattle

Breeding cows = 29,676 x 0.8 = 2,374.8 LU Breeding Bulls - = 3,270 x 1.0 = 3,270.0 LU Heifers (10-36 months) = 3,262 x 0.4 = 1,304.8 LU Heifers (36-48 months) = 1,406 x 0.7 = 984.2 LU 3-38

Steers (10-36 months) = 12,454 x 0.4 = 4,981.6 LU Steers (36-48 months) = 5,390 x 0.7 = 3,773 LU Calves (below 9 months) = 15,127 x 0.3 = 4,538.1 LU Cull cows = 4,808 x 0.8 = 3,846.4 LU Cull Bulls = 26 x 1.0 26.0 LU

Total 4,6464.9 LU

The camel LU are 107 (equal share like in Mukogodo Division). The total LU for domestic ruminants in Central Division are as follows:

Cattle

Cattle = 46,464.9 LU Sheep = 612.30 + 9097.08 = 9,709.4 LU Goats = 360.89 + 5361.82 = 5,722.7 LU Pigs = 7.96 + 433.82 = 441.8 LU Horses = 40.6 + 188.5 = 229.1 LU Donkeys = 28.49 + 105.82 = 134.3 LU Camels = 107.0 LU

Totals 62,809.2

The total grazing area for Central Division is 29,176/ha and the total LU to be grazed are 62,809. The stocking rate therefore equals (291,761/62,809) = 4.6 ha/LU.

3. Rumuruti/Ngarua Divisions

The total LU for domestic ruminants in the District are 123511. The LU in Mukogodo and Central Divisions are (9,558 3-39

+ 6,280) = 72,367. The LU for Rumuruti/Ngarua Divisions are therefore 123,511 - 72367) = 51,144. The total area for grazing in Rumuruti and Ngarua Divisions are (344,029 + 75,302) ha = 419,331 ha. The stocking rate for Rumuruti/Ngarua therefore equals (419,331/51,144 = 8.2 ha/LU.

Remarks on Divisional Stocking Rates

The low potential divisions east of Laikipia are relatively slightly more overstocked than those in the west (Rumuruti/Ngarua) which are in the high potential areas.

3.3.4 Income from Crops, Livestock, Petty Trades, Wages, and Forestry Products

3.3.4.1 Crops

Annexes AI, BI, All, BII, AIII, and Bill give the economic parameters of crop production, including specific crops under two levels of management in each Division of the District. Mukogodo Division is excluded because its crop production is negligible. Annexes AI, All, and AIII are for low (traditional) levels of management, whereby the system consists of smallholder, rainfed farming using the traditional technology. Land preparation, weeding, harvesting activities, etc. are carried out mostly by hand. There is little use, if any, of modern purchased inputs such as improved seeds, fertilizers and/or pesticides, etc. Annexes BI, BII, and Bill consider some improvements in technology, but with no change in the area cultivated. In 3-40 the B tables, the changes relate to the output per ha and associated direct costs and labour requirements for each crop, which are a function of the application of modern inputs.

. Under the two technologies, and using the government- controlled prices to the NCPB (in most cases farm gate prices have been used), crops give the income in Table 3-18.

3.3.4.2 Livestock

There seem to be a bimodal distribution of local groups in terms of "off-take," the higher groups with rates ranging from 16.9 to 24.4% annually for Kamba, Embu, Thika, Meru, and Taita, who are more developed than the more remote groups including people around Lake Baringo, the Turkana, Kajiado Maasai, Narok Maasai, Samburu, Nandi, Elgeyo Marakwet, and Pokot, whose off-take ranges from 7.0 to 13.2% per annum (2).

In Laikipia District, the annual off-take is considered to range from 8-15% In between, the developed ranches attain an average of 13%, small scale mixed farmers attain 10% and pastoralists attain 11%. The latter group (pastoralists), however, vary considerably depending on the prevailing weather conditions. It may range as low as 8% durdng rains and as high as 20% during droughts (D.L.D.O., Laikipia 1983). Average working figures of 11% off-take for cattle, 25% off-take for pigs, goats and sheep, and 100% for poultry and rabbits etc., are therefore applied in the calculations to follow. o <=r f-i m t («no ro in o CM CO CU ^ ^ ^ o^ co r^ •>* o o <-l CO o t— "=* "* o «d* ^1" CO r» M r-I ^< CM oo

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Table. 3-19 shows the estimated annual net income from the sale of cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs for the year 1982 in Laikipia District.

Assuming that all the reported poultry (173,140) and rabbits (2128) in the District were all sold at average prices of Ksh 15 per poultry and Ksh 15 per rabbit, the income was as follows:

Poultry; 173,140 x Ksh 15 = Ksh 2,597,100 Rabbits; 2,138 x Ksh 15 = Ksh 32,070 Total 2,629,170

The crude honey from the reported 12,147 beehives at a production rate of 15 kg crude honey per harvest (usually two harvest, per hive per year) was 12,147 x 15 x 2) = 364,410 kg. At the present payment rate of Ksh 16.00 per kg crude honey (based on Lamuria Honey Refinery rates, 2nd and 3rd grade honey), the total income from honey production in 1982 was Ksh 364,410 x 16 = Ksh 5,830,560.

'At the price of Ksh 5.00 per fish, the 1,000 fish earned Ksh 1000 x 5 = Ksh 5,000. Other livestock products sold during the year included milk, hides, and skins. Milk earned Ksh 4,648,382.00 and hides and skins earned SKsh 718,338.00 during 1982, giving a total net income of Ksh 5,366,720.

Accordingly, the most recent extrapolation of annual income from livestock become Ksh 53,235,225 + 2,629,170 + 5,830,560 + 5000 + 5,366,720 = Ksh 67,066,675. o o m o 3 m m CM o m VX> VD (Tl O CM CM co CT\ o IT) CO V£> O CO m CM 00 r-l co m

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Under improved levels of management in livestock sector, accompanied by a streamlined marketing of both livestock products and inputs, the average offtake rates are estimated to rise for cattle to 15%, goats and sheep to 100%, and pigs to 50% "^ *'-5 Using the current LU, the annual income would improve as shown in Table 3-20. °

Other livestock and livestock products (poultry, rabbits, honey, fish, milk, hides, and skins) would be estimated to raise revenue by about 10% per year thus giving an income of Ksh 13,831,450 + 0.1 x 13,831,450 = Ksh 15,214,595.

Accordingly, the annual income from livestock during 1983 or later could become Ksh 107,508,675 + 15,214,595 = Ksh 122,723,270.

3.3.4.3 Livestock and Crops

Under traditional technology:

Crops = Ksh 54,227,494 .... 44% Livestock = Ksh 67,066,675 .... 56% = Ksh 121,294,169 . . . .100%

Under improved technology:

3/ Kids and lambs can be marketed in 9 to 10 months at 35 to 45 kg liveweight. Cd O O O m m o o r- CM vo oo o VO r- ^ ^ «t. vo Ht-N 00 s m o r- vo o z m vo m r- m r- CM oo in i-i *3* m CM r- co o S

CO 2 M

CO r~ co vo o o m m «a< "JHON co co ^ ^ ^ W Q CO CM 00 (H s: in l en

3d co M lil

M &5 CO o oo vo

m ro m o o m © r-J'r-H O

CD i-H a co 0) 4-) CD «3 CO S n 8 3-46

Crops •= Ksh 87,609,835 .... 42% Livestock = Ksh 122,723,270 .... 58% Total Annual Income = Ksh 210,333,105 . . . .100%

Under both the traditional and improved technologies, livestock gives a large contribution in income than crops.

3.3.4.4 Wage Employment

The D.D.P. (1979-83) estimates the total number of employees in the District as follows:

Private sector = 5,440 employees Farm labour = 2,710 employees Government sector = 6,700 employees

Total = 14,850 employees

Assuming that since the year 1979, expansion in all the sectors above has created more employment, each of the above categories öf employment can be inflated by a factor of 20 percent to reflect the picture for 1982. The total number o employees in the District in 1982 therefore becomes:

Private sector = 5,440 + (0.2 x 5,440) = 6,528 employee Farm labour = 2,710 + (0.2 x 2,710) = 3,252 employee Government sector = 6,700 + (0.2 x 6,700) = 8,040 employee 3-47

Assuming that a monthly income per employee in the private sector is Ksh 700, in the Government sector Ksh 1,000 and in general farm work Ksh 500, the total wage income in 1982 was as follows:

Private sector = Ksh (6,528 x 700 x 12) = 54,835,200 Farm labour = Ksh (3,250 x 500 x 12) = .19,500,000 Government sector = Ksh (8,040 x 1000 x 12)= 96,480,000 Total Ksh = 170,815,200

3.3.4.5 Forest Products

There are no figures available on income but the Forestry study specialist estimates the timber return per year at Ksh 40,000,000 and Ksh 40,000,000 from pencil factory. No figures or estimates are available on charcoal business but the income accruing from the trade is thought to be significant.

3.3.4-6 Petty Trades (Shops, Canteens, Butchers, Hotels and Restaurants)

From the census of the trading premises above, conducted in 1982/83 (see annex Table E), and assuming that a shop can generate a monthly income of Ksh 500, a butchery can generate a monthly income of Ksh 1,000, and a hotel/bar/restaurant can generate a monthly income of Ksh 1,000, the total annual income generated from the premises in the District are as shown in Table 3-21. o o o o o o o o o ». »» ».' VO ^J" \o CM co

CM CO

o o o o o o o o o 00 O CM

MOH in co «*

00 I o o o co o o o o o o vo vo vo I oo in LD p oä r-t co co CO i-I i-H

o o o o o o o o o *fc «• ». «tf »tf O r~ oo CM i co

c o

flJ Cl OQ S-i U(D\.3 a u «J Q JJ 4J w H Px X! 3 O 0 s 3-49

The District total annual net income from trading is therefore Ksh 2,172,000. It must be noted that two service centres (Nyahururu and Nanyuki which are urban centres) have not been included in the computations of Table 3-21.

