Taka ‘i Fonua Mahu Being Tongan; Second Generation Tongan Migrants
Leilehua-‘o-Taufa Helu
Bachelor of Arts / Bachelor of Laws, QUT Graduate Diploma in Legal Practice, QUT
Research Students Centre Division of Research & Commercialisation Queensland University of Technology
Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a Master of Arts (Research)
2012
STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP
I, Leilehua-‘o-Taufa Helu, hereby confirm that the work contained in this thesis, has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge, and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.
QUT Verified Signature Signature: ______Leilehua-‘o-Taufa Helu Date: 10 October 2012
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ABSTRACT
Taka ‘i fonua mahu is a Tongan proverb, which means: “Going about or living in a fruitful land”. This thesis analyses the experiences and impacts on migration on being Tongan, particularly Tongan youth in an adopted fruitful land, South East Queensland. The thesis argues that being Tongan in Tonga, has new meaning in the diaspora because of remittances, job prospects, educational opportunity, adapting to a multicultural society, and social justice. These issues are revealed by comparisons made with the experiences of the first generation Tongan migrants, and second generation Tongan migrants, as well as those in New Zealand and America. It argues that the Church, the family and kāinga (extended family) impact on the anga fakatonga (Tongan way) and the essence of community as experienced by the first and second generation Tongan migrants. The framework for this analysis is a study of transnationalism, and being Tongan as it is maintained and changed in the diaspora.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost I would like to thank God for the many blessings. I give all glory and honour to Him who gives me strength. To my supervising lecturer, Dr Max Quanchi, I give thanks and extend a huge Tongan MALO ‘AUPITO (Thank you) first for inspiring me to start this journey, and for your guidance, support, words of wisdom and dedication to the study of the Pacific. I am honoured to have worked with you. I would also like to thank Melody McIntosh for your unwavering support, understanding and constant encouragement. Australia is seen as a land of opportunities and I am truly grateful to my parents for having taken the momentous step of migrating for my benefit, as with my siblings. I am indebted to them for their courage, faith, dedication, and dream that I, as with my brothers, would live a prosperous life due to the fruits of their labour. I would not be the woman I am today if it were not for their constant and undivided support. As emphasised in the opening statement by ‘Epeli Hau’ofa, it is our time as the next generation of a fearless group of Oceanic warriors, to triumph all odds, thus build a standard of excellence that transcends the past and leads our young People from Oceania into the future, befitting values set by our ancestors. As depicted in the covering page, designed by my youngest brother, Sione Na’a Helu, especially for this thesis, the interwoven fala mats symbolises the Tongan heritage.
I therefore dedicate this research thesis to my famili and kāinga. I extend my sincere gratitude to my parents, Suli and Mele’ana Lose Helu, my two brothers, Sione Na’a and Isaac Helu, as well as my aunt Konai H. Thaman and uncle Randolf Thaman for inspiring my parents to dream big and invest in our education. Knowledge is power! I also dedicate this thesis to my famili and friends past and present, who have led, and continue to lead the way so that I may follow in their footsteps.
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CONTENTS PAGE
STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP ...... ii ABSTRACT ...... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv CONTENTS PAGE ...... v ACRONYMS ...... vii GLOSSARY ...... ix CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Definition and Terms ...... 7 Limitations ...... 12 Thesis Structure ...... 13 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 18 History of Tonga ...... 19 Dispersed Pacific Island Communities ...... 26 Diaspora ...... 35 CHAPTER 3. TONGANS IN AUSTRALIA ...... 41 Religion ...... 47 Tongan Organisations ...... 48 Problems ...... 50 Employment ...... 51 Education ...... 52 CHAPTER 4. ANGA FAKATONGA AN INTERNATIONALISING CULTURE .... 55 Anga Fakatonga – Intangible Cultural Heritage ...... 57 In the Homeland ...... 67 Internationalising Culture ...... 69 Taka ‘i fonua mahu – Australian ...... 79 Internationalising anga fakatonga ...... 87 CHAPTER 5. AGENTS IN THE DIASPORA ...... 89 Famili and Kāinga ...... 91 Siasi ...... 95 Associations and Affiliations ...... 97 Generational Differences ...... 103 Second Generation ...... 104
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CHAPTER 6. THE SIASI IN MAINTAINING ANGA FAKATONGA ...... 107 Participation within the Siasi ...... 108 The Role of the Siasi in future generations ...... 111 CHAPTER 7. CONCLUSION ...... 115 APPENDICES ...... 121 APPENDIX A – Table of Facebook Pages ...... 122 APPENDIX B – List of Tongan Churches in South East Queensland ...... 124 APPENDIX C – Tongan language ...... 129 APPENDIX D – Research Survey ...... 131 APPENDIX E – Maps ...... 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 138
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ACRONYMS
AusAID Australian Aid Agency
ATYB Auckland Tongan Youth Brass
AAAPS Australian Association for the Advancement of Pacific Studies
ADB Asian Development Bank
AFL Australian Football League
APPBP Australia’s Pacific Patrol Boat Program
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
DFAT Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
FWCT Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga
HM His/Her Majesty
HRH His/Her Royal Highness
ICH Intangible Cultural Heritage
IRB International Rugby Board
LDC Lease Development Country(ies)
NGO Non-Government Organisation
NSPF National Strategic Planning Framework
MDG Millennium Development Goals
PIFL Pacific Islands Forum Leaders
PLO Police Liaison Officer
PSWPS Pacific Seasonal Workers Pilot Scheme
QPS Queensland Police Service
RAMSI Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands
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RAWCS Rotary Australia World Community Service
SEQ South East Queensland
SUTT Siasi Uesiliana Tau’ataina ‘o Tonga
TPDP Tongan Police Development Program
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
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GLOSSARY
Aiga Samoan word for extended family. Anga fakatonga Tongan way of life, tradition and culture (see Chapter 4). America All encompassing use of the noun to refer to the United States of America. Aotearoa Maori name for New Zealand. Bebo Online social media www.bebo.com. Diaspora “…scattered throughout many nations” and “a history of dispersal, myths/memories of the homeland, alienation in the host country, desire for eventual return, ongoing support of the homeland, and a collective identity importantly defined by this relationship.”1 Ekalesia Samoan word for church (organisation, people). ‘Evangelio Literally means evangelical. Fa’a Samoa The Samoan way of life, culture, tradition, and protocols. It sets standards, duties, and obligations that Samoans adhere to and respect. Facebook Online social media www.facebook.com. Fahu A man’s sister; in Tongan custom one’s fahu may take great liberties with one’s belongings. Fakatonga Tongan, like or pertaining to Tongans, in the Tongan manner. Fale lotu A church building. Famili Tongan word for family, hono famili means member of one’s family. Fofo’anga A Tongan term for volcanic pumices that float on the ocean (moana).2 Ha’a Descendants of kings, also refers to people, race, tribe. Homeland Is a reference to the Kingdom of Tonga.
1 H. Morton, ‘Creating Their Own Culture: Diasporic Tongans’ cited in S P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002) Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 136. 2 Phoenix Performing Arts, Fofo’anga as a way of life.
Kāinga Tongan word for relation, relative; brother or sister in the sense of comrade or compatriot. The extended family. Kalapu Means a club or group. Kava Either the plant (Piper methysticum) or the mildly narcotic beverage made from its crushed root.3 Kava Ceremony Ceremonial presentation on a large scale and with a big piece of kava plant in the lead. That is the presentation by the people of Kolovai. Feast given in someone’s honour on certain occasions, such as circumcision, marriage, winning of a prize or scholarship.4 Kavenga A Tongan individual’s obligation to famili, Siasi and community. Koloa Tongan goods, wealth, riches, possessions; what one values.5 Komisoni Faka-Tu’i Refers to the Tongan Royal Commission that was conducted ki he Kelekele Tonga during the reign of the late King George Tupou V, from 2010 to 2011. Līlī To through or give, this team is used throughout the Tongan community to refer to impromptu fundraising or collections. Lotu Tongan and Samoan word. As a noun: church, worship, prayer, religion (esp. Christianity); as a verb: to pray, worship or to convert to Christianity. Mana Refers to an indigenous Pacific Islander concept of an impersonal force or quality that resides in people, animals, and inanimate objects. The word is cognate in many Oceanic languages. As a generalised concept, is often understood as a precursor to formal religion. “Supernatural, superhuman, miraculous; attended or accompanied by supernatural or apparently supernatural happenings”.6 Muli Foreigner, an individual that is not of Tongan descent. Papalangi English – the language of the ‘white people’. Po Hiva Evening coral exhibitions. Siasi Tongan word for church (organisation, people).
3 C. Maxwell Churchward, (1959) Tongan Dictionary: Tongan-English and English-Tongan, Tonga: The Government of Tonga Printing Press, p.257. 4 C. M. Churchward, op cit. pp. 257-258. 5 C. M. Churchward, op cit. p. 270. 6 C. M. Churchward, op cit. pp. 329-330. x
Siasi Uesiliana Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga, also referred to as SUTT.7 Tau’ataina ‘o Tonga Tauhi vā Means to maintain one’s relationship with others. Ta’ovala Tongan wrap around that is worn as a form of respect amongst the Royals and other dignitaries. It is similar in meaning to the neck tie worn by Westerners. Tou’a Means “persons whose duty it is to prepare kava for drinking, especially on ceremonial occasions”.8 In most cases is a female. Tukulolo Means “to surrender”. 9
7 Pronounced sa-oo-da-da. 8 C. M. Churchward, op cit. p. 501. 9 C. M. Churchward, op cit. p. 509. xi
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
We should not be defined by the smallness of our islands, but by the greatness of our oceans.
We are the sea, we are the ocean.
Oceania is us.
We must wake up to this ancient truth and together use it to overturn all hegemonic views that aim ultimately to confine us again, physically and psychologically.
It is time to create things for ourselves, to create established standards or excellence that matches those of our ancestors.10
Hau’ofa’s statement above resonates in the hearts of many people from Oceania dispersed worldwide.11 It is a legacy that has been passed onto the next generation of these Oceanic nations. As a Tongan-Australian who migrated to Australia in the late 1980s from the Kingdom of Tonga, I was born into a close knit family of humble beginnings. My parents are devout Christians, hard working migrants, dedicated Tongans, rich in cultural traditions and promoters of the adage that knowledge is power through education. Both former Tongan Police Officers and quite advanced in their field, my parents invested in our education. This at times entailed working long hours, sometimes as labourers due to the limited recognition of Tongan immigrants or perceived inadequacies of foreign qualifications and experience. My experiences growing up are similar to other Tongan-Australian immigrants and sit at the opposite end of the spectrum from those of most in mainstream Australia. I believe this perspective offers a greater insight into the meaning of the term “community” for Tongan migrants in the diaspora. It also helps to compensate for the lack of documentary and archived data available on the Tongan migrant community in Australia. Being a Tongan migrant categorised or grouped by anthropologists as a second generation migrant, I have a deep understanding of life and experiences had by
10 ‘E. Hau’ofa, (2008), We Are the Ocean: Selected Works, University of Hawai’i Press, p. 39. 11 Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of Tonga to the United Nations, Statement by H. E. Lord Tu’ivakano ‘On The Occasion of The General Debate of the General Assembly, Sixty Seventh Session’, < http://gadebate.un.org/sites/default/files/gastatements/67/TO_en.pdf> New York, 28 September 2012, p. 4.
Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 1 -
Tongans in Australia, as with the struggle to conform, adhere or assimilate into conventional society. Having been raised by Tongan migrants vigorously involved in, and immersed within the ethnic communities first in Melbourne and later Brisbane, I have developed links and relationships that have assisted in paving the path towards obtaining a broader range of perspectives and experiences, from first to second generation Tongan migrants. The Tongan community is like a famili.12 I am not viewed as a researcher and “stranger” looking into the lives of a famili, but as a member of the famili looking out and searching for a platform that will assist in improving the services available that will also contribute to its future, and to regional Australian Tongan relations.
This thesis concentrates on second generation Tongan migrants within the diaspora, particularly on the Tongan migrant community in South East Queensland13. It will explore the development of a new sense of identity within this community, that of a Tongan-Australian or an Australian-Tongan. It will also address the importance of family, church and community for a second generation Tongan migrant based on respect, love and obedience. Finally it will examine the future of this ethnic community within the diaspora, exploring avenues for development and change that will redress certain stereotypical perceptions of a so-called generation divided between two shores. The largest enclaves of Tongans in Australia are in Victoria and New South Wales, increasingly in Queensland, with smaller groups in the remaining Australian Territories and States. As of August 2009, 116 Australians were registered with the Australian High Commission in Tonga, although many more Australians of Tongan heritage reside in, or visit, Tonga at any given time.14 Although firm figures are not available, it is estimated that more than 100,000 people of Tongan descent live overseas with about 40,000 in New Zealand and close to 20,000 on the west coast of America. Tonga has also produced a number of fine Rugby players for both Australia and New Zealand sides for both codes, Rugby Union and League. This includes former greats that have represented Australia in the Wallabies such as Viliami ‘Ofahengaue known as Willie O, Toutai Kefu and George Smith. For New Zealand,
12 Tongan word for “family”. 13 Hereinafter referred to as “SEQ”. 14 Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, (2010), Kingdom of Tonga country brief. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 2 - one could not forget Jonah Lomu together with his fellow All Blacks teammates Doug Hewlett and Pita ‘Alatini. Within the Rugby Union code, former and rising stars of the sport of Tongan ancestry include, Mark Gerard, Rodney Blake, Wycliff Palu, Sekope Kepu, the Fainga’a twins, Anthony and Saia Fainga’a. Rising household stars in Rugby League include Willie Tonga. Israel Folau switched football codes to AFL, and pursued a lucrative career. As highlighted by the Australian Association for the Advancement of Pacific Studies (AAAPS) report of 2009, A National Strategy for the Study of the Pacific, the following factors indicate why the Pacific nations such as Tonga are important to Australia: Australia has deep and continuous relationships with the Pacific that exceeds two hundred and twenty years. Australia has a vibrant, growing Pacific Island community. Australians need to know more about their neighbours. Australia needs to become [an integrated] part of the Pacific.15 In a globalising world, the expertise and abundant resources held in Australia were regarded as a cultural advantage that supported neighbouring nations in the Pacific emerging from the decolonised period.16 As a former protectorate of England, not annexed as a colony, the only remaining Kingdom in the Pacific that continues to hold constitutional powers, Tonga defiantly maintains its autonomy. Compared with its neighbouring Pacific nation states, Tonga has refrained from seeking exceptions and international assistance under the United Nations schemes available to countries identified as Least Development Countries (LDC). This system was officially established in 1971, that categorised nation states considered “the poorest and weakest segment of the international community”. 17 LDC states receive additional funding from developed countries to assist in nation building. In the Pacific example, Samoa has been on the LDC list since its inclusion in 1971. 15 S. Rose, M. Quanchi and C. Moore (2009), A National Strategy for the Study of the Pacific, Sydney: Australian Association for the Advancement of Pacific Studies, AAAPS National Report 2009, Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 3 - The history of communication and international relations between Tonga and Australia, as well as America and Aotearoa (New Zealand), is important not only for the autonomous island nation, but for its neighbouring developed countries. Economic and social links, extensive development and cooperative defence programs exist between these nation states. This was particularly evident following the riots that occurred on the 16 November 2006 in Tonga which destroyed a cornerstone of Tongan history that some have described, as one which “attacked the beating heart of a nation”.18 Others have labelled it as a milestone along the road to democratic parliamentary elections.19 The riots destroyed much of Nuku’alofa’s central business district. It began as a protest by Government officials for better wages and work conditions that escalated and eventuated into a fully fledged riot. In conjunction with New Zealand, Australia immediately deployed 52 Australian Defence Force personnel and 61 Australian Federal Police to assist with the restoration of law and order following the riots.20 This is one of many examples of the foreign relations between the two countries. Australia has been, and continues to be, one of the countries that Tongans look to for education, travel, business and other personal matters.21 Tongans fall under the identifier of “Pacific Islanders” in Australia, one of the ethnic communities that make an important contribution to contemporary Australia.22 Tonga was the first Pacific country to send workers to Australia under the Pacific Seasonal Workers Pilot Scheme (PSWPS) that commenced in 2008.23 In August 2009 at the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders (PIFL) Meeting, Tonga signed a Pacific Partnership for Development with Australia.24 August 2009 also saw a quick Australian response following the tragic sinking of the ferry MV Princess Ashika in waters north of the capital Nuku’alofa, with 74 people confirmed lost at sea. 18 T. Lanivia, per. comm. January 2009. 19 BBC News, ‘Tongan riots after reform delay’, 16 November 2006 Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 4 - Australia provided rescue and recovery assistance, along with support for an interim ferry service pending a permanent replacement.25 Following the tsunami in September 2009 that caused wide-spread destruction in Tonga’s northern islands, as well as in Samoa, Australia provided assistance.26 According to the country brief by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) in 2010, Australia continued to work with Tonga to assist its reconstruction process, and Tonga’s Defence Services operates three patrol boats provided under Australia’s Pacific Patrol Boat Program (APPBP).27 From 2011 to 2012, the total of Australian overseas development to Tonga was estimated at $32.1 million.28 This monetary figure included $19 million that was reserved or allotted for a bilateral country program.29 This estimated amount of aid to Tonga has considerably increased since the 2004 total of approximately $12 million, with $2.4 million funding the APPBP.30 At that time, the program was focused on governance, economic productivity and outer island community development. In 2010, Australia promised to provide $1.5 million over three years to support the Government of Tonga’s constitutional and electoral reform program following the riots of 2006.31 These two nations also work closely in the Pacific Islands Forum and cooperate in the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) through provision of military and police personnel. Tonga is a long-standing member of the Commonwealth, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and various UN specialised agencies. The current country brief on Tonga by the Australian DFAT include the Australian government’s defence cooperation program and the Tongan Police Development Program (TPDP) as well as people to people links.32 Under the Partnership for Development with Australia, assistance to Tonga focuses on achieving improved health, technical and vocational skills, and the development of Tonga’s 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, (2012), Kingdom of Tonga country brief. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 5 - infrastructure. These examples are a clear indication of the vital foreign relations between the two neighbouring countries. It is asserted in this thesis that agents such as the Siasi (Church) as well as dispersed family estates are important for maintaining and continuing cultural norms such as the anga fakatonga (Tongan way) within the diaspora. Recent years clearly have illustrated that the Siasi in Australia are struggling with a mountain of debt, coupled with kavenga (duties) from Tonga and within dispersed communities, youth programs remain underfunded by government, retained participation and continued attendance by the younger generation is deteriorating. The difficulties faced by early Tongan migrants with assimilation into mainstream society, meant there was limited expansion and potential for youth progression. This is intertwined with cultural behaviours or Island mindsets that limit or obstruct the next generation from fulfilling optimal potential, and not accomplishing the dreams of their forbearers (first generation). As a minority group, Tongans are mostly invisible part of the greater Australian population.33 Tongans are stereotyped and greatly misinterpreted due to negative media coverage, and racial profiling. With the exception of rugby talents, Tongans are unknown and in some areas feared. There is a need for government assistance, action and community cooperation as well as increased representation within government agencies and universities. Limited access to higher education is also becoming a prominent issue. The fallout of migrant groups in the Trans Tasman Agreement following the 2005 amendments to the Higher Education Support Act 2003 (Cth) restricted access to higher education for some migrants of Pacific Islander descent.34 For instance, there are increasing cases where students holding New Zealand citizenship obtaining high Overall Position (OP)35 scores yet as a result of not being Australian nationals, are not eligible to the HECS- HELP scheme, and cannot afford the fees imposed on international students. In these circumstances, second generation Tongan migrants and their families who have not 33 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 110. 34 J. Kearney, (2012), ‘Unlucky in a lucky country: A commentary on policies and practices that restrict access to higher education in Australia’, Journal of Social Inclusion, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 130. 35 This system is the alternative to a HSC in New South Wales. It is the Queensland identifier for determining a student’s overall position, used for admission into a tertiary degree. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 6 - naturalised as an Australian citizen, although are considered residents of Australia for tax purposes, have sought alternative means of financial assistance. This includes working multiple jobs to pay for higher education fees, seeking financial support from the Tongan community through informal fundraisers, or relying heavily on the dispersed extended family.36 This then becomes an additional kavenga on the famili or kāinga. From observations, if the financial assistance is dedicated to providing a means for a migrant to pursue further tertiary education, Tongans are most willing to support through such impromptu donations. These issues will be dealt with in detail throughout this paper. Definition and Terms Diaspora The literal meaning taken from the Oxford Dictionary for the term “diaspora” refers to the dispersion or spread of any people from their original homeland.37 This word originates from the Greek word diaspeirein, dia (across) and speirein (scatter). The term is said to have originated in the Septuagint (Deuteronomy 28:25) in the phrase esē diaspora en pasais basileias tēs gēs, “thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of earth”.38 The main diaspora began in the 8th to 6th centuries BC, and even before the sack of Jerusalem in AD 70 the number of Jews dispersed by the diaspora was greater than that living in Israel. Similarly, subject to further confirmed figures of Tongans dispersed overseas, there is a great possibility that there are more Tongans in the diaspora than in the Kingdom. This research paper will refer to the diaspora, as the dispersion of people from the Kingdom of Tonga (homeland) to countries such as Australia. The term also identifies these ethnic communities as dispersed communities from the country of origin. Ethnicity, acceptance and identification as a Tongan are important. A Diaspora is “scattered throughout many nations” and “a history of dispersal, myths/memories of the homeland, alienation in the host country, desire for eventual return, ongoing support of the homeland, and a collective identity 36 Pers. observation and communications with Tongan families, 2010-2011. 37 Oxford University Press (2012), Oxford Dictionaries. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 7 - importantly defined by this relationship.”39 Throughout this paper, ‘diaspora’ will refer to South East Queensland (SEQ) and wider Australia, unless explicitly stated otherwise. Church As outlined in Chapter 6 of this paper, the term ‘church’ originated from the Greek word kuriakon doma meaning the “Lord’s house” and from kurios “master or Lord”.40 It is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as “a particular Christian organisation with its own doctrines” as well as “institutionalised religion as a political or social force”.41 It can also mean a particular group of Christians, for example, the Catholic Church and Protestant Church are both churches based on separate dogmas. The term can also describe the building used for public Christian worship. In all, ‘church’ has many meanings depending on the context. Church, as described in this paper, will refer to the body of Christian believers gathered to worship – the congregation.42 Members of a church consist of the children, youth, young adults, adults and senior members. This study will address participation within the church by these members, with a focus on the role of the church in maintaining and promoting the anga fakatonga, particularly by second generation Tongan migrants. The Tongan churches or Siasi in SEQ are made up of a number of denominations (see Appendix C). This predominantly includes the Wesleyan Methodist, SUTT, Uniting Church, The Church of Latter Day Saints (Mormon), Catholic Church, Siasi Tonga Hou’eiki (Church of Tonga), and Siasi Tonga Tau’ataina (Free Church of Tonga). There are a number of churches in the region that still continue to practice traditional Tongan protocols, the anga fakatonga. This concept is discussed further in Chapter 5. 39 H. Morton, ‘Creating Their Own Culture: Diasporic Tongans’ cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002) Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 136. 40 Oxford University Press (2007), Oxford Dictionaries. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 8 - Second Generation Second generation is generally defined as “children of migrants”43. The Oxford Dictionary defines it as “referring to the offspring of parents who have immigrated to a particular country”.44 The underlying assumption according to Lee is that migrants are adults or at least have lived long enough in the home country to make them in some way culturally distinct from those in the host country. Further to this definition, for different ages of migration, the term one and half generation was introduced for those who migrated before the age of eighteen. Therefore the second generation are those born in the host country after their parents’ migration. Adopting this distinction, people migrating at the age of eighteen years and over are regarded as the first generation. Another distinction also extended to a class of two and half generations, those that were born to one migrant parent and one local born parent. These distinctions have some heuristic value, yet for convenience many authors continue to incorporate the one and half and two and a half generation as simply second generation. Categorising in such a way is problematic. It is difficult to compartmentalise migrants into the distinctions previously outlined because of the nature of relationships between migrants and non-migrants. For instance, Lee has broached this question, by discussing when a child is born in the host country, Australia, to a migrant father and an Australian mother. 45 If the child is taken to live in the father’s country of origin, Tonga, at a young age and remains throughout their schooling years and returns to Australia, in their early teens, they could be defined at different points of their life as in one or more of these categories. There is also the question of the impact of inter-racial relationships and marriages, where it has been asked: “is it possible to belong to the second generation of two or more immigrant groups? If so, how are they dealt with analytically?” 46 I agree with Lee in her view that increasingly complex possibilities for intermarriage and population mobility are going to make it more difficult to rely on straightforward 43 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), Ties to the Homeland: Second Generation Transnationalism, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p. 7. 44 Oxford University Press, Oxford Dictionaries. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 9 - categories.47 In her research, Lee utilises and adapts the suggestion by Fouron, Glick and Schiller to include those at home; however, she does not regard them as part of the second generation.48 Instead she refers to them as the equivalent cohort in Tonga, those who are the same age as those in her study but who have remained in Tonga and have experienced the diaspora from that position.49 For the purposes of this study, I have chosen to adopt the simplified version based on locality and migration as opposed to birth right. Second generation in this study will include, those that migrated with their parents, those born in Australia to a first generation Tongan migrant either both parents or just one. Second generation will include children who arrived at a young age to the diaspora or host country before school age, because most of their socialisation takes place after migration. This covers those migrating during what are typically the years of schooling, five to eighteen. Transnationalism Literature on Tongan migrants residing in the diaspora, particularly in Australia, is predominantly described as an example of transnationalism. This concept of transnationalism is not a tangible object. It is a methodological perspective that autonomy (for example of Tongans in Australia) can be seen by linking of a world experience rate than in national boundaries, therefore a “trans-national” way of examining a diaspora. Lee states: Transnational migration is, of course, a subset of broader processes of transnationalism that can include international organisations, businesses, social movements and so on, which operate across borders, even on a global scale. The work on transnational migration differs from much of the work on these other transnational processes in its focus on the practices and attitudes of individuals and families.50 Transnationalism, an element of globalisation particularly migration and population mobility has been addressed by various scholars (see Chapter 2). This notion originated as a concern by international economists describing global flows of labour and capital across national borders, as well as of political scientists concerned with 47 Ibid 48 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 9. 49 Ibid. 50 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 3. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 10 - world politics.51 Social scientists were largely interested in “transnationalism from below”52 or day to day experiences of transnational processes as opposed to “macro- level structures such as governments, multinational corporations and the global media.”53 This focus is on how ordinary individuals live across borders and the consequences of their activities for sending and receiving.54 Glick, Schiller, Basch and Blank describe a “transnational” approach as a focus on people who “take actions, make decisions, and feel concerns within a field of social relations that links together their country of origin and their country or countries of settlement”.55 Those who maintain transnational ties “organise their daily economic, familial, religious, and social relations within networks that extend across the borders of two [or multiple] nation-states”.56 Portes argues that transnational communities maintain: ...dense networks across political borders created by immigrant in their quest for economic advancement and social recognition. Through these networks, and increasing number of people are able to lead dual lives. Participants are bilingual, move easily between different cultures, frequently maintain homes in two countries, and pursue economic, political and cultural interests that require their presence in both.57 The developments in transport and communication technologies have had a profound impact on the forms and extent of ties migrants could maintain with their homeland. Social scientists clearly concern themselves with transnationalism in relation to migration and have developed these definitions accordingly.58 The work on transnational migration differs from the other transnational processes in its focus on the practices and attitudes of individuals and families.59 There is a slippage between discussion of transnational migration and transnational practices when referring to transnationalism.60 Transnational migration focuses on positions where the migrants themselves stand at the centre of the analysis, whereas discussions of transnational practices incorporate those who remain at the homeland and yet engage in various forms across national borders. Transnational migration focuses on: 51 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 2. 52 Smith and Guarnizo, 1998 cited in H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 2. 53 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p 2. 54 Ibid. 55 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 3. 56 Fouron and Glick Schiller, 2002 cited in H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 3. 57 Portes, 1997 cited in H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit., p. 3. 58 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. p. 3. 59 Ibid. 60 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 11 - ...transnational connections [that] have considerable economic, socio-cultural and political impacts on migrants, their families and collective group, and the dual ... localities in which they variably dwell.61 This thesis adopts the definition that links the homeland with the host nation as defined by Glick, Schiller, Bach, Blank and later Lee and Portes. This describes Tongan transnationalism across two or more borders, with the existence of dense networks across political borders, as created and maintained by immigrants. The preservation of which is encompassed through familial ties and dispersed extended family estates, as well as through church memberships and social ethnographic affiliations. These trends of migration share a core objective for economic advancement and social recognition. Consequently a development of a multinational identifier is inevitable such as Australian-Tongan, Tongan-Australian, New Zealand- Tongan or American-Tongan. These complex identities may require further study. Limitations The first obstacle that impacted this study was the lack of raw data and literature on the Tongan ethnic community in the diaspora, particularly SEQ. To address these limitations, I undertook a short survey in the initial commencement of the study. However, there were certain complications resulting from the closure of the Faculty of Humanities (and subsequent changes in enrolment) that later entailed a possible further delay, particularly addressing the ethical standards of the research undertaken. There is also the problem of veracity and breadth involved in relying on social mediums such as Facebook and online forums. Attendance at a number of church, family and social gatherings became logistically demanding, but also a limitation, due to my own Church membership being an obstacle when researching a fieldwork with other congregations, issues that are common in relating to insider/outsider perspectives of a researcher. Other mitigating factors came into play during my research, most notably balancing commitments to family, church, work and studies. As one of less than five qualified legal practitioners within the Tongan diaspora in SEQ, my time and support of various 61 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit., p. 4. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 12 - community events, fundraisers, referrals, mediating community discourse, family representation for instance in the Slacks Creek tragedy of 2011 also became a priority that inevitably deferred the completion of this thesis. Objectivity and impartiality became an issue in analysing the material, which became trying at times. I had to provide varying perspectives from all sides, aimed at critiquing the future of this ethnic community. Ensuring that truths were divulged without ethically compromising a subject also became difficult. My objective is to portray the realities revealed by this ethnic community, carefully describing all expectations so as not to ethically disassociate social norms or subjectify various ideas. Thesis Structure This thesis is structured in a way that it addresses core quotidian or daily issues faced by this ethnic community in the diaspora. Chapter 2 briefly outlines the literature available. It critically analyses the forms of material and increasing trend of contemporary forums available. This chapter also acts as an interlude into the following part of the paper that looks at the historical evidence published regarding the dispersed communities from the Kingdom of Tonga. Following on from there a chapter describes this ethnic community in Australia. This section provides a brief summary of history and methods of migration to the diaspora undertaken by Tongans. Other issues addressed in this chapter include religion, Tongan organisations in the diaspora, problems, employment and education. The thesis continues with an analysis of the anga fakatonga. Particular concentration in this part is on the term anga fakatonga in the homeland compared with those communities in the diaspora, including but not limited to, Amelika lahi (America), Aotearoa (NZ) and the Australian context. Social mediums such as social groups, ceremonies and celebrations, how they are portrayed in the media are also analysised. Chapter 4 then addresses the agents in the diaspora that aim at maintaining the anga fakatonga, either expressly or implied through evidential data. The most common agents identified through this study include the famili, Siasi and social affiliations or associations in various forms, such as ex-students, by village or island group, apical ancestral lineage, sports, youth and kava groups to name a few. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 13 - Chapter 5 leads the argument into generational differences between first and second generation Tongan migrants to the diaspora. Social discourses are prevalent and detailed in this part of the paper. However complex or simple this may be, there is evidence of an internationalising dispersed community that supports the transnationalised identity, or Lee’s concept of transnationalism. Projects such as the PWPS that has now graduated to a scheme, extending to areas such as tourism and hospitality, show the new trends moving towards building relations with Australia’s Pacific neighbours – capacity building. Within the diaspora, conferences like the Talanoa Pasifika that was held from the 7th to 8th of June 2012 at the Griffith University campus at Logan City drew out these issues faced by migrants, such as employment, early childhood, health, education tertiary, youth, government policy, cultural identity, ages care and Pacific Island seniors, family migration as well as housing and homelessness.62 The role of the Siasi is paramount in various community groups, particularly within the Tongan migrant population. Chapter 6 is dedicated solely to the role of the Church, concentrating on addressing the future of this ethnic group in the diaspora. There are new trends, but it is clear that the organisational structures are exposed to corporate loss, misrepresentation and possible mismanagement.63 Tongans lack access to vital services. Education is also fundamental in ensuring liability and transparency throughout community funded organisations. The objectives as outlined by the AAAPS identify aspects of the Tongan diaspora in Australia that need further research (my emphasis in bold). Part D, Chapter 9 of the 2009 Report by AAAPS sets out fifty-three recommendations presented in a high, medium, low priority range for Pacific Studies.64 These recommendations are a useful guide to a study of a Diasporic Pacific Community in Australia. Of particular significant for this thesis, the 2009 AAAPS report stresses the need to prioritise, support and action the following by various agencies: 62 An Initiative of the Pacific Island Communities in Queensland, Theme: Inspire – Engage – Strengthen. Supported by Volunteering Queensland, Aspire Foundation, Logan City Council, and various Pacific Island community groups. 63 See for example the recent liquidation of the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia, 2012. 64 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p.145. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 14 - No. Recommendations (1) That the Commonwealth government fund a national report on the social, cultural, political and economic status of and contribution of Pacific Islanders to Australia.65 (2) That the National Curriculum Framework include specific reference to the study of Australia’s relations with the Pacific Islands, Australian South Sea Islanders and Australia’s Pacific Islander communities.66 (3) That Australian universities establish opportunities within Masters programs for more advanced, courses and research projects on ‘Legal Studies on the Pacific’.67 (4) That education faculties in Australian universities incorporate the option of overseas teaching experiences in the Pacific Islands for trainee teachers as a part of their practicum program.68 [Note: this would assist in development of skills and understanding of other cultures.] (5) That universities, schools and communities collaborate to establish an annual ‘Pacific Youth in Education Forum’ to promote higher education options for Pacific Island students.69 (6) That AusAID fund a ten-year writing workshop and publication program to produce classroom materials on ‘National History’ for each Pacific Island nation.70 [Note: authenticate and entrench the historical accounts that are usually told orally within family archives and not published.] One key aspect of the Tongan system of traditional protocols that is foreign to mainstream society is the holistic nature of its practices. A surveyed Tongan migrant male stated: “I’m heavily influenced by the way in which my Tongan father has brought me up; characteristics like humility and empathy is a major trait he has passed to my siblings and I. Furthermore, collectivistic behaviours by putting others before oneself is an essential trait I have learned from my father, such as always help[ing] relatives when asked.”71 This collective ideal of extended family cohorts conflicts with conventional Australian ideals. For instance, certain cultural norms such as passive reactions tend 65 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 116. 66 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 139. 67 Ibid. 68 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 25. 69 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 28. 70 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 90. 71 Surveyed 2009, 23 year old male, Brisbane, Queensland. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 15 - to be misinterpreted as challenging authority. In order to uncover and understand the behaviours of a Tongan-Australian or a second generation Tongan migrant, access to these areas of study, work and further education is essential, not only for the future of these cultural practices, but also its people. This is also vital when dealing with these cross-cultural differences in the criminal justice system, health, education, social and religious fields. Judith Kearney from the Griffith University in Queensland has addressed this issue in the context of recent developments in the Trans Tasman Agreement. She states that although “social inclusion has particular currency with the Australian government, a national policy that serves to exclude capable and motivated students from higher education pathways is clearly incongruous”.72 Kearney refers to the national government policy that stipulates: “Education is fundamental to achieving a fairer and stronger Australia and for many provides a pathway out of disadvantage”.73 However, the question arises as to why these avenues as summarised above and throughout the 2009 AAAPS Report, are not made available to these ethnic groups and mainstream society as a whole. This research paper aims at filling some gaps in our understanding of the second generation Tongan migrants in the diaspora. The recommendations made by AAAPS in 2009 are vital in covering the gap in literature and promotes the future study of this regional area, as well as migrant community in Australia. For instance, as detailed at item numbered 6 above, if AusAID, the leading Australian Government Aid Agency in the provision of aid to developing countries such as Tonga, were to fund a National History of each Pacific Island, it would authenticate and entrench the historical accounts of most Tongan households. This history is usually told orally within family archives and in most cases not published. This would ensure that as the migration continue to increase, the potential for a loss of cultural heritage, tangible and intangible, is less likely. Therefore, as with the issues faced by indigenous peoples in Australia with their claims for native title over land, published credible works develop a greater understanding and ensure continuity of these cultures and traditions. By also supporting the recommendations at items numbered 1 to 6 above, ensures the 72 J. Kearney, (2012), ‘Unlucky in a lucky country: A commentary on policies and practices that restrict access to higher education in Australia’, Journal of Social Inclusion, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 130. 73 Commonwealth of Australia, (2009), ‘A stronger fairer Australia’, p. 9 cited in J. Kearney (2009) op cit. p. 130-131. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 16 - provision of further educational opportunities for students on its Pacific neighbours would progress capacity building in the region. This would also surmount Australia’s relations with these Island nations as it would work in favour of Australia and its aims for Pacific Partnership for Development in this region. It has been detailed that Australia plays a major role in the region through programs such as PSWPS, APPBP, and through the PIFL. Australia is also seen as the beacon of light in riots, environmental devastations, namely through other avenues such as the RAMSI and through financial aid. By building on these agreements through further education of a people and their cultures, would strengthen ties between the neighbouring states. With Australia’s recent bid for a non-permanent UN seat at the Security Council, a solid diplomatic relationship with neighbouring UN member states, such as Tonga and Samoa, could assist. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 17 - CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW The literature on the immergence of a new identity, cross cultural relations, coupled with the influence of the church within the Tongan migrant community will be addressed in this chapter. Second generation Tongan migrants residing in SEQ are increasingly challenging the perception of Tongans by non-Tongans and have raised the bar in various aspects of Australian society. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) released statistics that at 30 June 2010, prisoners born in Tonga are less than those born in Samoa, with 531 prisoners per 100,000 adult population.74 Australian born prisoners make up 80% (23,863) of the prison system, then New Zealanders at 3% (842), Vietnam at 3% (755) and the United Kingdom and Ireland at 2% (600).75 However, literature on aspects of Tongan life in Australia such as sport, crime and Church is limited. Sport and crime feature in the media, but have not attracted the attention of scholars. There is considerable literature on the history of Tonga, the influence of the church in Tonga, identity issues and Tongan transnationalism. Helen Lee a researcher and academic who has been studying this area for the past two decades, is one of a few who have concentrated on developing this concept of Tongan transnationalism. In her latest book, Ties to the Homeland: Second Generation Transnationalism, the chapter headed ‘Second Generation Transnationalism’ frequently refers to a study of the Tongan ethnic community in Melbourne, Victoria.76 Lee’s earlier article in 2004, ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism: Hope for the future?’77 also ‘Transforming Transnationalism: Second Generation Tongans Overseas’78 in 2009 will be analysed below together with other papers she has published. Further analytical material will include a research paper, such as ‘The remittances of migrant 74 Australian Bureau of Statistics (2010), ‘4517.0 - Prisoners in Australia’, Issue 9, December 2010, < http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/Products/3D67A07709AF7DE1CA2577F3000F0971, [Accessed: 16 January 2011]. 75 Ibid. 76 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. 77 H. Lee, (2004), ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism: Hope for the future?’, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 45, No. 2, pp. 235-254. 78 H. Lee, (2007), 'Transforming transnationalism: second generation Tongans overseas’, Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 157-178. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 18 - Tongan and Samoan nurses from Australia’79 by John Connell and Richard PC Brown. There are gaps in the literature available on Tongan second generation migrants residing in the diaspora, in particular within SEQ. Recent research is primarily based on migration, remittances and ties to the “homeland” as separate topics. History of Tonga Literature on the History of Tonga is covered by many scholars. Tonga features in a general history of the Pacific edited by Donald Denoon published in 1997 titled The Cambridge History of Pacific Islanders.80 Reliable internet sites also cover brief histories of Tonga including the official Tongan government website, and “Tonga on the ‘Net”.81 Other sources include Queen Salote of Tonga: The Story of an Era 1900 – 1965 by Elizabeth Wood-Ellem and Sione Latukefu’s 1974 book, Church and State in Tonga: The Wesleyan Methodist Missionaries and Political Development, 1822- 1875.82 Crocrombe in The South Pacific has also referred to Tongan history and migration. Also recognised as an all round representation of history in Tonga by I. C. Campbell Island Kingdom: Tonga Ancient and Modern published in 1992 and revised in 2001, also Worlds Apart, A History of Pacific Islands.83 Writings by Cecil F Gribble, an Australian Methodist minister, relating to Tonga as well as Fiji and covering the period between 1900 and 1970, are also important in documenting Tongan history.84 79 J. Connell and R. PC Brown, (2004), ‘The remittances of migrant Tongan and Samoan nurses from Australia, Human Resources for Health 2004, Vol. 2, No. 2. 80 (1997), The Cambridge History of Pacific Islanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 81 Tonga on the ‘Net, ‘A Short brief history’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 19 - Gribble originated from Sydney, and went to Tonga in 1939 as principal of Tupou College. During the Second World War he was seconded by the Tongan government at the time and appointed Director of Education. Four years following his return to Australia in 1945, Gribble became general secretary for Overseas Missions of the Methodist Church of Australasia. His work in Tonga and also in support of Tongan migration to Australia is revered within the community in Sydney, where he was based. He supported Tongan nurses and students that included Futa Helu, Sione Tukia, Tomasi Simiki, Sione Kite and Sione Tonga during their education in Newington College. Gribble also opened up his family residence to these students in Roseville, known to the Tongan migrants as Nafualu.85 His influence on the writings of Tongan culture, history, the church, migration and education is considerable, however it has not been well documented. Similarly Wood-Ellem holds strong ties with Tonga having been raised there and being the daughter of the well esteemed and respected parents in Tonga, Dr Harold and Dr Olive Wood. Her parents were important figures in the Wesleyan education system in Tonga during the 1920s and the 1930s, and knew Queen Salote well. Dr Wood gave the oration at Her Majesty Queen Salote’s funeral in 1965. The late Sione Latukefu was a well renowned Tongan scholar that had dedicated his life to uncovering Tongan history and traditions. He collected extensive files of Tongan literature dealing with many topics, ranging from Tongan traditions, the Royal genealogy of Tonga, material relating to the Fetuani of Kolovai and fragments of a manuscript by Rev. Crosby The Story of King George of Tonga. The files included documenting the charges brought against Rev. J.E. Moulton by the Tongan government.86 George E Marcus, Chancellor’s Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, has written extensively on Tongan society, most notable in his Memoir No. 85 T. Lanivia, (16 April 1993) ‘Personal interview with Cecil Gribble at Dee Why’, unpublished field notes provided by the interviewer. Further field notes: “Gribble lived in a place called Everon and my house called Nafualu – which means I am lonely”. 86 S. Latukefu, Collections from 1884-1965, State Library of New South Wales, Manuscripts, oral history and pictures. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 20 - 42: The nobility and the chiefly tradition in the modern Kingdom of Tonga.87 Other papers include his critique of Wood-Ellem’s book Queen Salote of Tonga: The Story of an Era 1900-1965,88 ‘Tongan’s contemporary globalizing strategies: Trading on sovereignty amidst international migration’89 and ‘Power on the extreme periphery; the perspective of Tongan elites in the modern world system’90. Marcus describes Wood-Ellem’s book as a ‘landmark’ for Tongans in their seeking a systematic understanding of their own recent historic past, but also for all those scholars interested in the historic development of modern Tongan society.91 He further describes it as: ... a carefully considered and weighed history of events and persons, produced according to the highest standards of scholarship, yet at every turn it is an intimate, empathetic account as well. Written very much from the Queen’s point of view, it succeeds at being both biography and ‘the story of an era’ as its subtitle claims. Perhaps, only in an aristocentric society that is structured by kingship from top to bottom has such an achievement of writing the history of the monarch simultaneously with that of the society been possible. [...T]his story of Tonga in the first half of the twentieth century is no less vital for understanding a very different sort of present now unfolding.92 This book is claimed by Wood-Ellem as a fulfilment of the desire of Queen Salote herself for a history of Tonga including her reign.93 Marcus describes Wood-Ellem’s biography of Queen Salote as a likely fulfilment of a family legacy, an extension of Dr Wood’s brief, but much used text, History and Geography of Tonga, influential in giving generations of Tongans a structured sense of their early history.94 Scholars with Tongan heritage have also published literature on the culture, history and philosophies of the peoples from Oceania, which include the 2008 publication of 87 G. E. Marcus (1978), Memoir No. 42: The nobility and the chiefly tradition in the modern Kingdom of Tonga, Issued as a special addition in The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 87, pp. 121-158. 88 G. E. Marcus (2000), ‘Queen Salote of Tonga: The Story of an Era 1900-1965 (review)’, The Contemporary Pacific, Vol. 12, No. 2, September 2000, pp. 526-528. 89 G. E. Marcus (1993), ‘Tongan’s contemporary globalizing strategies: Trading on sovereignty amidst international migration’ cited in V. Lockwood, T. Harding and B. Wallace (ed.) (1993), Contemporary Pacific societies: Studies in development and change, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, pp. 21-33. 90 G. E. Marcus (1981), ‘Power on the extreme periphery: the perspective of Tongan elites in the modern world system’, Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 48-61. 91 G. E. Marcus, (2000) op cit. p. 526. 92 Ibid. 93 Ibid. 94 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 21 - We Are the Ocean: Selected Works by ‘Epeli Hau’ofa95 as well as Critical essays: cultural perspectives from the South Seas by Futa Helu96. Most Tongan history remains oral history, passed from generation to generation. History is also kept within families in the form of family trees explaining history, lineage and places of origin usually left unpublished or archived at a family residence and/or at the Tongan Cultural Centre in Nuku’alofa. Accounts of missionary work by the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga or Siasi Uesiliana Tau’ataina ‘o Tonga (SUTT), from 1835 to 1985 have been published in the book Ko e Tala Fungani written by ‘Aioema ‘Atiola.97 Autobiographies have also been published, for instance Semisi Nau, the story of my life: the autobiography of a Tongan Methodist who worked at Ontong Java in the Solomon Islands documenting the historical and religious context of Semisi Nau’s memoir and life.98 Research on the dispersal of the population and migration from this island nation is also required. The biography of the life of Tupou Posesi Fanua, Malo Tupou: An Oral History is a mixture of culture, history and migration.99 This book describes the life of a resilient Tongan woman, the late Tupou Posesi Fanua. It is interesting as it is an oral account or a dictation provided by Tupou to the writer. Many families currently care for their elderly parents, aunties and uncles in Tonga and also within the diaspora, Australia included. The lives overlap with those who lived through the reign of great leaders, the struggle of the World Wars with military outposts in Tonga, migration, economic crises and the modernising of Tonga. Tongan history is still in debate. Arguments arise on whose history is most credible. Historians have relied on the cohorts of maritime sailors and missionaries to the outer Pacific islands and their journals. One such journal from Rev. Sione Hafoka, a missionary to Upolu in Samoa currently remains at the British Museum. Descendants have for years attempted to gain a copy of this journal, but cannot do so due to regulations and ownership by this gallery. Other documentary records on Tongan 95 ‘E. Hau’ofa, (2008), op cit. 96 ‘I. Futa Helu (1999), Critical essays: cultural perspectives from the South Seas, Canberra: Journal of Pacific History, Australian National University. 97 ‘A. ‘Atiola, (2006), Ko e Tala Fungani: Ko e ngaahi talanoa fungani ‘o e kau ‘a Tonga ‘i hono faka’u ‘o e Lotu ki hono ngaahi fonua kaunga’api 1835-1985, Nuku’alofa: Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga. 98 S. Nau and A. K. Davidson, (1996), Semisi Nau, the story of my life: the autobiography of a Tongan Methodist who worked at Ontong Java at Solomon Islands, Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies. 99 T. P. Fanua and L. W. Webster, (1997), Malo Tupou: An Oral History, Polynesian Press. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 22 - history are also stored in archives, libraries and museums in distant parts of the world.100 Apart from Wood-Ellem’s book, from the reign of Taufa’ahau Tupou IV, 1965 onwards, there is a large gap in the literature.101 Particularly for anthropologists, George Marcus notes, the recent history of Tonga has been a blind spot, making it very difficult to properly temporalise their work.102 Excellent sources exist for Tongan society at the time of Captain Cook or in the time of Tupou I and are covered in the writings of Elizabeth Bott, Noel Rutherford, Sione Latukefu, I C Campbell and H G Cummins.103 Wood-Ellem sets the baseline for future research. Marcus argues that Wood-Ellem places Tonga in a stream of recent productive interactions between anthropology and history that evaluate in sophisticated detail the colonial and postcolonial histories within Tonga.104 Marcus concludes his review of Wood-Ellem’s book by stating that “Queen Salote emerges as a fully human figure in history, as well, uncannily, as a figure larger than history, as the paramount Polynesian chief whose mana challenges the craft of historical narrative” (emphasis added).105 He also states that Wood-Ellem has thus managed to preserve the power of Tongan ideas within European or Western habits of narrative.106 Wood-Ellem’s biography is not an indigenous history, but makes skilled and sustained use of the best of the anthropological materials and adds to them with originality.107 Unfortunately most histories were written before the Tongan diaspora expanded, so they make few references to Tongans overseas. 100 For instance: Cecil F Gribble, (1903-1995), op cit.; see also S. Latukefu, Collections from 1884- 1965, op cit. 101 G. E Marcus, (2000), op cit. pp. 526-527. 102 G. E Marcus, (2000), op cit. p. 527. 103 E. Bott, (et.al) (1982), Tongan society at the time of Captain Cook’s visits, Wellington: Polynesian Society; Noel Rutherford (ed.), (1977) Friendly Islands: a history of Tonga; N. Rutherford, (1996), Shirley Bake and the King of Tonga, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press; S. Latukefu, (1974), Church and the State in Tonga: The Wesleyan Methodist Missionaries and Political Development 1822-1875, Canberra: Australian National University Press; see also I. C. Campbell, (2003) Worlds Apart, A History of the Pacific Islands, Christchurch: Canterbury University Press; and H.G. Cummins, (1977) School and society in Tonga 1826-1854: a study of Wesleyan mission schools, with special emphasis upon curriculum content and its influence on political and social development, Canberra: The Author. 104 Ibid. 105 G. E Marcus, (2000), op cit. p. 528. 106 Ibid. 107 G. E Marcus, (2000), op cit. p. 527. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 23 - History on the ‘Net One of the most informative sources for a study of migration is internet social pages such as Facebook, Bebo and MySpace. The data available on the World Wide Web crosses international, cultural and physical boundaries as it connects people from various generations as well as religious and social groups globally. Although the web is not a recognised publication of anthropological findings and historical accounts, it is in a class of its own as raw data, a platform for individuals, communities, families and associations to voice their opinions, emotions, political and religious views. The web is an iconic form of communication for individuals, associations, organisations, youth groups, churches as well as government bodies such as the Queensland Police Service who update their Facebook page regularly with information and warnings.108 Since commencing this study I have undertaken searches on social networks and forums such as Facebook for specifically, Tongan groups frequented by Tongan nationals and migrants worldwide. This yielded quite a few group pages including, but not limited to, the following: ‘Democracy for the People of Tonga’, with 2116 members and active discussions on the democracy versus monarchy debate109; Ha’apai Tongan People Democracy Group with 211 members and daily discussions110; Survey on Tongans in Australia111; Kaniva Tonga News Website with 228 members with daily updates and news coverage from Tonga112; Proud to be Tongan; 108 Facebook, ‘Queensland Police Service’ Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 24 - Tonga Net113; and Voice of Tonga @ Radio 4EB 98.1 FM114. Issues that are frequently discussed by migrants and those residing in Tonga, include the rise in democratic ideals amongst, cross cultural differences, anga fakatonga, the interpretation of such protocols and practices, church obligations, differences in disciplinary ideals, the increase in Chinese aid to Tonga, impacts on remittances and continue migration or return to Tonga are debated over. From weekly observations of the data and traffic on these pages, it is evident that they have regular membership and active administrators overseas as well as among Tongans in the homeland. These modes of communication are used as a tool in keeping Tongan migrants connected and in tune to current events. This was most prevalent during the Rugby Union World Cup of 2011, when a mass of Tongans flooded these pages with banter and national pride over the opening game against the All Blacks, and again with the win against France. It relayed in real time, proud Tongans in San Francisco stopping traffic on a major express way to celebrate the opening game.115 Flags were flown in Auckland, particularly areas in which Tongans predominantly reside such as the suburbs of Mangere and Otara. This is an indication of the increase in Tongan national pride, awareness and connectivity amongst these dispersed Tongan communities. History in the Making Tongan History continues to unfold. In the decade after 2000 so much has occurred in this island kingdom. With the loss of a great ruler, His Majesty the late King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV, the son of the late Queen Salote III, a new era has begun. With the current surge of democracy rushing through like a wave of mixed ideologies in this island nation, researchers are trying to understand the issues of today and the future. The recent loss of HM King Siaosi Tupou V, who opened up the path to democracy, is also significant. There is regular reporting of Tonga in scholarly and 113 Facebook, ‘TongaNet’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 25 - media outlets. The annual report on Tongan affairs in The Contemporary Paape and articles in the Journal of Pacific History (“Current Events”) and regular reporting in: Paape Beat (ABC, Australia); East West Centre (Hawai’i) “Paape Update”; and Pac News (Auckland University of Technology). From an Australian context, particularly with regards to continued relations between the diaspora and this island Kingdom, it will be interesting to see how Tongans in Australia keep themselves informed about events in Tonga. With the loss and retirement, or change of focus, of well respected Tongan scholars or scholars who were credible in Tongan society such as Sione Latukefu, ‘Ilaisa Futa Helu, ‘Epeli Hau’ofa, Ian Campbell, Kerry James and Ron Crocombe, a new group of scholars has yet to emerge. Dispersed Pacific Island Communities As diverse and dispersed as the nations of the Pacific itself, the Pacific Islander diaspora in Australia is one that is often overlooked and misinterpreted. In 2009 AAAPS Report was launched in Sydney by the Australian Association for the Advancement of Pacific Studies, called A National Strategy for the Study of the Pacific. 