3.3.4.7 District Per Capita Income

o • Based on 3.3.3. (traditional technology), the total District Net Income is as follows:

Crops + Livestock = Ksh. 121, 294,169 Wage employment = Ksh 170,815,200 Petty trades = Ksh 2,172,000

Total = Ksh 294,281,369

The Per Capita Income in the District derives as follows:

Total Income = 294,281,369 = Ksh 1,694 Population = 173,428

The Per Capita. Income compares well with the findings in the Integrated Rural Surveys (see section 1.1 (ii)).

The National Average Per Capita in Kenya today is considered to be US300 per year which equates to Ksh 3,900 (at $1.00 = Ksh 13). 3-50

• The Per Capita Income in the District falls short of the National Average by (Ksh 3,900 - 1694) or Ksh 2206. When aggregated for the District population (1982 based) the shortfall is Ksh 2206 x 170,000 or Ksh = 375,020,000. In an iattempt to make good the shortfall, more must be done to earn more income from farming and other related agro-industries.

Under some improvement in technology (shifting from traditional to improved with no increase in hectarage) the following extra income may be raised from crops ;

Improved Ksh 87,609,835 (Total of Tables BI, BII and Bill) Traditional Ksh 54,227,494 (Total of Tables AI, All and AIII). Ksh 33,382,341

Applying similar arguments, the following extra income may be raised from the present herd of livestock.

Improved Ksh 122,723,270 Traditional Ksh 67,066,675 Difference Ksh 55,656,595

Improvements in technology coupled with expansion in crop hectarages, is likely to have considerable positive effects on the improvement .of per capita income in the District. The contribution from livestock will certainly be 3-51 overshadowed by current land subdivisions in the short run but may improve significantly with time. Improvements in wages and other non-farming sectors will complement the crops/livestock income to further improve the District Per Capita Income.

3.3.5 Crops and Livestock Farming; Typical Farming Systems in Laikipia

Most of Laikipia farmers practice both subsistence and market-oriented farming. This section aims at depicting a real farming situation on 3 categories of farms in Laikipia, namely, a large commercial ranch, a large-scale mixed farm and small-scale mixed farm. Pastoralism is another form of farming which is partly dealt with in another section of the report (sociology). Interviews were conducted with the farmers personally.

(1) PROFILE OF A WELL MANAGED RANCH IN LAIKIPIA

Kisima Farm Limited

Kisima Farm Limited in Rumuruti Division is locally considered as a model of a well managed large ranch. It covers 17,800 ha, of which about 12,500 ha is utilized pasture. This area carries the following livestock: 3-52

Sheep Cattle

Merinos: breeding ewes 1,400 breeding cows 1,000 lambs 600 steers (9-24 mo) 250 ,. adult wethers 1,200 heifers (9-26 mo) 1,000 rams 70 steer calves 150 •: weaners (4-18 mo) 800 heifer calves 150 ', huggets (18-24 mo) 9 30 bulls 70 Total merinos 5,000 3,000

Dorpers (same herd Camels (milk for compotion) 1,000 personnel) 150 Total sheep 6,000

Sheep Cattle

Annual offtake, sheep 800 Annual offtake cattle 580 Percent offtake 13% Percent offtake 18% Total standard (In 1982, 25% annual livestock 2,128 offtake was realized Units due to good rains) (Conversions according to Table 3.4.15) .

Carrying capacity =5.9 ha/LU (500 mm rainfall zone)

The ranch maintains also 40 irrigated hectares of green fodder for the dairy cattle (milk for the personnel) and maize for the workers, and 2 ha of citrus. 3-53

Sale price Mutton Ksh 8.50/kg liveweight (farm gate) Beef Ksh 7.50/kg liveweight (farm gate) Wool Ksh 30.00/kg

Gross Output: 800 sheep x Ksh 300 each = Ksh 240,000 540 cows x Ksh 1,800 each = Ksh 972,000 Wool: 5,000 sheep x Ksh 200 each = Ksh 1,000,000 Total Gross Output Ksh 2,212,000

Available data was not sufficient for detailing the operating, maintenance, and capital costs. However, operating costs alone including labour was reported as Ksh 6.00 and Ksh 2.00 per month per head of cattle and sheep, respectively.

Grazing Systems

Cattle are grazed ahead of sheep in the available paddocks and grazing is stopped when there is still good grass cover.

Systems of Marketing

Wool is sold by public auction in London. Wool bales are shipped via Mombasa by the farm. Middlemen are not acceptable in the trade because they underpay. Sheep meat is bought by butchers on the farm. An average of 45 kg weathers are more in demand. 3-54"

Immature cattle are sold @ 720/= average price. The death rate = 2%, weaning weight = 180 kg and selling weight = 250 kg.

Labour •

About 80 workers (including 16 casual labourers) exist in the farm at any one time. Total cash salaries (without food rations) is Ksh = 26,000 per month for the total labour force (approximately 350/= per person per month). Rations are valued at Ksh 2.50 per person per day or 200/= per month per person. Hence the total monthly labour income becomes Ksh 550/= per person per month.

Machinery

Dam building equipment (2 buldozers, 1 scraper, 2 tractors, and 1 grader) exist in the farm. Boreholes are generally used as sources of water but because diesel is becoming a constraint, dams are being built to store the water all the time. Currently, water points are available at within every 2.5 miles. The machinery is also used for water and soil conservation within the farm.

Assistance Required from Government

(1) Improvement of veterinary services. The major disease hazards .include Foot and Mouth, Rinderpest, Blanthrax, Entorotoxaemia, E.C.F., etc. 3-55

(2) To allow the ranches to control and utilize (crop) the wild game. The game animals drink the pumped water, break fences, and compete for grazing. Elephants, Giraffes, Zebras, Gazelles, and Elands are more frequent in the farm.

(2) PROFILE OF A LARGE SCALE MIXED FARM IN LAIKIPIA

Wahomes Farms

Wahomes Farm is in Marmanet location (Oljabet sub-location), of Rumuruti Division. The following statistics exist about this farm.

Total farm area = 100 acres. Crops grown are maize and beans (mixed), potatoes (pure stand) and wheat (pure stand).

Livestock kept are: Dairy cows = 20 head Bulls = 6 head Heifers = 15 head Calves = 5 head Sheep = 48 head

(a) The major crop statistics are laid in Table 3-22 which follows:

The major inputs are crop seeds and fertilizers (all of which are bought from KFA and Union Stores), family and hired labour (casual), and a tractor for ploughing, harrowing and wheat planting. Table 3-23 shows the seeds required, sources, variety, and rates of planting. o a a. o> o S (0 •° S? O (M *~- J3 a» \ to jj i-l 0

u S-i & 0 N 10 -r-N< £-rl 0) A3 1-1 33 ^ VJ •r-l •^ Ü +J U 4J (0 n ^ U O U rH S O) «-I O IT» fa fa • — ü fc! S ^ + V-i 0 Pè +°0 z • £1 N cn S• CT S -P •H .*: JÜ • i-H >i• SH *-l •H o o • O xi m fa• m fa lu O) n-i fa o

VD in to i ^ c m w 0 (0 CO -S J8 0 0 u u 0 mO u0 o o \ o (0 (0 to • X» -Q ra o i I ca r~ co

to \ 8 4J S 0 10 JJ m N C (0 0 u •H (0 4J 8 S CO en CD CT M £2 XL Q) O "O O o CS o

CO Cd 8 Q

•o •I-I SJ M m -Q 0 i M >iTD m O CU 3 R r-l C* •u § < H •H -H \ !*! -o z (0 ro >i m c C S

00 o* (0 I -H co > CU O u ca s fO •.-I 0 CO CD ia « + + Cu Cu S v; S

10 8 Cd Q C0 4J (0 Cd C «3 (0 -U eu co 1 as 3-58

Land Preparation

Period Activity Costs

January 1st Ploughing 200/=/acre March 1st Harrowing 100/=/acre March 2nd Ploughing 100/=/acre April 2nd Harrowing 100/=/acre

Planting

Wheat 80/=/acre using own tractor Beans Hand labour (family + casual labour) Maize Potatoes

Farm Labour

A family of six (husabnd + wife + 4 children) Casual labourers: 5 during off-peak periods 10 during peak periods (weeding and harvesting) Paid at Ksh 20.00 per day

(b) The major livestock statistics are laid down in the Table 3-24 which follows:

Livestock production

Out of the 20 cows, 6 are producing milk at the rate o 1-1/2 gallons per day per cow. Lactation period, is 7 T

00 CO i' m en • CM r— co

3

>

vr> vD r-H CM ro CO o en in l en 8

s co o r~ ro o o

CM • ••••• I tu O •-! O o o o n n

o vo m in co CM •—i «^

ta tl r-K U-t H-l

months. Usually 6 to 7 gallons per day are sold to the Society (Marmanet) and 1 gallon is left for home consumption.

The current livestock strength is 40 heads and according to the carrying capacity recommended, the current carrying •capacity is the maximum that is acceptable with the given forage. During droughts, the family could sell up to 10 to keep tó the recommended carrying capacity of 2 acres/SU (my calculation gives 2.3 acres/LU).

Cattle are sold to local butcher or private traders at Ksh 2,000/= per head.

Pastures

Kikuyu grass is planted.

Income Comparisons from Farmer's Point of View

Wheat is more paying than maize.

Crops in general are more paying than livestock.