116 This report is a key source to the future of continued studies into the Pacific. It provided an estimate of the Pacific Islander population in Australia as well as raised issues faced by these communities and recommended strategies for improving the overall study of the Pacific and highlighted the importance of the Pacific to Australia. Lee asserts in this report that there are many stereotypical views of Pacific Islanders such as “talented rugby player and tough security guards, illegal immigrants and troubled teens.117 These stereotypes have been the predominant image of Pacific Islanders within Australia. These lead to an “ambivalent view of Islander men and an absence of Islander women”.118 Hidden from ‘mainstream’ Australian society, the reality contradicts these perceptions and “if any generalizations could be made of these migrant populations they would be of church-going, 116 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 26 - community-minded and hard-working people who have retained strong links to their Island homelands.”119 Literature on the Tongan Diaspora is scattered, for example, there is a paper by John Connell and Grant McCall, written in 1992 titled ‘South Pacific Islanders in Australia’, from the Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific in Sydney discusses early migrations of Pacific Islanders to Australia.120 Connell and McCall also published a book in 1993 titled A world perspective on Pacific Islander migration: Australia, New Zealand and the USA.121 Spickard, Rondilla and Wright covered the history of Pacific Islanders in the diaspora in Pacific diaspora: Island Peoples in the US and Across the Pacific.122 This book included a chapter by Wendy Cowling headed ‘Motivations for Contemporary Tongan Migrants’, which covered a number of motives for migration.123 Lee also primarily covers Tongan migrants in Melbourne and Sydney, so leaving a gap in literature on the Tongan community in SEQ. Other sources include books written by Ron Crocrombe, The South Pacific, James Jupp, The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins and an article by Mele Horner (nee Fanaika), ‘Tongans’ published in Multicultural Queensland 2001.124 The AAAPS also states in its report that the official population statistics are not accurate and may be misleading, compounded by the imprecise definition of various ethnic groups or obscured under ‘New Zealander’ statistics.125 Apart from Western Samoa, Tonga, Fiji and the Maori people of New Zealand, other minority groups such as the Cook Islands and Tahiti are identified but not analysed in depth. This may be 119 Ibid. 120 J. Connell, and G. McCall, (1992), South Pacific Islanders in Australia, RIAP Occasional Paper No.9, Sydney: Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific. 121 J. Connell, and G. McCall, (1993), A world perspective on Pacific Islander migration: Australia, New Zealand and the USA, Sydney: Centre for South Pacific Studies, University of New South Wales. 122 P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (ed.) (2002), Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the US and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. 123 W. Cowling, (2002), ‘Motivations for Contemporary Tongan Migration’ cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (ed.) (2002), op cit. pp. 99-117. 124 R. Crocombe, (2001), ‘People: Moving and mixing’, The South Pacific, Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies pp. 44-74; J. Jupp, (ed.) (1991), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; M. Horner, (2001), ‘Tongans’ in Multicultural Queensland 2001, Woolloongabba: Department of the Premier and Cabinet, Office of Ethnic and Multicultural Affairs, pp. 348-51. 125 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 127-128. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 27 - subject to their current legal status under French Polynesia. The launch of the AAAPS report is significant in raising issues faced by Pacific Islanders in Australia and also identifying other ethnic groups from Cook Islands, Kiribati, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu, Vanuatu, Rotuma and Rapanui.126 With ethnic communities impacting on various levels of Australian society and social networks, it is vital that these minorities are not ignored. Victoria has paved the way in compiling comprehensive records of the Pacific Island communities in the diaspora.127 Details have been gathered on Pacific Islanders, Tongan culture, history, and the role Tongans or people of Tongan ethnicity play in Australia. Their stories are rarely featured in schools, universities, libraries, galleries, or the media.128 This may change as Pacific Islanders become more visible in popular music and the performing arts, in tertiary education sectors and with the Guest Worker Scheme.129 Tongans Overseas The literature covering Tongan migration to Australia concentrates on the areas with larger Tongan ethnic communities. This includes Sydney and Melbourne, with little or no references to Tongan migration to SEQ. Wendy Cowling, as with other scholars such as Connell, Jupp and McCall respectively agree that Tongan migration to Australia began as labour projects in the late 1940s following the economic depression of the 1930s and the Second World War.130 It was a trickle throughout the 1950s and the 1970s, which rapidly increased with the Tongan population becoming more evident after 1985.131 From the mid-1970s onwards, thousands of Tongans entered Australia, settling primarily in Sydney with large populations in Melbourne, Newcastle, Brisbane, Wollongong, Canberra and a small number in Perth and 126 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 132. 127 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 128. 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid. 130 W. Cowling, (2002), op cit. 131 W. Cowling, (2002), op cit, pp. 102-103. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 28 - Adelaide.132 Tongan migration to Australia was predominantly from New Zealand and not directly from Tonga. Amongst the Tongan community the accepted account is that the first Tongans to migrate to Australia were those seeking a higher education or vocational training such as nursing.133 Since Tonga converted to Methodism in the nineteenth century, migration to Australia from Tonga was easily accessible through programs and scholarships that were encouraged and supported by the Australian Methodist Church.134 Family migration continued to be a central feature of Tongan settlement in Australia, as is the case in America and New Zealand.135 Another motivation for migrating to Australia was marriages to foreigners, mainly Australians or Europeans living in Australia. Education, employment (improved wages), pursuing a sporting career and a better start at life have also been common grounds for migration.136 These methods of migration have only had limited analysis over the years and with the growing population of the Tongan community, there is a need for research on these new developments. The past decade has seen a rapid surge in migration from Tonga and of Tongan descendants from New Zealand. For instance Connell and McCall’s books and paper were published in the early 1990s and are now outdated.137 This is the same with Jupp’s book The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins. Jupp stated in the 1991 edition that Australia provides migrants an increased standard of living and the opportunity to support relatives as well as assist the church in Tonga.138 A new edition of this book was published in 2000.139 Australia also holds the prospect of better education and high incomes. These reasons are still 132 J. Jupp (ed.) (1991), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 817. 133 Pers. observations, community meeting, Brisbane, 23 October 2007. 134 W. Cowling, (2002) op cit. 135 Ibid. 136 W. Cowling, (2002) op cit, p. 106. 137 J. Connell, and G. McCall, (1992) South Pacific Islanders in Australia, RIAP Occasional Paper No.9, Sydney: Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific; J. Connell, and G. McCall, (1993) A world perspective on Pacific Islander migration: Australia, New Zealand and the USA, Sydney: Centre for South Pacific Studies, University of New South Wales. 138 J. Jupp, (1991), op cit. 139 J. Jupp, (ed.) (2000) The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 29 - current. However other rationales for migrating have arisen such as population pressure in Tonga and reuniting families (see Chapter 3). Also, Tongans are making the move from other States to SEQ making it a place of choice for raising families, caring for the elderly and employment due to cheaper property markets, and similar climate to the homeland. Some Tongans in Australia have stated that in Queensland they feel closer to the ocean.140 The impact Tongan ethnic communities have had on mainstream Australian society, particularly in SEQ has not been researched. With varying influences in the sporting arena, religion, overseas remittances and fundraising as well as with crime, there is a need to address these issues. The alleged rise in gangs within the Logan area is problematic and issues to do with youth need a platform for discussion. Lee has previously stated that harsh physical punishment, strict disciplinary action by parents and the lack of communication with their children are commonly blamed for some young Tongans’ involvement with gangs.141 Gary Jones in his thesis, ‘Media Fabrication and Scholarly Discourse: Creating Polynesian Gangs in Australia’, highlights the “opportunistic racism in the Brisbane tabloids”. Jones states: “The repetition of gang news stories produced by The Courier Mail and The Sunday Mail from August 2006 onward had all the hallmarks of a media-constructed moral panic episode...The journalists were undeterred and selected images, academic dissertations, public and political comment and the expert opinion of scholars such as Rob White and Paul Wilson to embellish their stories. On the other hand, balanced comment by Max Quanchi and Police Commissioner Atkinson was relegated to a distant Sydney tabloid. In a thinly disguised racist manner the two Queensland newspapers targeted the local Pacific Islander communities and labelled their children as members or associates of violent gangs.”142 In August 2011, the “Slacks Creek house fire” was a devastating loss of 11 members of one Tongan kāinga (Tu’a), four individual nuclear families (Taufa, Lee, Matauina and Lale) also from the Samoan community. For a moment in time, the world opened its doors to a community that was struggling to compensate for the great loss of life. Comments from government officials involved in the recouping process were of a people linked through faith and cultural traditions, inherently interwoven with love of 140 Anonymous, pers. comm, Gold Coast, 27 December 2009. 141 H. Lee, (2003), op cit. p. 166. 142 G. Jones, (2009), Bachelor of Arts (Honours) thesis: ‘Media Fabrication and Scholarly Discourse: Creating Polynesian Gangs in Australia’, Queensland University of Technology: unpublished, p. 44. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 30 - family. It was clear during the funeral preparations that mainstream society was unaware of the protocols and traditions involved in such devastations. This is not unusual for Australia, despite 70 years of migrant assimilation policies, few Australians know anything of the cultures of those who arrive and become the “new Australians”. Links to the ‘Homeland’ Lee has covered the links to a migrant’s homeland, most recently by concentrating on transnationalism and transnational ties.143 Her first published book was in 1996 with Becoming Tongan: an ethnography of children, followed by Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores in 2003, Ties to the Homeland: Second Generation Transnationalism in 2008 as editor and in 2009 also as editor of Migration and Transnationalism: Pacific Perspectives.144 She has also published a number of journal articles, including ‘Transforming transnationalism: second generation Tongans overseas’ in 2007 and in 2004 ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism: hope for the future?’145 Lee has also written the following chapters relevant to this thesis, ‘The Ambivalence of Return: Second Generation Tongan Returnees’146, ‘Second Generation Transnationalism’147, ‘Generational Change: the children of Tongan migrants and their ties to the homeland’148, ‘“Tonga only wants our money”: 143 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008) op cit. 144 H. Lee, (1996) Becoming Tongan: an ethnography of childhood, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press; H. Lee, (2003) Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press; see also H. Lee, (ed.) (2008) op cit.; H. Lee, and S.T. Francis, (eds.) (2009), Migration and Transnationalism: Pacific Perspectives, Canberra: ANU E Press. 145 H. Lee, (2007), ‘Transforming transnationalism: second generation Tongans overseas’, Asia Pacific -Migration Journal, Vol.16, No.2, pp. 157-178 ; H. Lee, (2004), ‘“Second generation” Tongan transnationalism: hope for the future?' Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 45, No. 2, pp. 235-254. 146 H. Lee, (2009), ‘The Ambivalence of Return: Second Generation Tongan Returnees’, in D. Conway and R. Potter (ed.) Return of Migration of the Next Generations’: twenty-first century transitional mobility, Ashgate, Surrey: Aldershot. 147 H. Lee, (2004), op cit. 148 H. Lee, (2007), ‘Generational Change: the children of Tongan migrants and their ties to the homeland’, in E. Wood-Ellem (ed.) Tonga and the Tongans: Heritage and identity, Melbourne: Tonga Research Association, pp.203-217. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 31 - the children of Tongan migrants’149 ,‘Debating language and identity online: Tongans on the net’150 and ‘Creating their Own Culture: Diasporic Tongans’151. Lee has also presented numerous conference papers in 2004 to 2008 with particular emphasis on Tongan transnationalism, migration, identity and intermarriages. A few of her papers relevant to this study include ‘Youth Identity and Migration: Culture, Values and Social Connectedness symposium’152, ‘The trouble with transnationalism: Tongan youth and the struggle to belong’153, ‘Ambivalent youth: the children of Tongan migrants’154, ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism’155, ‘Researching second generation transnationalism: a Tongan case study’156, and ‘Shifting ties? Second generation Tongan transnationalism’.157 One paper with Steve Francis and Meliame Fifita, ‘Ties with the homeland: the children of Tongan migrants’ was presented in February 2005 for the Association for Social Anthropology in Oceania in Kauai, Hawaii. She also spoke on ‘Raising a true Tongan: diasporic parents’ attempts to connect their children with the homeland’158. This is an impressive and valuable body of literature, although primary focused on the diasporic Tongan community in America and Victoria, Australia. Lee describes the relationship with the homeland through “kingship networks, churches, ex-students’ groups, business relationships, and other links”.159 These continual and developing economic, social, political and emotional ties that migrants 149 H. Lee, (2006), Chapter 7. ‘Tonga Only Wants Our Money’: The children of Tongan migrants, Part 1. Labour Migration. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 32 - have with their homeland of Tonga are maintained through “sending money or goods from overseas, travelling back and forth between Tonga and the diaspora, circulating photographs and videotapes, making phone calls, sending faxes, and nowadays utilising emails and the internet”.160 This does not necessarily mean physical movement must occur between the two countries for it to be ‘transnational’. The links vary considerably in regularity, scope and strength.161 Lee argues that Tongan ties to the ‘homeland’ are under serious threat of decline.162 The evidence provided by Lee from the Australian perspective, not including her studies in America, is concentrated on research within the Tongan ethnic community in Victoria. Her claims are contradicted and at times not shared by members of various Tongan church communities in SEQ.163 It would seem that there are contradicting views. For example, Lee argues that “there are significant obstacles to the formation and maintenance of ties between the younger generations and a ‘homeland’ many of them have never visited.164 Yet many migrants that I have surveyed argue that this may be the case for some, but most, who have not visited hope to do so in the near future and this alone does not stop them from identifying as Tongans who are also Australian.165 Tongans are also significant contributors to a Pan-Pacific identity in Queensland. An organisation incorporated in 2006 to promote islander identity and progress in SEQ is Pan Pacific Oceania Inc (PPO). This organisation aims at building relations within the Pacific ethnic communities in Queensland. It promotes cultural diversity and supports education, developing cultural skills within the various ethnic communities in SEQ. PPO commenced work within the communities and established the Pasifika festival that is held in Deception Bay every Labour Day holiday. Lee also argues that the most difficult hurdle to overcoming the loss of identity as a Tongan is that many young Tongans overseas do not have a secure identity as ‘Tongan’, often because they lack language and cultural skills.166 Without such skills 160 Ibid. 161 Ibid. 162 H. Lee, (2004), op cit. p. 236. 