The farm owner therefore hopes that after all the current bushy land has been cleared, pasture quality could be increased to increase the carrying capacity and much of the land be released for crops, especially wheat. 3-61

Farm Machinery Available

Tractor - land preparation Disc plough - ploughing Pick-up - general transport Water pump engine (draws water from nearby river)

(3) PROFILE OF A SMALL-SCALE MIXED FARM IN LAIKIPIA

Limunga Farm

Limunga Farm in Melwa sub-location in Rumuruti Division is a cooperative society farm which has been subdivided into small plots (5-10 acres each) and the society members settled. In one farm unit the following statistics prevailed:

Total area farmed (excluding homestead) 5.0 acres Yields

Total area left for grazing (inc. homestead) =2.0 acres

Variable Inputs

Tractor ploughing § 200/= per acre (one operation only). Harrowing and weeding is done by family labour. Seeds are bought from the Cooperative Union store but no fertilizer is applied because it is thought to be too costly. 3-62

Produce Marketing

Pyrethrum is harvested twice a month and may be kept in the field for 5 years. The prices therefore vary from 15/= per kg to 20/= per kg depending on the grade produced, which in turn depends on the age of the crop. The crop is marketed through the Society to the Pyrethrum Board in Nyahururu.

Maize and Beans are marketed through the Society to the NCPB or taken driectly to NCPB. Private traders (middlemen) are not popular because they underpay during harvesting periods when most of the small farmers need money for immediate use. Private trader prices range from 80/= to 100/= per bag of maize and 180/= to 240/= per bag of beans during the harvest periods. During the scarcity periods, prices range from 150/= to 180/= (maize) and from 300/= to 450/= per bag (beans). At the time when produce prices are very high, farmers have very little to sell.

Milk is sold to KCC Nyahururu through the Society at a rate of Ksh 1.80 per kg. Some milk is consumed locally.

Live animals when sold to the butchers will go at Ksh 200/=, Ksh 300/=, and Ksh 2,500/= for a. sheep, goat and cow respectively.

Investment Priorities

More sheep More pyrethrum Coffee 3-63

3.4 LAND RESOURCE

3.4.1 Land Tenure and Production

About 83% of the total land area in Laikipia is classified as being suitable for agricultural and livestock farming (Table 3.4.1). However, since 72% of the farming land lies in (400-600 mm rainfall), the agricultural production potential is low, all the more so since subdivision into small uneconomical land units by increasing population seems inevitable.

For MAZ V, ranching is the best option, but even this potential has been severely affected by drought and subdivision. A current study of Agro-Ecological Zones and Soils by the Ministry of Agriculture (GAT) places the majority of the subdivisions in the Lower Highland Ranching Zone, the Upper Midland Zone, or the Livestock-Sorghum Zone. These are basically marginal zones for crop growing and are not suitable for dairy-keeping either. Hence the small-scale farmers (after subdivision) may not even live at a subsistence level. Perhaps the most basic constraint is the relative lack of profitability of ranching at the present time. A third-generation rancher trained at the University level in Agricultural Economics and obviously practicing a high level of management indicated that the ranching is not sufficiently profitable. His integrated livestock-cropping operation was only returning 4 percent on his investment. Other well managed operations likely return less than 2 percent (11). 3-64

Beef production in the ranches, for instance, was over 70 percent of the total District beef production. After independence, land politics called for heavy settlement of the former larger-scale individually owned farms and ranches, thereby leading to high rate of land subdivision. Various forms of land ownership therefore evolved. The notable ones are Company, Individual, Partnership, Cooperative, and Organisational"(ADC, LMD, Kenya National Youth, etc.) ownership. The intensive ranch subdivision has reduced the total District prime beef production, since 1975, from 70 percent to 20 percent (14).

Absenteeism is a chronic problem in subdivided areas. In most cases, less than 30 percent of the shareholders have as yet settled. Absenteeism is more prevalent in the small scale settlement where social amenities like water are inadequate, road connections are poor and wildlife interference is a constant threat. It is also greater in land purchasing groups of which shareholders already have alternative sources of income such as another farm or regular employment. Land may also be kept in reserve for the use of the young generation, since it is customary for the father to assign every grown-up son an equal share of land. Land may also be kept as speculative asset and be sold, when need arises, with high profit. Land prices in Laikipia have increased by 1,000/% between 1970 and 1983 (Swiss Technical Cooperation, 1983).

Absenteeism is also caused by uncertainty regarding land ownership due to constant change of land buying company directors (DAO Laikipia, 1982). 3-6 5

Absenteeism is a hindrance to development in several ways. In most cases, there are not enough people to initiate and carry out projects, e.g., for water supply or to keep wildlife away. Supply of casual labour during peak seasons is constrained. It accounts for a lot of open, unoccupied space which is used as grazing ground by wildlife which becomes a constant menace to the neighbouring farmers.

Group ranching is another form of land ownership and is only found in Mukogodo Division. The group ranches have all been adjudicated and land titles issued. The group ranches are, however, highly overgrazed.

A group ranch is defined as an establishment which involves the adjudication of the range into discrete units, each with members who jointly own and are responsible for their ranch. The only advantage is that the ranch system offers legal protection against outside and inside land claims. The disadvantages are that, first, the ranches are generally not large enough to encompass the migratory patterns of pastoralists seeking to exploit the diversity of their environment. When the need arises, adjudicated boundaries are virtually ignored. .The fundamental principle of a group restricting its livestock numbers to the carrying capacity of its own ranch and, in turn, benefitting from the grazing that it has been able to preserve is thus subverted. Hence incentives are lost and forage is not utilized rationally. Perhaps the most basic problem of a group ranch 3-66

is that it- does not change communal grazing incentives. Land is still owned communally and livestock individually. Individuals who want to maximise their families, welfare still have the economic incentive to accumulate as many cattle as possible, regardless of the carrying capacity of the land (2).

•QMost group ranches in Mukogodo Division have positive effects on livestock production only during wet seasons. During drought, the ranch boundaries, most of which are not fenced, are not respected by herders and overgrazing is prevalent. When the drought prolongs, cattle death rates increase considerably. In the recent drought, over 10,000 heads of cattle were lost. A pastoralist who had 500 heads was left with only 30 heads when the drought was over. (14)

3.5 LABOUR RESOURCES

3.5.1 General

The development economists of various schools seem to have one thing in common: an understanding of the significance of productive employment and accumulation of capital in the rural areas for overall economic and social transformation in the Third World countries (1).

In the pastoral context, labour is the dominant strategy for pastoral insurance. Pastoralism is labour-intensive in that it demands involvement of many hands, especially if age, sex, and species categories of stock are to be given special treatment according to their needs and capacity to move (2). 3r-67

3.5.2 Labour Situation in Laikipia

3.5.2.1 Labour Scarcity and Costs

Though the cultivated area is small (186.09 km?, , , ^) labour bottlenecks may occur, especially for field preparation and during weeding time. This happens because nearly all work is done predominantly by hand due to lack of adequate tractors or cash to pay (tractor services or casual labour). During the time of weeding, it is difficult to find casual labour since all people are busy on their own fields (15).

Another reason for lack of casual labourers in the rural areas of Laikipia is the mass "exodus" of shareholders from uneconomically subdivided farms to urban areas in search of employment. Displaced squatters aggrevate the situation.

The dual effects are that labour shortage is created in •the farms, whereas unemployment is caused in the few urban centres.

Lack of farm labour in the District is also due to the pastoral nature of some tribes and their age-sex groups involvement in the farmwork. First, a large portion of the Laikipia population is made up of tribes that have been traditionally pastoralists or herdsmen in the settlers* ranches. They are not ready to work as labourers. Second, most of the work in the farms and homesteads is done by women. The men, especially the youth, seek urban employment 3-68 while the old act as herdsmen or loiter around the homesteads. This gives them (men) an opportunity to engage in uneconomic activities like drinking, with little cash that could be re-invested.

Another minor factor (economically) is that school age children are unfortunately in schools especially when peak seasons such as land preparation, planting, weeding, and harvesting are on, and are not available to help in the farms (9).

Due to the internal labour scarcity in the District, most of the labour to be hired is imported from nearby high-potential Districts; e.g., Myeri and Meru. Due to high labour demands, the imported labour in turn demand high wages which most of the Laikipia families would not afford. To quote a few cases, casual labour in Central Division costs Ksh 15.00 to 20.00 depending on the nature of the work. In Rumuruti the charges are about the same. Permanent workers in a Rumuruti ranch are paid at Ksh 400 to 500. In Ngarua Division, piece-rate systems are more common. Weeding a 10 m x 10 m plot is charged at Ksh 10.00 to 15.00. An average worker can do about 1-1/2 plots costing Ksh 20.00 to 30.00. Hence average daily rates in Ngaru, are Ksh 20.00 and piece work rates are Ksh 30.00 per worker. Labour costs are shown in Table 3-25. 3-69

Table 3-25: COST OF LABOUR IN LAIKIPIA

Rate per person Division • Casual Labour Permanent Labour Daily rates Piece work Monthly rates (Ksh) rate (Ksh) (Ksh) Ngarua 20.00 30.00 N7£ Rumuruti 15.00 to N/A 450.00 20.00 Central 15.00 to " N/A 20.00 Mukogodo N/A " || Source: Compiled by author.

3.5.2.2 Labour Utilization in Farming

Crops

In the annex Tables AI BI, All BII, AIII Bill, total labour requirements based on the 1982 crop year are worked out by Divisions. A man-day is based on a standard of 6 hours for each working day. The summary of labour day requirement is found in Table 3-26. 3-70

Table 3-26: CROP LABOUR REQUIREMENTS FOR TRADITIONAL AND IMPROVED TECHNOLOGIES

Level of Technology Division Traditional Improved (MD) (MD) Central. 187,220 266,350 Ngarua 513,360 681,590 Rumuruti 385,717 504,960 Mukogodo N/A N/A Totals 1,086,297 1,452,900 Source : Annex Tables AI BI, All BII, and AIII Bill.

Livestock

Labour requirements for cattle may be exemplified by the statistics in Table 3-27.

From the "dairy ranching" column of the Table 3-27, mature cattle require (330 m.h. f 4) = 82.5 man hours per unit per year. Assuming a 10 hour grazing day and another 2 hours of milking, dipping, and watering (hence 12 hours per day per animal), the man-days required per animal per year are (82 t 12) = 7.0 MPs. Small ruminants may be given a round figure of 2 MDs per animal per year.

According to the 1982 district livestock estimates, the number of cattle, horses, donkeys and camels are as shown in Table 3-28. 8-5 H i—I 00 00 LD "3" 00 H mm Cd tsj CS ^DHH H(N <* r- co

S a. Cd Z tri co sr o <3* "5f i—i in co CO M m HIN n M

Cd Cd O CO M a te co

g CO Cd u i M Cd Pu CM CO i l i r-l ^ CN CoO M TJ Cd «1 U N u i8 (0 fO 0) co CO

a c CO o

CM CO ^-1 i U Q) 0 co CD c? U 4-) •O U U •r-4 .* 3 c en c ,82 ~ 3 eu e s co 'm(CC I 86 Du g Q 3-72

Table 3-28: NUMBER OF DOMESTIC RUMINANTS IN LAIKIPIA

Type Age No. of Units Cattle . Mature 124,444 Calves 25,239 Sheep - 253,546 Goats - 168,019 Pigs - 2,429 Horses Mature 297 Young 160 Donkeys Mature 1,334 Young 718 Camels Mature 466 Young 251 Mature large stock = 126,541 units Small stock = 450,362 units

Source: Computed from Table 3-17. 3-73

Labour requirements for domestic ruminants are thus computed as follows:

Large ruminant stock = 126,541 x 7 = 885,787 MD Small " ". = 450,362 x 2 = 900,724 " Total = 1,786,511 "

Crops and Livestock

Crops = 1,086,297 MDs (37.8%) Traditional technology Livestock = 1,786,511 " (62.2%) " " Total 2,872,808 " 100% " "

Crops •= 1,452,900 MDs (44.8%) Improved technology Livestock = 1,786,511 (55.2%) " " Total = 3,239,411 (100%)

Under both levels of technology, livestock is thus the major labour absorption sector.

3.5.2.3 Return for Labour

Under traditional technology: Crop require 1,086,297 MD to produce Ksh 54,227,494 of net income.

The return per MD = 54,227,494 = Ksh 49.9 1,086,297 3-74

Under same technology: Livestock require 1,786,511 MD to produce Ksh 67,066,675 = 67,066,675 = Ksh 37.5. The return per MD = 1,786,511.

•Under improved technology: Crops require 1,452,900 MD to produce Ksh 87,609,835 net income.

The return per MD = 87,609,835 = Ksh 60.3 1,452,900

Under same technology: Livestock require 1,786,511 MD to produce Ksh 122,723,270 net income.

The return per MD = 122,723,270 = Ksh 72.2 1,786,511

Under the traditional technology, crops generate better returns for labour than livestock, especially as the level of technology increases, livestock compete more favourably with crops.

i 3.5.2.4 Labour Availability

Total population of the District is 173,428 people (1982/83 estimates from Population Projections for Laikipia District). With 4.2 people for each household, there are 173,428 t 4.2 = 41,292 households. Participation coeffi­ cients of 1.0 for a man and 0.8 for a woman (total 1.8) are normally attributed to the two heads of a household. 3-75

Actual Economically Active Population per household is computed as 1.8 x 41,292, which equates to an Actual EAP of 74,326 people.

In the District, a total of 2,872,808 MDs are required by both crops and livestock under the traditional technology. Given that one active person should work for the norm of 250 MD per year, the corresponding number of active people required can be projected as 2,872,808 •? 250 = 11,491 people. The Normative EAP therefore is 11,491 people.

Effectively, therefore, the actual EAP exceeds the normative EAP by a multiple of over 6.5. This comparative excess of labour creates an impression that disguised unemployment exists in the District, which leads to the conclusion that labour is a non-limiting factor at the moment. Hence, the apparent lack of labour during peak seasons cannot be assumed to be attributable to an aggregate unavailability of labour. The negative attitude of pastoralists towards farm work, excessive exodus of labour from subdivided farms and lack of means (credit) to obtain the already scarce labour seem to be the chief obstacles to acquiring peak season labour.

3.6 AGRICULTURAL INPUTS

3.6.1 Farm Inputs

The KFA branches in Nanyuki, Naro Moru, and Nyahururu and the Ministry of Cooperative Development, through its various cooperatives societies, supply inputs to the farmers 3-76 either for cash or credit. The MOCD operates F.I.S.S. stores at Mwenje and Oljabet. Missionaries also play active roles in providing farmers with farm inputs. In Rumuruti, Roman Catholics provide pangas, jembes, and seeds to the needy farmers. The farm inputs distribution structure is laid out •in Table 3-29.

Farm machinery, especially tractors and their related implements, form another major component of farm inputs. The status of the District machinery for 1982 is shown in Table 3-30. One notable feature is the reported lack of Tractor Hire Services (T.H.S.) from the government. If available, the THS offer highly subsidized tractor operations. For instance, ploughing new land and old land costs only 133/= per acre and 105/= per acre respectively compared to the private tractors, which charge 300/= and 200/= for similar operations. It is reported that during 1982, only one tractor from THS was available in Ngarua Division. However, due to shortage of diesel, the tractor only ploughed about 50 acres and was recalled after two weeks.

3.6.2 Price Structure of Farm Inputs and Outputs

One major economic problem with ASALs is the characteristic low yields from cash crops, due partly to environmental aridity accompanied by high costs of farm inputs and low prices of the farm products (outputs), which often makes it impossible for farmers to break even. As long as the price disparity between inputs and outputs continues, the problem will remain unsolved. 0 V(£ •r-l C Q) O CO 4-> Oj 5-* O o CO (0 co ro co 5-1 a> •H 5-1 £5 co a o x: VJ X} >1 co 0) 0) T3 a> -U 01 > -H c 0) 5-1 1 (0 O ^ <0 0* X3 U C 3 y-i 3c 5-1 oo O C O 5-i 3 n3 *£> •H lu Z - 4J Oi CO Ü) a> x; i O-i C 0) H 3 O xi H fc en C CO -H O -U -H CD O c m JJ -u 5-1 x; C (0 4-1 co •sP 00 .-H X) CO 0) 3 ta c U O1 5-1 VD O ë G) o u a) m co -00 u > £ 3 T3 0) (0 00 (Ti o m CD U (0 >i s ZXi T3

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Prices of farm outputs vary considerably, depending upon the channels through which marketing is being done. For example, the Boards guarantee steady prices, while private traders bargain. The private traders are inclined to temporarily offer higher prices per unit than NCPB agents when they (traders) know that the latter are also buying the same locality. Where Boards are non-existent or weak, private traders exploit the opportunity to pay lower prices. Prevailing traders prices tend to be low at harvest time, but usually increase with time as the availability of outputs decreases. This is not the case with the Boards. Farmers should therefore be encouraged to deal more with the Boards in marketing than with the private traders.

For the purpose of analysis herein, prices of outputs offered by the Boards will be applied. The Boards offer "farm level prices" (farm gate prices) when the agents buy from farmers and "depot prices" when the farmer himself delivers the produce to the Board Depot.

Maize and Beans Prices for 1982/83 crop bought by NCPB and MOCD are appended in annex Tables F and G respectively.

The prices of livestock and livestock products are shown in Table 3-31.

Price fluctuations for some crops produced in the District are shown in Table 3-32. 3-80

Table 3-31: PRICES OF LIVESTOCK AND LIVESTOCK PRODUCTS IN LAIKIPIA DISTRICT

Item Price per kg Price per piece (Ksh) ~ (Ksh) Cattle 7/50 (liveweight) N/A ~~ Shoats (sheep/ goats) 8/50 Dairy goat (Tugen berg) For breeding N/A 800/00 (mature) For slaughter " 300/00 ( " ) Milk: Sold to KCC 2/00 N/A Locally consumed 1/50 to 2/10 " Hides and Skins: N/A (a) Suspension dried: Cattle N/A 19/00 Goat - " 15/00 Wool sheep " 6/00 (b) Farmer prepared: Grade II " 10/00 Grade III " 7/00 (c) Slaughter house: prepared Grade II " 12/00 Grade III I 10/00 Source: Compiled by author. NA = Not applicable.

I I 3-81

Table 3-32: PRICE FLUCTUATIONS OF CROPS IN LAIKIPIA DISTRICT (PRIVATE TRADERS ONLY)

Crop Price fluctuations for Season 1982 (Ksh) Maize ' 10/00 to 15/00 per debe Immediately 20/00 to 30/00 " " after harvest scarcity periods Beans 30/00 to 40/00 per debe Immediately 50/00 to 75/00 after harvest scarcity periods Potatoes 10/00 to 12/00 per debe Immediately 25/00 to 30/00 per debe after harvest scarcity periods

Tomatoes 4/00 to 6/00 per kg Depends on the supplies which are normally obtainable from . : Karatina (Nyeri) Source: Compiled by author. N.B. 6 debes = 1 bag

3.6.3 Credit (Facilities and Quantities in the District)

Capital

The capital necessary for agricultural investments (seasonal, medium, or long-term) may come from one of three sources: own savings, non-institutional credit or institutional credit. 3-82

Own savings should not be underestimated as a source of agricultural capital. 1RS 1974/75 data shows that the average rural household is able to save approximately 6 percent of its annual income for reinvestment. Many farmers have off-farm employment, of which some of the proceeds can be ploughed back into the farm if the producer finds a sufficiently attractive investment opportunity.

Non-institutional credit often plays an important role in peasant agriculture in developing countries. Its prevalence in Laikipia District is discussed in the Rural Sociology report.