163 Pers. observations during fieldwork from 2007 to 2010, attending various community fundraisers. 164 H. Lee, (2004), op cit.p. 246. 165 See survey of Tongan migrants in South East Queensland. 166 H. Lee, (2004), op cit. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 33 - the authenticity of their identification as Tongan is often challenged.167 She also states that those who have the opportunity to visit Tonga often do not feel ‘at home’ for various reasons. Lee suggests there is a rather ambivalent attitude by many Tongans toward visitors from the diaspora. But if this accurate, why then would Australian Tongan youth be inclined to be involved in nation-building processes in Tonga?168 Tongans in the diaspora are also viewed as a migrant from New Zealand, or as a Polynesian, and this non-Tongan identity raises questions about links.169 Lee asks if this link is in decline, but she is yet to address second generation migrants and their lives in the diaspora and how they have been impacted by, and affected, the host country. She continually argues that a common complaint is that by draining families’ incomes through kavenga (duty or obligation), Tongan migrants are prevented from getting ahead in the host nation.170 This extends to the fundraising efforts of the churches, ex-students’ associations and other Tongan organisations overseas and to the donations of money and goods that are funnelled to Tonga’s nobility and royal family.171 Her main premise is that this is a serious threat to even the ‘indirect transnationalism’ that currently serves as a crucial source of economic support for Tonga.172 She however does not provide statistical data in support of these claims. There is evidence that Tongan migrants are still ‘donating’. Having attended a great number of fundraisers personally in the last five years, I have noted that the Tongan ethnic communities in Australia have provided thousands of dollars of aid to community groups in Tonga as well as from the diaspora. This material has yet to be covered by official aid monies that Australia and other first world nations are providing (see Chapter 5 below). 167 Ibid. 168 Ibid. 169 See survey of Tongan migrants in South East Queensland. 170 H. Lee, (2004) op cit. 171 H. Lee, (2004) op cit. p. 247. 172 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 34 - Diaspora Literature on dispersed ethnic communities is based primarily on large ethnic groups such as the Chinese and Greeks, increasingly the Irish community. Recently in Lee’s 2008 edited book, Ties to the Homeland: Second Generation Transnationlism, a chapter is dedicated to Irish-Australian migrants by Raelene Wilding.173 This is followed by a number of chapters on Greek and Greek Cypriot, the Greek-Australian communities in Australia, firstly with Dimitra Giorgia addressing the formation of an identity, Ann-Maree Dawson on Greek Cypriots and Kipps Horn on Greek Rebetika music.174 Second generation Arab-Australians are further addressed in a chapter by Heba Batainah, exploring how young people negotiate their identities in the context of an often hostile nation.175 Larger immigrant communities such as the Samoan, Fijian and Maori people from New Zealand have yet to be documented. Lee has noted that transnationalism challenges the idea of the nation-state.176 She differentiates between state and nation in the Tongan context, stating that through the extensive network of ties between the homeland and host country the state remains the geographical bounded territory of Tonga. 177 The nation on the other hand may include the diaspora, which is significant for Tonga where the overseas population is as large as, or even larger than, the population in the homeland. 178 But if the overseas born are included it does seem likely that the diaspora is now at least bigger than the home population.179 The following lists some figures available from host nations:- New Zealand Census of 2001 recorded 40,700 Tongans; U.S. Census of 2000 recorded 36,800; and Australia’s Census of 2000 recorded 14,889.180 173 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. pp. 33-52. 174 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. pp. 53-103. 175 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008), op cit. pp. 151-167. 176 H. Lee, (2004), op cit. p. 236. 177 H. Lee, (2004), op cit. p. 236-237. 178 Ibid. 179 H. Lee, (2004), op cit.164, p. 237. 180 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 35 - This comes to an estimated total of 92,829 individuals of Tongan heritage. It does not include the growing population of Tongan migrants to Canada, United Kingdom, Fiji, South East Asia and Europe in general. Lee admits that these figures are an underestimate due to many problems with the collection of statistics, the number of over stayers and how Tongans are classified.181 Most recently the AAAPS National Report 2009 documented that the most recent census calculated around 100,000 Pacific Islands in Australia. The 2006 Census recorded only 15,000 Tongans, far below the actual population.182 To date there is no accurate figure of the Tongan population in the diaspora. Marcus in his early study of Tongan migration identified a pattern of ‘dispersed family estates’.183 Marcus identified these as groups of adult siblings who had moved apart through internal and overseas migration but still retain the complex network of ties through heritage and lineage. He further describes this as a major feature of modern Tongan social structure.184 Marcus did not use the term ‘transnationalism’. He highlighted the continuing economic links between dispersed siblings as an important element in the creation of extensive transnational networks that now exist between members of kāinga (extended family) in Tonga and overseas. For instance if I were to use my own family, we span across nation states including Australia, Tonga, Fiji, America, United Kingdom and New Zealand. My parents reside in Tonga, I have a brother in England and another with his wife living in the Sunshine Coast and I currently reside in Brisbane with my grandmother. My mother’s side of the family has her mother, four siblings and their families in Victoria, one in Queensland, one in Tonga and one in Utah. On my father’s side he has one sibling in Queensland, one in Fiji, two in New Zealand, one in Alaska, two in California and one in Tonga as well as a nephew in New York. In this dispersed family unit, articulating the language of Marcus, we all still manage to keep in close contact daily via telephone, Skype and email as well as Facebook. This is a continually growing family and does not include the other members of the 181 Ibid. 182 S. Rose, (et.al) (2009), op cit. p. 128. 183 Ibid. 184 G. E. Marcus, (1974), ‘A hidden dimension of family development in the modern Kingdom of Tonga’, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1, p. 92. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 36 - kāinga that we keep in contact with due to lineage. For example, on a visit to Taipei an auntie from my mother’s side who had not seen me since birth, willingly picked my friend and I from the airport to take us on a tour of Taipei city. I do not recall ever meeting her, however the family connection was immediate and there was no awkwardness. Marcus argues that the ties between kin in Tonga and the diaspora are also significant for ‘local nation-state development’.185 The late King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV’s attempt over the years to find ways to boost Tonga’s economic development could be seen as his way of ensuring that Tonga remains ‘both the economic and symbolic centre of an internationalising culture’.186 This brings to light the continued importance of mo’ui fakatonga. The maintaining of a Tongan concept commonly referred to by Tongans as fakatonga. It is not just language and culture but where a Tongan is known to have the loto’i Tonga and continued lifestyle of a Tongan in the diaspora. Mate ma’a Tonga (lit. means to die for Tonga) is one of many mottos that can describe this form of connection or linkage to the home country. Researchers have yet to address why people are still willing to maintain these traditions and lifestyle or the mo’ui fakatonga in the diaspora. Lee has focussed her research on transnationalism on Tongan migrant groups in the America, Australia and New Zealand. Transnationalism, she argues is an element of globalisation particularly migration and population mobility. The sparse literature on second generation transnationalism has a strongly North American Focus.187 Her writings bring to light a new perspective by drawing on research with a number of migrant communities in Australia, mostly Victoria.188 But if one was to browse the Brisbane newspaper, The Courier Mail over the weekend a variety of Tongan migrants would leap off the sporting pages, including Israel Folau, Willie Tonga and the Fainga’a twins to name a few. The Courier Mail on Friday July 9, 2010, included 185 G. E. Marcus, (1993), ‘Tongan’s contemporary globalizing strategies: Trading on sovereignty amidst international migration’ cited in V. Lockwood, T. Harding and B. Wallace (ed.), (1993) Contemporary Pacific societies: Studies in development and change, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, p. 21. 186 G. E. Marcus, (1981), ‘Power on the extreme periphery: the perspective of Tongan elites in the modern world system’, Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 22, No. 1, p. 61. 187 H. Lee, (ed.) (2008) op cit..p. ix. 188 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 37 - a front page coverage of the great Viliami ‘Ofahengaue, headed ‘O come all Willie’s faithful’, which continued on to page four. This article documented his dedication to a Ministry where he was the acting Minister for the Queensland based Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia based in Burpengary at the time. The back page highlighted an origin triumph for Queensland with a photo of Willie Tonga and an article on Israel Folau. That Queensland is home to many Tongan migrants and their descendents cannot be overlooked. Apart from Mele Horner’s paper on the Tongan community in Brisbane there is a gap in literature on this ethnic group.189 In recent years SEQ, the Gold Coast in particular is increasingly becoming the state of choice for many Tongan migrant families.190 Some of these families have emigrated directly or through New Zealand and others have simply made the move over from other states because of the similar climate to their island nation. Many large family estates have lived in this part of Australia since the labour migration of the 1970s and through lucrative rugby contracts signed through South’s Rugby Club in Moorooka. Decline versus Increase in Tongan Transnationalism Lee suggested that increasing evidence shows the decline in Tongan identity within the second generation migrants. This is mainly due to the decline in links with the homeland and the adoption or assimilation by the younger generation into the greater Australian mainstream community. However, with the rise in national pride amongst youth, which is evidenced with the rise in so-called “gangs” such as the O.U.T.(Only Us Tongans), Koe Ha Crew, P.B.T.(Proud to Be Tongans), L.D.C.(Lock Down Crew) and the Crips, show that a form of Tongan identity or pride is shared amongst the growing younger generation within the diaspora, or that at least being Tongan is one factor in identity, even if divorced from cultural, language, lineage and economic links to Tonga. Rob White makes the observation that “Pacific Islander youths follow their traditional socialising and kinship pattern and congregate in large number... [and] the media’s 189 M. Horner (2001). ‘Tongans’ in Multicultural Queensland 2001, Woolloongabba, Qld: Department of the Premier and Cabinet, Office of Ethnic and Multicultural Affairs, pp. 348-51.. 190 Pers. observations and field work from 2009-2010. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 38 - portrayal of gang stereotypes has heightened community suspicion about groups of youths, especially groups highly visible as Polynesian teenagers”.191 Lee argues that “when the teenagers are questioned by police or security guards, their boisterous manner will revert to the respectful submissiveness that is expected of them in the home. This is often interpreted as sullenness and refusal to cooperate which then leads to harassment or the chance of prosecution”.192 There is a need for greater understanding of such tendencies. With the appointment of Police Liaison Officers from Pacific Island communities, it is clear that government agencies are acknowledging that cultural awareness is warranted. For instance, the active role played by members of QPS, the Queensland Coroner’s Office and Tongan and Samoan Liaison Officers in following cultural practices during the Slacks Creek house fire tragedy of 2011 was well received by the famili and kāinga disheartened by the devastation. Additionally, Lee states that many second generation Tongans in the diaspora do not feel responsible for supporting Tonga’s economy, resenting the burden such support placed on parents’ generation.193 They feel Tonga welcomes financial contribution yet does not accept returning visitors as truly ‘Tongan’. This view is commonly shared amongst Tongan migrants. By studying remittances since the 1970s, Lee showed that Tongan migrants had bolstered Tonga’s economy, generating about half of its GDP each year.194 The following thesis aims at expanding the literature on these issues and analysing their impact on second generation migrants in SEQ. It focuses on the growing aspect of a new identity, that of Tongan-Australian or an Australian-Tongan. It questions the future of Tongan culture in the diaspora, as well as religious affiliations and how they affect the lives of Tongan migrants, particularly the role of the church. Influences from community agents, groups such as sporting clubs, and community organisations are addressed. It will show that kavenga or obligation, act as vital forms of financial assistance to family, church and island or village of origin. Continuing obligatory duties are evident in the diaspora. For families and individuals within the dispersed 191 White cited in G. Jones, (2009), op cit. p.12. 192 H. Lee, (2003), Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press p.168-9, cited in G. Jones (2009), op cit. p.12. 193 H. Lee, (2006), Chapter 7. ‘Tonga Only Wants Our Money’: The children of Tongan migrants, Part 1. Labour Migration. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 39 - community, it is a cooperative notion. This thesis will address daily issues confronted by this community in Australia. It will also look at government agencies such as AusAID, who aims at nation and capacity building, yet does not address the reasons for the continued economic dependence on remittances, or gaps in the aid projects that may require a higher reliance on financial support from families overseas. The following chapters also refer to debilitating health risks, crime, education and intoxication. This thesis argues that the famili, Siasi and kāinga are vital in addressing the underlying issues that face these communities and that the concept of anga fakatonga, an internationalising culture, is maintained in the homeland as well as the diaspora. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 40 - CHAPTER 3. TONGANS IN AUSTRALIA The prominent motivation for migrating to Australia began with marriages to foreigners, mainly Australians or Europeans living in Australia, followed by those seeking a higher education or vocational training, particularly nursing.195 In many cases, Australia was regarded as the country of choice for Tongans seeking education, travel, business, residence and other personal contact.196 For example the late King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV and the first Tongan High Commissioner to Australia, current King Tupou VI were educated in Australia, as with a considerable number of Tongan nobles.197 Tongan migration to Australia and other countries offered families in the Islands access to international resources that are not readily available in Tonga. Prospects for economic growth are quite limited in the homeland.198 Migration is both a catalyst and consequence of economic and social change that is vital for the future of the Tongan people as well as Tonga’s economy .199 The stability and future of the Tongan economy, particularly its reliance on remittances from migrants overseas is paramount. The first Tongan migrants to SEQ arrived in the 1950s to the 1970s through marriage, or on scholarships to study as doctors, dentists and nurses, as well as on rugby contracts. In this post-war period, Tongans could not easily access entry into developed countries as they did not have immigration ties with their former Protectorate, Great Britain. For instance American Samoans and Guamanians can move freely to the America, and the recognition of Cook Islanders, Niueans and Tokelauans allowed them to move and become New Zealand citizens.200 As aspiring immigrants, Tongans did not receive any preferential treatment, and have had to rely 195 J. Jupp, (ed.) (1991), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 817. 196 Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, (2004), Kingdom of Tonga: country brief. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 41 - on regular migration channels such as scholarships, marriage to foreigners and labour programs.201 The end to New Zealand labour migration schemes created immigration policies that tightened movement, limiting forms of migration.202 This also increased family reunification schemes.203 A high rate of overstaying Tongans led to restrictions on immigration opportunities to host nations like Australia. In 2009, Australia commenced a seasonal workers scheme (PSWPS) offering labouring contracts to Tongan nationals. This consisted of Tongan men estimated at 30 to 40 people travelling to farming areas in Australia for the sole purpose of working as labourers during a busy season. Many were sent to Griffith, Mildura, Robinvale and later Mundubbera in Queensland. The purpose of this scheme was to financially assist Tongan men who otherwise lack economic opportunities afforded to them in the homeland. Seasonal labourers as they are known under the PSWPS have had a varying degree of success with some individuals returning home with a substantial financial and economic assistance.204 However, evidence has shown that a number of the labourers are now overstaying in Australia, failing to return following the period provided for the working scheme.205 As with most migrants from underdeveloped countries, the underlying motivation for migrants to Australia is to seek a better life for their family and for those that choose to remain in Tonga. This is commonly referred to by Tongan migrants as kumi mo’ui, which literally means to seek life. For migrants, immigrating provides their next generation with a better or more improved chance at life, and opens up more opportunities compared with those at home. A migrant’s concept of the kāinga papalangi is of a people who are rich in everything, particularly in material things. They faka’amu, or they wish to obtain such riches for their own family. Migration is primarily a response to real and perceived inequalities in socio-economic 201 Ibid. 202 Ibid. 203 H. Lee, (2003), op cit. p.18. 204 Pers. observation and informal communications with seasonal workers from the 2009-2010 groups to Queensland. 205 Mele’ana L. Helu, correspondence attaching a Ministerial notification from Tonga, 2012. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 42 - opportunities that are themselves a result of dependent and/or uneven sectoral and regional development.206 “Step migration” has also been an alternative method of migration, with movement in stages through different countries.207 In some instances, an initial stage of this process is within Tonga, from rural to urban, for example from the island groups of either ‘Eua, Ha’apai or Vava’u to Tongatapu.208 In most cases this move is to educate children, and to provide families back in the more remote islands with improved living standards. Following this is a further migration from Tonga to New Zealand and then to Australia. Connell and Brown provide a reasonable summary of this rationale, stating that: A major influence on migration has been radical changes in expectations over what constitutes a satisfactory standard of living, a desirable occupation and a suitable mix of accessible services and amenities. Social influences on migration are important, especially in terms of access to education and health services; such social influences are in turn often a function of economic issues. Migration remains, in different forms, a time- honoured strategy of moving from a poor area to a richer one in the search for social and economic mobility abroad or at home.209 In the diaspora migrants initially live in cliques according to church, old school or family groups. For instance, the first question one asks when a Tongan meets another Tongan for the first time, is which church does one attend. Although they predominantly reside in areas according to family or kāinga, it is evident that Tongan migrants live in factions according to church membership or in proximity to their church. In the diaspora the church is viewed initially as the backbone of a migrant’s life. Each denomination holds services all over Brisbane. For instance, Uniting Church members live predominantly in Brisbane’s Southern suburbs including Sunnybank, Runcorn and Logan City. There is also a small group of families that attend a Uniting Church in the Caboolture area. The SUTT church congregations reside in the Northern region of Brisbane, including Chermside, Kedron and the Caboolture, Redcliffe, Bribie Island area. There are also a number of SUTT families in Kingston and the Gold Coast. 206 J. Connell and R. PC Brown, (2004), op cit. p. 2. 207 H. Lee, (2003), op cit. p. 18. 208 Ibid. 209 J. Connell and R. PC Brown, (2004), op cit. p. 2. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 43 - The following two tables are drawn from the relevant statistics from the Australian Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs. They show the rate of foreign nationals obtaining Australian citizenship status. In particular the figures are a comparison of various Pacific Island nations with Tongan nationals from 2004 to 2010.210 The information shows the number of people who, during the year ending 30 June of that year, became Australian citizens. Table 1.1: Nationality or citizenship of people granted certificates of Australian citizenship. Country 2004 to 2005 to 2006 to 2007 to 2008 to Average 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Cook Islands - 3 12 3 - Fiji 1,570 1,697 2,127 1,546 973 1,582 French Polynesia - 3 4 1 1 1 Nauru 11 1 10 11 1 7 New Caledonia - 2 6 4 2 3 New Zealand 9,363 7,636 7,379 6,806 3,744 6,986 Papua New Guinea 134 156 189 166 154 160 Samoa (Western 74 92 112 79 26 77 Samoa) Solomon Islands 38 42 35 40 25 36 Tahiti ------Tonga 219 226 214 275 79 202 Tuvalu 10 4 - 6 - 4 USA (incl. American 1,554 1,828 2,107 2,003 1,411 1,780 Samoa) United Kingdom - 22,143 25,948 27,369 18,510 23,492 Vanuatu 8 13 14 5 5 9 Not stated/Other 1,622 1,718 2,444 2,654 1,126 1,913 Table 1.2: Countries in which persons granted Australian citizenship ordinarily resided immediately before entering Australia. Country 2004 to 2005 to 2006 to 2007 to 2008 to Average 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 American Samoa 1 - 8 7 - 3 Cook Islands 30 14 41 34 8 25 Fiji 1,548 1,665 2,101 1,550 989 1,571 French Polynesia 9 6 2 6 6 6 Nauru 15 7 11 8 5 9 210 Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs website: Annual Report 2002-2003 Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 44 - Country 2004 to 2005 to 2006 to 2007 to 2008 to Average 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 New Caledonia 33 33 28 17 10 24 New Zealand 9,463 7,825 7,659 7,014 3,895 7,171 Papua New Guinea 218 284 343 241 211 259 Samoa (Western 78 83 103 71 34 73 Samoa) Solomon Islands 40 50 36 41 30 39 Tahiti - - - 3 - 0.6 Tonga 198 209 202 258 76 189 USA (incl. American 1,648 1,986 2,351 2,203 1,563 1,957 Samoa) Vanuatu 11 16 24 12 18 16 Not stated/Other 53 68 202 197 70 118 Stateless 17 - 10 - - 5 The figures as outlined above are by no means an accurate indication of the number of ethnic Tongans migrating to Australia. It does show that on average only 202 Tongan nationals were obtaining Australian citizenship from 2004 to 2009. In comparison with nationals from New Zealand, Fiji and Western Samoa, the number of Tongans becoming Australia citizens are low. Even with the amendments in 2007 that provided dual citizenship to Tongan migrants, thus maintaining title to land held in Tonga, the figures as still quite minimal compared with other Pacific countries. In the open forums held by the Komisoni Faka-Tu’i ki he Kelekele Tonga211 to Australia in the first half of 2011, a large number of queries were raised by Tongan migrants that are still holding onto their Tongan citizenship for fear of losing lineage rights to family estates in the homeland. I attended both the North Brisbane and Southside meetings held in SEQ, and it was evident that most migrants are quite oblivious to major legislative changes in the homeland, that have major implications on interests held by migrants. The topics up for public review and discussion included the following:- Succession to land; Women’s rights to land; Freehold land; Rights of mortgagors; Leaseholds; Absentee land holders; Rights of Tongans who have naturalised in a foreign country and their children to own land in Tonga; Family trust; and 211 Tongan Royal Commission (2011) report obtained from meetings held in Brisbane with Tongans and non-Tongans that may lease land in Tonga. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 45 - Foreshores.212 Suggested reforms by Tongans in Australia and America included the empowerment of estate holders to grant and approve leases over their estates; increase the legal age for qualification for an allotment from 16 to 21 years; and allow a widow to lease the land of her deceased husband with the consent of the heir. These suggested amendments to current legislation are a cluster of issues that have been refined and heightened by Tongan migrants on their individual rights to hold land in the homeland. With ambiguity of lineage and at times naturalisation prior to the change in law that provided for dual citizenship, it was evident from this forum that migrants were in fear of losing family estates in Tonga. The statistics may not be a clear indication, but Tongan nationals obtaining citizenship status in the diaspora are apprehensive that by doing so, their rights to land or ownership of land in Tonga are denied. Indicative of the opinions voiced in these public discussions, the motto ‘Otua mo Tonga ko hoku tofi’a (God and Tonga are my inheritance) remains enlivened amongst the Tongan migrants that continue to claim ownership or equitable title to estates in Tonga. The suggested amendments as outlined above namely, family trust, absentee landholders, freehold, and the recognition of the rights of Tongans that have naturalised, are an acknowledgement of dispersed ethnic Tongan communities and recognition of the need to change with current trends. Tongans in Australia know that countries like Australia need to address issues of global climate change and its impact on smaller nations such as Tonga. Although natural disasters and environmental changes are not as evident in Tonga compared with other Pacific states, the environmental future is bleak for the next generation. Pacific Island nations like Tuvalu and the Federation of Micronesia, environmental refugees from these affected nations may increase dramatically. To exclude Tongans from entry because Tongans lie in the highest categories of over stayers is fallacious because the number of Tongan over stayers compared with those from Europe and the United Kingdom is minuscule. For example, as at 30 June 2000 the population of overstayers in Australia came to 58,750, with one-tenth from the United Kingdom, followed by 8% from America, 7% from Indonesia and Philippines. Tongans 212 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 46 - overstaying in 2000 was 5.2% of 20,750 visitors.213 The past history of over stayers and “boat people”, refugee quotas, and the uncertain future of climate change will affect Australia’s immigration policy and the manner in which Tongans come to Australia in the future. Religion Religion, in particular, Christianity plays a vital role in a Tongan person’s life. This characterises a Tongan’s perspective, and continues to impact on the migrants’ tendency to support church activities that serve as a focus for the Tongan communities in Australia.214 This resembles the situation within Tonga itself, ‘where the majority of Tongans, of whatever denomination, are very church-orientated’.215 Denominations include branches of the former Methodist Church in Australia, congregations under the Uniting Church, the Catholic Church and the Church of Jesus Christ Latter Day Saints (also known as the Mormons).216 Church membership offers the Tongan migrant a familiar religious and cultural milieu.217 Their impact on Australia’s communities is evident in the number of active church congregations that exists in Australia’s capital cities, particularly Sydney, where the majority of the Tongan migrants reside. In January 1985, the parish of the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia (SUTT) was formally established. The first minister was appointed for the 14 congregations in Sydney, Wollongong, Newcastle and Canberra.218 To date SUTT has developed into a multinational church, with headquarters in Sydney and congregations all over Australia, Melbourne, SEQ, Adelaide and elsewhere. Members have now been recorded 1,500 people. On the 23rd of October 2008 the Falelotu Fakamanatu ‘o Taufa’ahau Tupou IV219, a multi-million dollar church, the pillar of the SUTT Church in Australia, was formerly opened by His Majesty King 213 Australia Bureau of Statistics (2002), Year Book Australia, No. 84, Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, p. 95. 214J. Jupp (ed.) (1991) op cit. 215 Ibid. 216 Ibid; J. Jupp, (ed.) (2001), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 709. 217 J. Jupp, (ed.) (1991), op cit. 218 Ibid. 219 Translated literally means the Church in remembrance of His Majesty Taufa’ahau Tupou IV. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 47 - Siaosi Tupou V. This was a momentous festive occasion in which Tongans all over Australia, New Zealand and abroad assembled to the suburb of Glendenning in Sydney, celebrating the opening, not only of a church, but a symbol of Tongan Christianity in Australia. The opening welcomed dignitaries from Tonga, as well as Tongans all over Australia. Taken on the 25th of October 2008 in front of the SUTT Church building, the Fale fakamanatu ‘o Taufa’ahau Tupou IV (photographer unknown), provided by a member of the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia who wishes to remain anonymous. Tongan Organisations Tongan communities connected with major denominational church congregations such as the Uniting Church, comprise of large family networks or extended family estates – the kāinga.220 ‘Members of these churches are kin networks [and] also maintain additional formal and informal connections based on their village of origin, school attended in Tonga, kava-drinking groups, workplace, and, to a lesser extent, their residential location in Australia’.221 These informal groups are either recognised 220 W. Cowling, (2002), op cit. p. 103. 221 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 48 - within the community by government departments like the Multicultural Department Association in Queensland (MDA), or remain informal social clubs. In Queensland the Tongan community groups or organisations that are recognised and registered with MDA222 include the Tongan Uniting Church; the Brisbane Tongan Brass Band, Tongan Catholic Association, the Voice of Tonga – 4EB Radio;223 and the Tongan Association of Queensland.224 The remaining community groups and organisations comprise ex-student associations, villages and family groups are not recognised or registered with government departments. Language barriers and lack of access or knowledge of these services are some reasons for the delayed registration with MDA. Incorporated associations like PPO and ATYCA, are examples of many community groups that aim at addressing issues faced by the Polynesian community in SEQ. Each group shows the diversity of the Tongan communities. For instance, there are kava groups such as the Fofo’anga that act as a form of social gathering for men; rugby groups for the youth; a variety of inter-denominational youth groups; bible study association; and the Tongan community youth brass band. Old high school groups, for Tonga College, Tonga High School, Tupou College and Queen Salote College are not registered by government agencies and remain unincorporated associations, because members do not recognise the need to incorporate and are happy with remaining the way they are structured. Small niches like these do not or may not know of the benefits in incorporating, such as unlimited liability and capability of trading or signing contracts like an individual, insurance, and the opportunities to apply for government funding to assist in providing services and achieving objectives. In order to receive fundraising or gifts, it is legislated that groups such as these should be incorporated under the Associations Incorporation Act 1981 (Qld) and similarly in the other States. This provides for 222 Queensland Multicultural Resource Directory (2002-03) Ethnic Community and Religious Organisations, p 30; Queensland Ethnic Affairs Directory (1994) Individual Ethnic Community Organisations, p 60. 223 Queensland Ethnic Affairs Directory (1994) Individual Ethnic Community Organisations, p 60. 224 Bureau of Ethnic Affairs (June 1990) Directory of Ethnic Community Organisations in Queensland. Brisbane: Department of Family Services and Aboriginal and Islander Affairs. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 49 - various grounds of assistance, legal coverage and protection from misappropriation, mismanagement and misuse of Associations assets and funds. Other examples include government funding, and charitable donations if they were registered as an Incorporated Association. They would be able to be endorsed as a charitable organisation that becomes endorsed as Deductible Gift Recipients, thus provide receipts during fundraisers so that large monetary gifts are tax deductible donations. For instance, the Brisbane Tongan Youth Brass Band has incorporated, is insured, considered a legal entity under the Associations Incorporation Act 1981 (Qld), and has the ability to sign up to contracts as an Association.225 Problems Tongans living in Australia have not experienced much of the overt racism and hostility similar to that suffered, in comparison, by early Indo-Chinese migrant groups.226 Cowling argues this is ‘due, in part, to the fact that Tongans are not seen as permanent migrants and in part to the romantic view of the Pacific held by many Australians’.227 They do however suffer challenges to identity, and question where they belong. In the younger generation, migrants tell of frequently receiving racial slurs and being socially excluded, this is without a doubt a major problem. I recall an instance in my primary school years, being referred to as an Australian Aboriginal and repeatedly being told to ‘go back to where I came from’. A neighbour had also banned his daughter from playing with ‘the black bastard next door’, referring of course to me. Being so young at twelve years of age, we reverted to hiding behind the trees at the park, adjacent to both our properties, and playing out of the view of her father. My friend was clearly distraught by her father’s prejudice however she remained indifferent and oblivious to the irrationality behind his reasoning or restrictions, which limited our play time and friendship. These examples are some of many, and remain imprinted in a young child’s memory. 