Institutional credit for agriculture is provided in Kenya through the Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC), the Cooperative Bank of Kenya (CBK) and commercial banks. The latter cater mostly to the large farmers and ranchers. The roles of AFC and CBK in Laikipia District are discussed in the following:

Agricultural Finance Corporation

AFC advances funds for land purchase and development, as well as for production. AFC serves Laikipia District through its branches at Nanyuki, Nyahururu and (to some extent) Maralal. AFC operates four types of loans:

Large-scale loans (LSL): These may be long-term (8-30 years) loans for land purchase and development, or medium-term (3-7 years) loans for animals and machinery. They must be secured by a title deed. Their interest rate 3-83 was 10%, and their lower limit was Ksh 20,000.- Currently, these loans have been suspended owing to lack of AFC liquidity. Table 3-34 shows that in west Laikipia there are 103 such loans, averaging about Ksh 68,000 each, and that the recovery rate is over 97%.

Small-scale loans (SSL): These loans (which involve IDA crédits) are for a maximum of 5 years, including one year of grace. Until 1982 their upper limit was Ksh 20,000 and they did not require security. In 1983 it was raised to Ksh 50,000 and security was required. Their interest rate is 12%. Table 3-34 indicates that in west Laikipia there are 82 such loans, with an average of about Ksh 20,000 each, and that the recovery rate is over 97%. Table 3-33 shows the corresponding figures for east Laikipia.

Guaranteed minimum return loans (GMR): These were seasonal loans for wheat and maize production. They were unsecured, the credit being recovered from KFA and NCPB purchases of the respective products. They had a lower size limit of 5 acres and included a crop insurance guarantee. Their interest rate was 10%. The GMR programme was phased out in 1980 owing to notoriously poor loan recovery rate, to be replaced by SCC (discussed below). Table 3-34 shows that a: Q ro O C\! < \ • • W * * ^1- 8 Z m o z z 8 •^ -H Z vo in vD

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in west La.ikipia there were, in 1979, 1,100 GMR beneficiaries with an average loan of about Ksh 3,000 each, and that the cumulative deficit was over Ksh 7.1 million.

Seasonal crop credit (SCO: These are the production loans (up to one year) given currently for wheat and maize. The financing given is Ksh 1,000 per acre, and the current interest rate is 14%. There is no minimum on holding size or maximum on loan amount. No security is required. This programme does not include crop insurance. SCC may be used in combination with LSL or SSL. Table 3-34 shows that SCC has been the most popular form of credit, a total of Ksh 14 mllion having been loaned in west Laikipia to 1,363 benefi­ ciaries with an average of about Ksh 10,300 each, and that the overall recovery rate was over 87%. However, the table also shows that the SCC programme was drastically reduced in 1983 (in west Laikipia to 214 beneficiaries at less than Ksh 900 each), through an embargo on loan defaulters. Table 3-33 shows the SCC situation in east Laikipia.

Cooperative Bank of Kenya (CBK)

CBK was established in 1968. It is the main source of loan funds for cooperative societies and unions and a major channel for providing loans to small farmers. CBK administers seasonal crop credit (SCC) loans through the New Seasonal Credit Scheme (NSCS), the Farm Input Supply Scheme (FISS) and the Cooperative Production Credit Scheme (CPCS). 3-87

New Seasonal Credit Scheme (NSCS): The CBK operated SCC loans through the NSCS in two phases: 1980/81 and 1981/82. By the end of the second phase, Ksh 4,221,659.65 had been disbursed to 2,748 members and the repayment rate was 31.4%.

The poor recovery rate of SCC loans has been variously attributed to bad weather, cumbersome loan procedures which cause most farmers to receive the inputs too late, machinery shortages which cause crop losses through planting and harvesting delays, poor farm management, political factors and so on (14).

3.7 MARKETING

3.7.1 Local Markets Network and Marketing Activities

3.7.1.1 General

Marketing activities in the District are organized through the vaious service centres. There is, in each service centre, an open-air market place where everything can be transacted, and a buying centre for the NCPB or MOCD where only maize and beans can be transacted. Apart from the activities at the buying centres which occur on scheduled days, the open-air activities operate on a daily basis and agricultural products (vegetable grains, fruits, etc.), as well as non-agricultural products like clothes, are sold. Prices are established through bargains and are determined to a large extent by the supply/demand criteria. 3-88

3.7.1.2 Crops

At the service centres of Laikipia District, major items sold and the market agencies operating at the market places are .shown in annex Table E.

3.7.1.3 Livestock

The major activities related to livestock marketing in the District are described briefly at divisional levels as follows :

At the ranches (Laikipia Mugie, P and D, and Mugie Limited), buyers make their own arrangements. Currently Hurlingham Butchery in Nairobi is the main buying contractor. Formerly animals used to be taken to KMC but due to delays in payments the farmers refused further direct dealings with it. Also KMC collects only at the railhead (Nyahururu), but Hurlingham Butchery collects directly from the farmers.

For small farmers, an open-air livestock auction is held once a fortnight at Gatirima especially for cattle. For shoats, the buyers bargain over prices locally.

Milk is sold to KCC Nyahururu by individual farmers using public transport. Due to the small quantities sold by each farmer, the transporter mixes milk from different farmers, which may spoil the grade of milk when given the platform test at the KCC depot. 3-89

Central Division

The ranchers sell animals to KMC and also export to other Districts. Some livestock are exported. The small- scale farmers sell to local slaughter houses which in turn sell meat to local butcheries.

Milk is sold locally to individual consumers and hotels, and also to KCC at Nanyuki and Kiganjo. Hides and skins are sold to Sagana Tanners. Wool is sold to KFA Nanyuki, thene exported via Nakuru, Nairobi, and Mombasa. Bailing is done either on the farm on through a contractor in Nairobi.

Honey is sold to Lamuria (Ruai Beekeepers Co-operative Society). The refinery serves the whole District. Another refinery is being built in Dol Dol and is planned to serve Mukogodo and parts of Central Division.

Rumuruti Division

Small-scale farmers supply local butcheries only, while ranchers also sell to private traders, who in turn sell to KMC, private butcheries in Nyeri, Kiambu, and Nyandarua, and may even export outside the country. The ranchers do not like to deal directly with KMC except through private stock traders in order to get paid on the spot and also to evade income tax. 3-90

Mukogodo Division

The ranchers sell to local butcheries in Dol Dol town and through holding grounds at Dol Dol, Hakurian, and Kimanjo. The LMD used to operate a holding ground at Kipsing but the activities stopped three years ago.

3.7.2 ' Marketing Boards and Organizations

3.7.2.1 National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB)

General ; The NCPB is the successor to the Wheat Board and the Maize Marketing Board, which were merged in 1979. Its functions include purchase, transport, storage and marketing of scheduled crops (e.g., wheat, maize, and beans), for which it has a monopoly. Laikipia District is served by the NCPB depots' at Nanyuki and Nyahururu.

Maize and Beans Marketing; Total production of maize in Laikipia District in 1981/82 is estimated by MOA* at 280,000 bags (10,000 ha at 28 bags/ha), of which about 180,000 bags were marketed through the NCPB. For beans, total production is estimated at 28,600 bags (2,200 ha at 13 bags/ha each), of which about 15,000 bags were purchased by the NCPB. In west Laikipia about 60% of the maize production is marketed through the NCPB Nyahururu depot, the rest being mostly on-farm consumption. The depot has a storage capacity for 170,000 bags. The depot has no agents, but purchases maize and beans either on the premises or through its network of 25 buying centres, of which 16 are located in west Laikipia. This number of buying centres is considered by NCPB too large 3-91 for economic viability (8 in west Laikipia would have been optimal), but reduction of this number is not politically feasible. In 1982/83 the buying centres handled 155,831 bags, and could handle considerably more. No information was available to the study team regarding the volumes handled by the Nanyuki depot. A list of the buying centres and quantities of produce bought in 1983 (1982 crop) from west Laikipia are shown in Table 3-35.

Prices : 1982/83 maize purchasing prices are Ksh 130/=per bag (90 kg) at the depot or Ksh 120/= per bag at the buying centres. For 1983/84, these prices will be raised to Ksh 160/= and Ksh 150/=, respectively. At present volumes, the difference of Ksh 10/= per bag cannot cover transport and buying centre operation costs. NCPB presently sells the maize at Ksh 174/30 per bag. The purchase price of beans is Ksh 330/= to 360/= per bag according to variety.

Mode of payment ; From the purchase price, NCPB deducts, production credits due to the AFC or the co-ops and disburses the remainder to the farmers.

Owing to NCPB cash flow problems, payments to the farmers incur delays of several months. This is a serious problem to maize producers throughout Kenya.

Conclusion ; The shortcomings of the NCPB from the producer's point of view (long payment delays) are common to all maize producers. At the local level in Laikipia District, NCPB possesses a sufficient network of buying centres, so that marketing should not present a serious constraint to an increase of maize and bean production. CO ta

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3.7.2.2 Kenya Farmers' Association (KFA)

General ; KFA was originally formed as a cooperative for the large farm sector to supply production inputs and equipment, credit, and marketing services to its members. KFA membership is now open to all farmers and cooperatives. KFA is the sole input supplier under certain development credit schemes including the AFC and the CBK. In addition, KFA supplies inputs on its own credit to members for the cultivation of wheat, which is purchased by KFA. KFA prices are regulated by the GOK. The KFA is headquartered in Nakuru and has 42 branches throughout the agricultural regions of Kenya.

Membership : The Nyahururu branch, for example, has about 500 full members and 1,000 "non-members," of whom about 250 and 600 respectively are in west Laikipia. Of the members, some 9 0% own large farms (above 20 acres, and usually in the hundreds of acres) , and 10% own small plots (below 20 acres). Membership is open to all, for a 500/= fee (large-scale farmers) or a 100/= fee (small-scale farmers), plus a 20/= share certificate. Members can receive credit for wheat input purchases, discounts of 2.5% to 7.5% on certain items, and dividends (10% of the KFA profits are distributed). "Non-members" may also have credit accounts for wheat production inputs. In addition, anyone can make cash purchases at KFA branches and receive a 5% cash discount. 3-94

Coverage ; Laikipia District is served by the KFA branches in Nanyuki, Nyahururu, and Naro Moru. KFA increases its coverage of the rural areas by a network of approved stockists and agents.

The KFA Nanyuki branch has 20 stockists (all private traders), of whom 18 are located in Laikipia District. The Nyahururu branch has about 30 stockists, of whom 15 are looted in Laikipia District. Stockists purchase at KFA on cash basis, receive bulk discounts of 2.5% to 5%, and must sell at KFA-approved prices, which approximately equal KFA's own prices. Cooperatives and large traders may register as KFA sub-agents and receive larger discounts (up to 7%). However, notwithstanding, by network of stockists and sub-agents, most members prefer to purchase at the KFA directly because of the credit facilities offered.

Input supply: KFA has a wide range of fertilizers, seeds, farm chemicals, and tools, as well as some household articles. Most items are produced in Kenya, and the KFA stock central system assures that non-availability of any inputs is rare. Annex Table J shows that annual sales at the Nanyuki and Nyahururu KFA branches to producers located in Laikipia District amount to about Kè 900,000, of which seeds amount to about Kè 100,000, stock feeds to about Kè 140,000, fertilizers about Kè 180,000 and farm chemicals about Kè 60,000 (total for Laikipia District of agricultural inputs is slightly higher because of some purchases at the Naro Moru branch) . 3-95

Wheat marketing; KFA purchases, on behalf of NCPB, all wheat marketed in Laikipia District. The wheat is received at KFA warehouses in Nanyuki, Nyahururu and Naro Moru (KFA reimburses transport costs up to 80 km). The wheat is then graded, and producers are given permits to dispose of any rejected wheat (excess humidity) to feed mills. The proceeds are credited to the producer's accounts, from which the production credits are deducted. In 1981/82, Laikipia District wheat production is estimated at about 95,000 bags (4,530 ha at an average of 21 bags/ha), of which about 75,000 bags were marketed through the KFA.

3.7.2.3 Pyrethrum Board

The Pyrethrum Board maintains a provincial office at Nyahururu owing to the importance of production in Nyandarua District. However, in Laikipia District pyrethrum is a minor crop. The MOA Annual Report estimates that about 20,000 kg of dried flowers (produced on about 400 ha in west Laikipia) were sold to the Pyrethrum Board in 1981/82, compared with about 10,000 kg (grown on 350 ha) in 1980/81. Most pyrethrum is produced by the Marmanet and Kianugu cooperative societies and by several individual growers. Purchase prices range from Ksh 11/50 to 23/= per kg according to the Pyrethrine contents (1% to 2%).

3.7.2.4 Kenya Cooperative Creameries (KCC)

General : Kenya Cooperative Creameries, Limited, operates under the Articles of Association of the Company Act. KCC has ten milk processing plants in various parts of 3-96

Kenya, the" plant in Nyahururu (which for west Laikipia) specializes totally in the production of long-shelf-life UHT (Ultra high temperture) milk. Theoretical plant capacity is 170,000 kg/day working two shifts, six days per week. Present production is 140,000 kg/day, which is near the practical capacity limit. Local fresh milk production has grown from 40,000 kg/day in 1976 to 110,000 kg/day in 1982, then declined to 90,000 kg/day in 1983 owing to pasture conditions. The above figures are maximums; production declines in the dry period (January-April), and during the rainy season much of the milk cannot reach the plant owing to the condition of the rural roads. The difference between local milk supply and plant demand is made up by reconsti­ tuting powdered milk shipped from the Eldoret plant. Thus there is considerable scope for increase of local production.

Laikipia milk production; Of the local milk, some 90% comes from north Nyandarua and only about 15% from west Laikipia. Most west Laikipia production is from the Marmanet scheme (40-50 acres per farm) and the Nyahururu scheme. Currently some milk comes also from the Gather.u small (5 acres) farmers near Marmanet and from the Muhotetu farmers near Karandi (Ngarua). Although the Kinamba region produces some milk, management problems at the Ngarachi coopertive have so far prevented its organized marketing to KCC.

At Nanyuki there exists a milk buying point for the KCC Kiganjö plant. Information about it could not, however, be obtained by the study team. 3-97

Milk marketing: Individual producers have account numbers with KCC, to which the daily deliveries are credited. Accounting is centralized and computerized. KCC remits the monthly payments directly to the producers' bank accounts. The current price of first-grade milk is Ksh 2.45/kg, plus Ksh 0.30/kg dry-weather premium from January to April. For second-grade milk there is a 10 cents/kg penalty.

In addition, an undetermined quantity of milk is marketed locally (at about Ksh 2/= per litre).

Transport ; The above are plant-gate prices, transport being paid for by the producers. KCC assists farmers by organising milk routes, advertising tenders for transport contractors, and awarding the contracts to reliable transporters. Representives of the farmers on each route sit on the transport committee. Milk is shipped from as far as 50 km away. Transport prices range from Ksh 0/25 to Ksh 0/40 per kg according to distance, road condition, and production volume on each route. The smallest routes market about 1,000 kg/day, which is normally carried by matatus.

Conclusion; There exists an effective demand for milk at the Nyahururu KCC plant, and the regions of west Laikipia which have a potential for expanded milk production are within economic range of that plant. Although milk deliveries by cooperatives have encountered management difficulties, transport is handled reasonably well by milk route transporters whenever an economic volume exists. 3.-98

3.8 COOPERATIVE SECTOR

3.8.1 General

Cooperatives are the most common farm-service agencies at the farmer level. There are cooperative unions at the district level and at higher levels, whose principal objective is to provide centralized services for the primary societies which directly service the farmer level. The apex organisation of the cooperative movement is the Kenya National Federation of Cooperatives (KNFU) to which the primary societies, cooperative unions, and country-wide cooperatives belong.

Most of the societies are concerned with handling a range of farm and non-farm products. Others specialise in particular farm products, e.g., coffee, cotton, dairy, pigs, pyrethrum, etc. In addition to processing and marketing produce, most of the societies perform other functions such as supply of farm inputs and the provision of seasonal credit to their members. More developed societies extend their services to include bookkeeping, storage, transport, and operating savings accounts for their members.

There are four recognized marketing channels for most food crops open to smallholder producers in the ASALs of Kenya, including Laikipia: (1) NCPB agents, (2) smallholder cooperative societies (the only official buyers), (3) private traders at the local trading centres, and (4) retailers in the open-air markets. While both the NCPB agents and cooperatives should sell their purchased produce to the NCPB 3-99 depots, cash crops available in these areas have different marketing channels. For example, cotton is marketed by smallhoder cooperative societies on behalf of the Cotton Lint and Seed Marketing Board (CLSMB) . Pyrethrum is handled along similar lines on behalf of the Pyrethrum Board (3).

3.8.2 Cooperatives in Laikipia District

3.8.2.1 General Set-Up

All the cooperatives societies in Laikipia are currently registered under either marketing, farm purchase, or savings and credit category.

Most of the farm purchase societies are now being converted to marketing societies when subdivision of the farms is complete and all the members settled. <

Farm purchase societies were formed out of land buying companies and cooperatives whose sole aim was to buy out the owners and subdivide these farms and settle their members. The majority of the societies in Laikipia fall under this category. These include Daiga, Tigithi, Lumunga, Nyambughichi, Winyitie, Sugutoi, Ethi, Muramati, Rugongo, and Laikipia/Kiambogo.

Marketing cooperative societies in Laikipia District were formed as -a result of the Government land resettlement programme where landless people were settled on the former European farms. In order to facilitate the use of public utilities such as dips, buildings, water resources, etc., taken over from these farms, cooperative societies were 3-100 institutionalized. The societies served as marketing channels for the members1 produce as well as for recovering settlement loans. The societies falling under this category include Losogwa, Marmanet, Ngarachi (conventional scheme) and the recently introduced shirika programmes such as Ndindika and Kalau. All of the marketing cooperative societies are multipurpose.

One multipurpose society was formed on trust land in Mukogodo Division when the trust land was adjudicated into group ranches. The idea was to create a cooperative society which could be given the responsibility of charging a levy on building sand (which is abundant in the Division) and also of assisting the marketing of livestock (cattle, sheep, goats) and livestock products, e.g., honey for its members.

3.8.2.2 Specific Cooperative Societies in Laikipia District

Table 3-36 gives a summary of the number of cooperative societies in Laikipia by divisions. The details regarding date of registration, membership, and annual turnover are in the annex Table H.

Thus there are 27 agro-marketing and miscellaneous societies and 9 Savings and Credit Societies. The societies which fall under the Nyahururu complex and were predominately settlement societies" are Marmanet FCS, Losoogwa FCS, Ngarash'i FCS, and Ndindika FCS. CN 00 «Ti

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3.8.2.3 Remarks on Some Societies in Laikipia District

Muramati FCS

The society purchased a farm which has now been subdivided. It is now being converted to a marketing society. Very little marketing activity is however going on apart from some members marketing their milk through this society.

Ethi FCS

This society purchased a farm which is currently being subdivided. It is currently inactive market-wise and the land, mainly located in a wheat-area, is rented to outsiders.

Kongasis FCS

This society was registered to purchase land and settle its members, but to date, has not yet secured a farm because the money was squandered by the directors.

Ruai Beekeepers

This society's current share capital is Ksh 31,200. It is fairly active and handles up to 10 tons of crude honey every year. 3-103

Tigithi FCS

This society's share capital stands at Ksh 12,600. The turnover is not yet determined but milk sales amount to Ksh 8,000 per month. The members payments during 1982 amounted to Ksh 3,456. The society is situated in a high-potential area but faces major problems related to transport.

Mukogodo Sand and Livestock Society

This society is registered both as a society and as a company. Originally, there was a sand company operating two lorries to transport sand. Then later a sand society was registered and now both parties have a joint interest in the sand. Apart from the two company lorries, members rely on customers' transport. Sand is collected by the customer and at the gate, two recorders who work in shifts charge each lorry (7 ton) at Ksh 175 and the money is shared by the society (20%), the company (20%) and the County Council (60%). A County Council lorry, however, collects sand free.

Net income from sand to the society from January to July, 1982 amounted to Ksh 40,000.

Sipili FCS

This society is newly registered and nothing is being channelled through it yet, apart from the commission received from members when they sell their produce direct to NCPB. The society is encouraging its members to start growing cotton. Members have bought shares valued at Ksh 5,000. 3-104

Winyitie FCS

This society sells milk in the Wiumiririe area. The society is doing very well and has already bought a tractor and a trailer for delivering members' milk to KCC, and the output is quite encouraging. Members have bought shares at the House of Manji valued at Ksh 11,000. The members' payments by 1982 totalled Ksh 43,880.

Losoongwa FCS

This society markets pyrethrum and milk for its members. Some members have bought shares at the House of Manji worth Ksh 600. The society charges Ksh 0.30 as a commission from members' produce for running the society.

During the year 1980/81, the society bought 298,666 kg of milk worth Ksh 457,065 and the payment to members was Ksh 394,347. During 1981/82, 342,325 kg of milk worth Ksh 531,155 was bought and payment to members was Ksh 460,998. During the year 1980/81, 693 kg of pyrethrum worth Ksh 22,928 was bought and payment to members was Ksh 21,103. During 1981/82, 6,136 kg of pyrethrum worth Ksh 40,893 was bought and payment to members was Ksh 38,807.

The society operates a banking account for its members. 3-105'

Marmanet FCS

This society markets milk and pyrethrum for its members. The society was issued a license by the Coffee Board for starting a coffee nursery and members are now growing coffee in their plots. The society was initially buying maize, but stopped due to financial problems and to frustrations from the NCPB, which was persistently rejecting the maize claiming it had high moisture content. The society also tried to market wool, but later KFA gave individual numbers to some Marmanet society members for delivering wool to a KFA depot. Consequently, wool activity within the society ceased. The society has a milk cooler that is able to save a lot of evening milk from going bad. It operates a banking account for its members and also operates consumer stores (hardware, animal feeds, chemicals, seeds, office stationery, etc.) for resale.

During the year 1981/82 the society bought 6,383 kg of pyrethrum worth Ksh 101,223 and payment to members was Ksh 88,275. During the same year, 523,340 kg of milk worth Ksh 1,104,013 was bought and payment to members was Ksh 851,781.

Subuku FCS

This society sells milk and pyrethrum. The members also grow coffee under a Marmanet Society licence. The society operates a banking account for its members. 3-106

Ndindika FCS

Nothing has been transacted through this society apart from the produce commission received from members for their maize and beans sold to NCPB. The society is planning to start a fish project, as the area has many permanent dams. The members have started keeping dairy animals and the society is expected to start milk marketing soon.

South Laikipia FCS

This society markets milk for its members.

Nyambogichi FCS

This society has experienced many financial problems and has done very little on the side of marketing. It was given a vehicle by Gatarakwa Company and the society has started delivering about 5 milk cans to KCC Nyahururu.

Mwenje FCS

This society has marketed nothing and relied only on the produce commission from its members. Shares worth Ksh 7,000 have been bought from the House of Manji. The society has constructed a two-room office and has also started planting coffee under a .Ngarachi license. 3-107

Ngarachi FCS

This society has been in a financial and political mess for some time and is currently transacting nothing apart from the produce commission from members. The society has been given a licence by the Coffee Board of Kenya for operating a coffee nursery and for growing coffee on individual plots.

Laikipia Kiambogo FCS

This society has had financial hardships and is now only relying on produce commission. The members have planted coffee under a Ngarachi FCS licence and have also bought shares worth Ksh 38,000 from the House of Manji. The society is planning to start a fruit tree nursery and also a water project.

Rugongo, Limunga, and Suguloi FCSs

All are selling milk and pyrethrum for their members. All the farms have been subdivided. During 1981/82 Rugongo FCS bought 5,947 kg of pyrethrum worth Ksh 26,295 and payment to members was worth Ksh 23,042. 3-108

3.8.2.4 Problems Experienced by the Cooperative Movement in Laikipia

(i) Collusion Between NCPB Staff and Private Traders

"Collusion" of this nature has threatened the survival of the .grain marketing societies in several ways, the most notorious ones being related to moisture content and grading.

Produce supplied to the board, especially maize, through cooperative societies is subject to an exceptionally rigorous moisture content tests and in a majority of the cases the grain is rejected on the grounds that it has too much moisture. This happens despite the fact that the NCPB depot owns a mobile grain drier. When the same maize is taken to the NCPB depot by a private trader, it- is accepted.

The NCPB also rejects the societies' produce on the basis that such produce is poorly graded. Hence no agency permit is issued to a society that is willing to deliver its members* produce to the board.

(ii) Dishonesty Among Society Members

Normally the NCPB accepts the produce from a farmer in small quantities (not more than 10 bags at one time under one person's name): On the other hand, a society will demand that the farmer brings all his produce to the buying centre before he is paid his due. A dishonest farmer will find it easy to market his produce in small lots under several different names, thereby avoiding repayment of loans. 3-109

(iii) Lack of Supplies Numbers by Milk Marketing Societies

At the KCC depot in Nyahururu, both the large scale farmers and cooperative societies are represented. Due to land subdivisions, however, the large-scale farms are diminishing in number and their representation at KCC is being threatened. The "supplies numbers," which would normally be given to individual large-scale farm representa­ tives and society representatives, are now being issued to individual members who then buy milk from farmers and sell directly to KCC, thereby undercutting the activities of the potential milk-selling societies. In theory, a cooperative officer is supposed to clear an individual before he delivers his milk direct to KCC to the effect that there is no registered milk society in the producer's area of operation. This' condition has been largely ignored by KCC.

(iv) Others

The basic idea of cooperation has not been fully understood by several society members, e.g., a member joins a society with the aim of securing a loan and when the loan is not forthcoming, he threatens to pull out.

- Poor standard of bookkeeping due to unqualified staff - Lack of "members and management committee education - Lack of proper storage facilities - poor access roads - Inadequate supervisory functions by MOCD. 3-110

3.9. OTHER LOCAL SELF HELP GROUPS

3.9.1 Women's Groups

Women's participation in development is becoming very encouraging in Laikipia. Many have joined groups engaged in various activities such as home improvements, while others are involved in income-generating projects, e.g., poultry keeping, beekeeping, etc. Others, e.g., mabati groups, construct permanent houses and even business premises, and pyrethrum groups grow pyre thrum. To date there are a total of 168 groups with a membership of 9,061 who participate in various women's activities. Their contribution aggragated to Ksh 2,247,320 (14).

The reader is referred to the Rural Sociology report for more details on women's groups.

3.9.2 Missionary Organizations

Several denominations are represented in Laikipia District and the most notably development-conscious ones are the Roman Catholic and the Anglican Church Mission.

In Dol Dol, the Anglican Church mission has built a honey refinery costing more than Ksh 20,000. The building is nearly complete. The funds are being provided by WVI (World Vision International). The church has its own nucleus to ensure a constant honey supply to the refinery in case other farmers cannot supply enough. In addition, the mission built a dispensary at Aljiju (a location centre) and it also buys seeds and issues them free to farmers, for planting. 3-111-

The Catholics are operating a mobile clinic in the Kimancho and Ewaso areas of Mukogodo Division. They have built a nursery school and are proposing to build and maintain a secondary school, a village polytechnic, and a dispensary in Dol Dol town. In Rumuruti Division, Roman Catholics provide famine relief aid as well as farm seeds and tools (pangas, jembes, etc.) so that the people may become agriculturally self-reliant.

3.10 RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROJECT PROPOSALS

3.10.1 Summary of the Present Situation

It is clear from the study objectives (see 3.1.2) that the standard of living of Laikipia inhabitants should be raised. This requires that the per capita income be increased through improved crop farming and livestock production as well as more reliance upon off-farm sources of income.

Increasing the income from crop farming will require a shift from traditional technology to improved technology. This transition will imply greater yields as well as larger direct costs per hectare. Increasing outputs will require improved market outlets to'allow any reasonable improvement in the incomes of producers. Adequate communications and marketing organizations will be essential for improved marketing. Adequate provisions must be developed for the supply of inputs at convenient locations and at realistic costs. Price incentives must be provided to farmers for producing crops which tend towards lower profit margins. 3-112

Alternatively, farm input costs should be subsidized appropriately.

Expansion of crop and livestock production could help to employ idle labour and improve the satisfaction of dietary requirements within the Division. c Interventions to improve the economic framework must be supported by systematic improvements in other disciplines, which are treated in their respective sections of this report.

3.10.2 Objectives

1. Provide systematic support for the supply of inputs and the marketing of produce to increase farm productivity, income, and employment relating to the intended improvements in crop and livestock production. i 2. Improve the road network to facilitate the supply of inputs, the marketing of produce, and the 'accessibility of social services.

3.10.3 Proposed Projects

1. Input supplies and marketing 2. Improvement of road network

3.10.4 Input Supplies and Marketing

Attention should be given to strengthening the effect­ iveness of the cooperative societies with respect to 3-113

providing input supplies and the marketing of produce. To this end, the MOCD must play a major role in the provision o technical staff in all strategic areas to assist in the organization of the societies and in the recruitment and training of the society officers and members.

The NCPB, private traders, and retailers in the open ai markets all play various roles in marketing the agricultural produce of smallholder farmers. However, this realm of marketing is not serviced appreciably by the cooperative societies most of which have been dragged into financial mismanagement. As in other ASAL areas, the NCPB lacks sufficient staff (or cash to recruit staff) and transport to fully man the current number of buying centres. Private traders tend to service the largely unstructured market arena, but this entails considerable exploitation of the bargaining weakness which prevails over the smallholders. The recovery of loans from farmers lacks the fortification o structured cooperation between the NCPB, KCC, and the cooperative societies.

Management of the cooperative societies is weak, and consequently minimal appreciation for its leadership. The societies harbour poorly informed memberships which relate ineffectively to cooperative affairs. The societies are inadequately staffed; they further lack the coordination and direction of Divisional Cooperative Development officers due to the fact that there are entirely no MOCD staff of any cadre anywhere in the District apart from Nyahururu and Nanyuki towns. The sitution has rendered some Divisions ineffective in produce—marketing management, for instance, in the honey industry in Mukogodo Division. 3-114

Undercapitalization is a universal problem among the cooperative societies. The inadequacy of facilities and funding impacts virtually every component which should be functional. Salient inadequacies center on the following:

1. Facilities for collecting and marketing honey 2. Facilities to transport milk 3. Facilities to market eggs and broilers.

Pursuant to strengthening the adequacy of input supplies and marketing, the following project components are proposed:

3.10.4.1 Honey Collection Centres for Mukogodo and Central Divisions

It is recommended that 4 and 2 collection centres be established in Mukogodo and Central Divisions respectively. This factor in itself bears almost no costs as the centres are made of cheap constructions. It is estimated that 2,100 kg will be collected per year from each collection centre. If the farmers are paid at Ksh 40.00 per kg delivered, then each collection centre would require Ksh (2,100 x 48) = Ksh 84,000. For the 6 collection centres, a total of Ksh (6 x 84,000) = Ksh 504,000.000 would be required per year. It is recommended that this sum be provided to the existing Mukogodo Multipurpose Cooperative Society as a revolving credit. The two lorries owned by Mukogodo Sand Company could be used to transport the refined honey from Dol Dol to the Ruai depot for marketing. The Ruai Beekeepers Society requires a pick-up truck for emergency services to speed up the marketing of honey from the whole District. The cost of 3-115

the truck is estimated at Ksh 80,000. Total investment in the bee industry is thus Ksh 584,000.

3.10.4.2 Funding for Facilities to Store and Transport Milk

It is recommended that each of the able societies, namely, Marmanet, Losogwa, Subuku, Winyitie, Nyambugichi, Suguloi, south Laikipia and Limunga, be provided with a milk cooler and a vehicle to transport milk to KCC Nyahururu. A tractor with a trailer would be a better choice than an ordinary vehicle because apart from being able to go through muddy roads, the tractor could be rented out for other field activities (ploughing, harrowing and harvesting). Most of the Laikipia societies are housed in the ex-settlers buildings which do not require major renovations.

3.10.4.3 Funding for Facilities to Market Eggs and Broilers

A proposal to form a cooperative society dealing in eggs and broilers has been formalised in Laikipia (Nanyuki town). Chicks are obtainable from BAT and KFA and frequent field days are organised to impove the activities of poultry keepers. It is recommended that funds be provided to the society to buy a vehicle for administration and to rent an office in Nanyuki. 3-116

Costings of 3.10.4 (2) and 3.10.4(3)

Tractors (8) Ksh 800,000 Trailers (8) ...... Ksh 240,000 Milk coolers (8) .... ; Ksh 40,000 Vehicles (1) Ksh 80,000 Subtotal Ksh 1,160,000 Total cost of 3.11.4(1) Ksh 584,000 Total investments in cooperative marketing facilities Ksh 1,744,000

3.10.5 Improvement of the Road Network

The network of roads is relatively inadequate and most of them are in poor condition. Improvements are required to address the following:

1. Poor condition of existing roads 2. Need for certain additional road segments 3. Need for new bridges.

Improvement of the road network is considered essential for meeting the improvement objectives associated with the delivery of input supplies, produce, extension and education services, and health services.

Pursuant to improving the adequacy of the road network, the following project components are proposed:

3.10.5.1 Improvement of Existing Roads

It is recommended that the road segments in annex Table C totalling 646 km be improved with murrain surfacing. The cost of improving the itemized road segments is estimated to 3-117

average Ksh 50,000 per km. The multiplied cost for the road distance (rounded to 650 km) is Ksh (650 x 50,000) = Ksh 32,500,000.

3.10.5.2 Additional Road Segments

It is recommended that the following new road segments be constructed with murram surfacing.

Road segments Approximate distance(km)

1. Muhotetu—Kundarila-Gatero 13 2. Muhotetu—Ndurumo 8 3. Tandere—Mwenje Trading Centre 4 4. Kinamba—Mbogo-ini 4 5. Naigera—Njorua Makutano 4 6. Rapere—Nyakiambi-Chiefs Centre 4 7. Kiamburu—Kisima-Mahua 4 8. Naigera--Muhotetu 4 9. Mirigwet—Kahuho-Survey-Magadi 10 10. Mwangi Dam-01 Moran-Luoniek 7 11. Dagoretti—Kamarigi 4 12. Ngare—Narok-Nagumu 3 13. Kabati—Mithari 3 14. Mithuri—Minjore-Ol Matonyi-Gathanji 8 15. Minjore—Githima-Kahuho 7 16. Githima--Ndoinyo~Milango-nne-Laikipia Ranch 8 17. 01 Moran Dam-Wangwaci Dam 4 18. Limunga—Clinguti House 3 19. 01 Jabet—Gatero Secondary School 5 20. Siron—01 Jabet 4 3-118

21. Rwathia--Siron 5 22. Mathengera—Loriak-Ngania Dam 8 23. Salama—Lorian-Ol Arinyiro School 12 24. Salama—Tandale-Ol Arinyiro School 8 25. Salama—Muruku-Pesi 15 •26. Haba Haba-Raya 4 27. Kiamariga School—Koro-ini 4 28. Kiämariga office—Nanyuki Road 3 29. Kahiti School — Nanyuki Road 3 30. Raya—Sharp Road-Subego 7 31. Raya—Uruku-Nanyuki Road 4 32. Maundu Meri-Ol Motonyi 5 33. Mathira—Sosian-Ol Maisor 157 34. Mathira—Major Thomson-Daraja 15 35. Langatta Kinyang-Bargare-Kirimun 15 36. Rumuruti—Kandutura Dam 5 37. Rumuruti Dam—Shirika Dip 3 38. Ayam Dam—Maji Mbogo 5 39. Tornis—Njangiri Dam-Muhotetu 15 Total Road Distance 244 km

The cost of constructing the new road segments is estimated to average Ksh 70,000 per km based on the Rural Access Roads labour-intensive estimated costs. The total cost for approximately 244 km is Ksh (244 x 70,000) = Ksh 17,080,000.

3.10.5.3 Construction of New Bridges

It is recommended that four new bridges be constructed along the following road segments. 3-119

Road segment Bridge

1. Bulguret Matanya 1 2. Dol Dol Salaba 1 3. Dol Dol-Mumonyot-Andanguru 2^ Total _4

The cost of constructing the new bridges and ancillary structures is estimated at Ksh 750,000 per bridge, or a total for the four bridges of Ksh 3,000,000.

3.10.5.4 Road Investment Summary

Project component Investment

3.10.5.1 Improvement of

existing roads Ksh 32,500,000

3.10.5.2 New rural-access roads Ksh 17,080,000

3.10.5.5 Construction of new bridges Ksh 3,000,000 Total Ksh 52,580,000 3-120

3.10.6 Total Rural Economy Project Costs

Project component Investment

3.10.4.1 Honey collection Ksh 584,000 3.10.4.2 + 3.10.4.3 Milk and poultry marketing Ksh 1,160,000 3.10.5.1 Improvement of existing roads Ksh 32,500,000

3.10.5.2 New rural-access roads Ksh 17,080,000 3.10.5.3 Construction of new bridges Ksh 3,000,000 Total investments Ksh 54,324,000 3-121

BIBLIOGRAPHY

•1) Carlsen, J. Economic and Social Transformation in Rural Kenya, Publication No. 4, Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala Centre for Development Research, 1980.

2) Gaiety, J.G., and Senga, W. The Future of Pastoral Peoples, Proceedings of a conference held in Nairobi, Kenya, August, 4-8. International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada.

3) Hash, C.T., and Mbatha, B. Kenya Marginal/Semi-Arid Lands Pre-Investment Inventory Report No. 3--Economics. 1978.

4) Kariuki, G.G., An Appraisal of the Existing Socio-Economic and Physical Problems and Their Possible Solutions, Laikipia District, 1979.

5) Pratt, D.J., and Gwynne, M.D. Range Management and Ecology in East Africa, 1977.

6) Arid and Semi-Arid Lands Development in Kenya: Framework for Implementation, Programme Planning and Evaluation Republic of Kenya, Task Force Report, 1978.

7) Yields, Costs and Prices, 1982, Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Agriculture, Central Development and Marketing Unit, 1982. 3-122

8) Farm Management Guidelines, Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Agriculture, 1979.

9) Laikipia District Development Plan, 1979-1983, Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, 1980.

10) The Role of Cooperatives in the Development of Arid and Semi-Arid Areas (ASAL), Report No. 5, Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Cooperative Development, Research and Evaluation Unit, Development Planning Division, Nairobi: 1980.

11) Subdivision of Livestock Ranches—The Laikipian Case. Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Livestock Development, Report of the Ministry of Livestock Development Study Group, May 10-14, 1982.

12) Labour Requirement/Availability and Economics of Mechanization, Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Agriculture, Farm Management Handbook of Kenya, Volume I, Nairobi: 1979.

13) Natural Conditions and Farm Management Information for Central Kenya, Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Agriculture.

14) Farm Management Handbook of Kenya, Volume II B, 1982.

15) District Reports, Republic of Kenya, 1982.

16) The Actual Ecologie and Socio-Economic Situation in Na-nyuki Area, (Laikipia District Kenya). (A Preliminary Report Prepared for the Mission of the Swiss Technical Cooperation from April 29-May 7, 1983.) University of Bern, Department of Geography, 198 3. ,000000000000 'rOCMOCMCO^DOOOOO O CO c^cMr-r-or-ooo^vo CO Ba aoow^oinoocoon^« Cu " o CM a\ r~ •=** C~M' >£> CM in cr> ëêa CM CM ei 00 >—1 ë ••a* CM "=r CM o

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