225 Queensland Department of Fair Trading, ‘Queensland Charities and Associations Online Register’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 50 - Migration is not always a positive experience. “The cultural transaction between the old and the new social setting is often neglected and the transition stage of resettlement proves to be more complicated and confusing to many”.228 Tongan migrants find themselves caught between two shores, with two diverse cultures, contrasting sets of values and sentiments.229 The struggle to adjust to the new Australian Anglo-Saxon society (Western ideals) becomes more challenging and demanding on traditional Tongan values, Tongan communities ‘become more conservative and tend to duplicate familiar social activities’ and become more religious.230 This view by Jupp, twenty years ago, may not be accurate today, as Tongans take on a variety of new roles in Australia’s multicultural society. Other problems also include the struggle to find adequate employment. A substantial number of first-generation migrants face problems inherent in shift work, uncongenial factory or work environments, and even exploitation, as the working period is often irregular, underpaid and short.231 Tongans are also predominantly committed to goals which encourage strong work ethics, thus, making them valuable employees.232 Wages in Australia are also much higher than in Tonga, so people accept the problems and sacrifices. In turn, Tongans subsequently accept below-average wages during the early period of their stay in Australia, because they tend to focus more on the long term outcome than the short term.233 Employment In 1991, up to 59 percent of Tongans living in Australia were employed as tradesmen, production process-workers or labourers. An estimated 11 percent worked as professionals such as doctors, dentists and senior public servants.234 A growing number of migrants also worked as seasonal labourers, predominantly fruit picking, and travelling or moving to where jobs are found. In Queensland areas such as Gatton, Laidley, Lowood, Toowoomba, as well as on the North region of Mundubbera 228 J. Jupp, (ed.) (2001), op cit. p. 709. 229 Ibid. 230 Ibid. 231 W. Cowling, (2002), op cit. pp. 101-2. 232 Ibid. 233 Ibid. 234 J. Jupp, (ed.) (1991), op cit; M. Horner, (2001), op cit. p. 349. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 51 - have clusters of Tongan migrants. The industries they work in are seasonal, including onions, grapes, oranges, strawberries, tomatoes and sometimes apples. Some families also lease out blocks of land to grow crops such as sweet potatoes, yams, manioke or tapioca¸ and the green leafy plant pele (hibiscus spinach)235, to sell for an income. These products are generally sold or distributed within the Tongan community in Brisbane or sent to Sydney where most of the Tongan migrants in Australia reside. In Melbourne, Mildura, Robinvale and Griffith, towns in the border of New South Wales and Victoria, are areas in which the Tongan community reside or travel to for work as seasonal labourers. For Tongans it is difficult to find good jobs and stable incomes for a number of reasons. Some believe that this is due to their qualifications not being recognised, lack of skilled work experience in the Australian work force, and importantly language barriers. Tongans believe most Anglo-European Australians do not appreciate the struggle that is faced by many Tongan migrants. Others also choose to jump straight into full time employment in factories or as seasonal labourers because they have no other available options. For instance some initial migrants have been known to push their adult children towards employment to assist with bringing over the rest of the family in Tonga, or to simply pay for their mortgages and other bills ke fua ‘a e kavenga ‘o e famili. A growing number of Tongans tend to change their motives for migrating from the initial goal of giving their children a better vision in life to seeking their own material goals, such as economic and financial gain.236 Education There is a similar trend in how a person is educated amongst the Pacific Island Communities as in Australia. For example, a Tongan professional, who has been well educated in Tonga and previously held what is deemed a professional job, will enrol their children in a prestigious private school, and understand the significance of putting their children through the ‘best’ school, thus motivating their children to 235 Scientific name is Abelmoschus manihot; Hibiscus.org (2009) Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 52 - achieve their fullest potential in academia. Those who are raised to take advantage of the opportunities available to them are willing to take the lead and seek out other career choices, apart from hard labour. Many pursue further studies, becoming lawyers, accountants, teachers, nurses, business men and women and other professional jobs. On the other hand, there are numerous Tongan migrants who choose to ignore the significance of educating their children, and put them through whichever school is closest or cheapest. As soon as they complete their education children are then pushed to take on full time employment to assist the family. Conflicts then arise when an educated child becomes agitated and questions their parents’ authority. From various observations, it is clear that career counselling and external assistance from friends and parents is an avenue for addressing these concerns. In some cases when a child reaches teenage years or their adult years, they either choose to stay home or they disagree with their parents and leave. Once they leave home, they are able to achieve their goal and pursue their chosen career path. For example, a young Tongan female, whom I shall call Mele, was raised by parents who had not received a full education. Mele was enrolled in a variety of private schools; however, she had dropped out by year nine, as a direct result of her parents’ divorce. Consequently, Mele ran away from home at thirteen years of age. She sought assistance from the Salvation Army and was put in a refuge. She remained in the Salvation Army’s care until she reached an appropriate age, which was followed by her attending University to complete her Bachelor of Psychology and a Diploma of Duo-Diagnosis. Mele now resides in New Zealand working for a charity organisation and living out her dream thanks to all the support she could access when she needed it most. Families breaking up and changing roles have both advantages and disadvantages. There is also evidence of children who wish to pursue higher education but are denied access due to lack of finance, poverty, as well as the residual implications of amendments to the Trans Tasman Agreement.237 Kearney in her commentary, ‘Unlucky in a lucky country: A comments on policies and practices that restrict access 237 J. Kearney (2012), ‘Unlucky in a lucky country: A commentary on policies and practices that restrict access to higher education in Australia’, Journal of Social Inclusion, Vol. 3, No.1, p. 130. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 53 - to higher education in Australia’, tells of a young year 12 student, Puleitu Tumama, promising student from Logan City (2011) eager to study law, but cannot due to financial reasons and because her ineligibility for HECS-HELP.238 From a family of six reliant on her mother’s modest income as a machine operator, Puleitu cannot afford the annual university tuition fee of $9,000. Kearney argues that this example is typical of the rapidly growing Pacific Island cohorts who are restricted access to higher education and employment opportunities because of their ineligibility to HECS-HELP. She further argues that most migrants are “unable to proceed with study and career development while they aim to build a meaningful life as Australian citizens. The cycle of disadvantage is cemented. “In this lucky country, they are the unlucky ones”.239 It is clear that Tongans in Australia, particularly in SEQ are struggling with stereotypes, inadequate access to vital services or opportunities such as higher education, government assistance and funding, and continually battling with the surge of migration to identify or set themselves in mainstream society. In summary, the evidence suggests four key assertions relevant to the migration of Tongans in Australia: 1. Tongans are a people of faith, Christianity in most cases; 2. Tongans are dedicated to their famili and kāinga through the maintenance of kavenga; 3. Australia is perceived by the Tongan migrants as a land of abundance and opportunity for improved standards of living for the future generation; and 4. Australia is now home for a sizeable Tongan population. These concepts or ideals are entrenched in the Tongan culture or the continued practices of the anga fakatonga – the Tongan way. This internationalising culture will be addressed in the next chapter, with a particular emphasis on its maintenance in SEQ, and comparisons with America as well as New Zealand. 238 Ibid. 239 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 54 - CHAPTER 4. ANGA FAKATONGA AN INTERNATIONALISING CULTURE On 29 March 2011, a workshop on safeguarding cultural heritage in Tonga was held, to which the Tongan Minister for Education, Women Affairs and Culture, the Honourable Dr ‘Ana Taufe’ulungaki made the following comparison: “The key values of western societies are often said to relate to individual rights and freedoms; justice in terms of equity and access; protection of privacy; promotion of competition and consumerism; and, scientific- rational thinking. Tongan values, on the other hand, which are similar to the values of other Pacific communities, emphasize the holistic nature of life and the centrality of good relationships; the connectivity of the past, present and future; of people, land, sea and sky, and the spirituality that bind them together.”240 The holistic view of life is embodied in what is known to Tongans as the anga fakatonga or the Tongan way. Coupled with the Tongan language (lea fakatonga), it is perceived by many Tongans as defining Tongan identity based on traditions that refer to three key fundamentals: respect (faka’apa’apa), love (‘ofa), and faith (tui).241 Anga fakatonga is an identifying character that differentiates a Tongan from other nationalities and ethnicities, similarly with the faa Samoa. As Taufe’ulungaki described at the 2011 workshop, these Tongan values further include: ofa (love) and its subgroups ‘mafana’, which drives ‘ofa to action; malie, its transforming quality; and potupotu tatau, its equitable distributive principle; faka’apa’apa (respect) feveitokai’aki (reciprocity) lototō (humility) mamahi’i me’a (commitment) faitotonu (integrity) feongoongoi (transparency and accountability).242 240 ‘Ana Taufe’ulungaki, (30 March 2011) ‘Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage’, Tonga Government Portal. < http://www.mic.gov.to/press-releases/2318-dr> [Accessed: 30 March 2011]. 241 H. Lee, (2003), Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 235; T.M. Steen, ‘Creating a Culturally Safe Space for Tongans in Adelaide: the Gap Project’ cited in E. Wood-Ellem, (ed.) (2007), Tonga and the Tongans: Heritage and identity, Tonga Research Association, Melbourne, p. 198. 242 A. Taufe’ulungaki (2011), op cit. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 55 - The term is multifaceted, freely used within the Tongan communities in various host countries like Australia, to characterise the Tongan culture, language and lifestyle. It emphasises the importance of family, “kinship, community, respect, discipline, generosity, loyalty, obedience to parents, elders and authority”.243 Lee suggests that anga fakatonga also goes “even to the point that some claim it is possible for someone with no Tongan ‘blood’ to be accepted as Tongan if they are competent in these respects”.244 For example, in Brisbane, Sulieni Leiti, one of the Tongan radio announcers on 4EB the Voice of Tonga, is accepted by the Tongan community in Brisbane as a Tongan by association. Although being born a palangi Australian, his understanding of the anga fakatonga and fluency in the language has resulted in immediate acceptance. The prefix “faka” is used throughout the Tongan language to denote a likeness or causation. Defined by C Maxwell Churchward fakatonga means to be: Tongan, like or pertaining to Tongans, in the Tongan manner, [etcetera]. Hence: lea fakatonga, to speak Tongan; or as a noun Tongan word or language.245 Characteristics, commonalities with the homeland, the diaspora and its composite use of the term to differentiate a culture and community from mainstream society are evident through observations of the maintenance of this persona through agents including the Church, social clubs, kava groups, singing groups, bands, sporting teams and on another level through multimedia outlets such as Facebook, Bebo and Myspace. Current uses are exemplified through the continued use of the Tongan language (lea fakatonga), music notation (hiva fakatonga) and culture (anga fakatonga). It is evident in the host nations through festivals, ceremonial celebrations, family functions and through agents that maintain the anga fakatonga (see Chapter 5). It is exhibited in Polynesian festivals in Queensland like the annual Poly-Fest, Pasifika Festival and Island reggae concerts that promote Pacific Island bands. 243 M. Hansen, (2004), ‘The Loss and Transformation of the Tongan Culture and its Effect on Tongan American families in Utah’, submitted to Dr. Haruko Moriyasu for McNair Summer Symposium p. 3. 244 H. Lee, (2003), Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 235. 245 C. M. Churchward, (1959) op cit. p. 114. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 56 - In assimilation to Australian society, migrant communities learn to adapt or create a new platform for various cultural discussions and understanding. Maintaining the Tongan way or anga fakatonga and shifting from various facets of Tongan society to a more Westernised influence, fused with inherently Tongan ideologies leading to a possible “cultural comparison”,246 is examinable. It is a culture that epitomises Marcus’ claim of an internationalising culture.247 With extended family estates overseas, Tongans maintain that connection or link and transmigration. This is the transnationalism described by Lee in her studies of this ethnic community. By maintaining the use of the language, anga fakatonga and hiva fakatonga as well as the form of performances or art form such as the lakalaka, ngaahi hiva fakatonga are maintained and incorporated into the ethnic celebratory events within the diaspora. The elements of anga fakatonga in its internationalising nature form the basis of Tonga’s Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH). Anga Fakatonga – Intangible Cultural Heritage ICH emerged as a term in the 1990s, which eventuated in the adoption of the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003.248 This differs from tangible culture that is based on historical, geographic or scientific objects. In contrast to tangible culture, “intangible cultural heritage cannot be touched and interacted with, without the vehicle for the culture”.249 This form of cultural heritage consists of, but is not limited to, songs, music, drama, poetry, skills, and crafts. It has been said to be “the mainspring of humanity’s cultural diversity and its maintenance guarantees continuing creativity”.250 HRH Princess Nanasipau’u Tuku’aho, now Queen of Tonga,251 suggests that for a Tongan, heritage is the gift of identity.252 She also argues that Tongans are taught their heritage from a young age, passed through generations. As a child and regardless of where a Tongan may reside 246 M. Hansen, (2004), op cit. 247 G. E. Marcus, (1993), op cit. p. 21. 248 A. Taufe’ulungaki, (2011), op cit. 249 Ibid. 250 Ibid. 251 Hereinafter referred to as Her Majesty (HM), she is the eldest daughter of the late Noble Vaea of Houma and Tuputupu (from the Ma’afu family), married to the current King Tupou VI. 252 Then HRH Princess Nanasipau’u Tuku’aho, ‘Ko e ‘Otua mo Tonga ko hoku Tofi’a (God and Tonga are my Inheritance)’, cited in E. Wood-Ellem, (ed.) (2007), Tonga and the Tongans heritage and identity, Alphington, Victoria: Tonga Research Association, p. 2. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 57 - in future, whether in the homeland or diaspora, one carries these teachings for life.253 She advocates that Tongan cultural heritage is built on heredity, for example, relatives, inheritance of family estates, tradition, aptitude, genealogy and ethics that are taught to children.254 From a Tongan perspective, cultural heritage, including dances and the arts are not used as a form of economic or financial growth for an individual. It is a form that is practiced through ceremonies and celebrations, to adapt or promote the culture cannot be accounted to one person. In 2009 to 2010 I conducted a research survey in English amongst a group of second- generation Tongan migrants in the SEQ region (see Appendix D). Participants surveyed were asked to address what it means by fakatonga, and to provide examples. The following are typical answers: Tongan and cultural ways of doing something according to me the Tongan way... For example the Tongan dance. You have to dance a certain way to make a Tongan dance a Tongan dance which is fakatonga. (female, 24 year old) It means to make something Tonga[n], like Faka-Me, which is white Sunday but yet Tongans grew up with it being done in Tongan language meaning Tongan mats and all. (female, 26 year old) To know the Tongan routes; traditions and cultural norms, which are a mixture of historical Tongan cultural norms with the religious influence of Christianity. (male, 23 years old) It means to ensure that the traditions and cultures of my homeland is carried out where the rightful titleholders of family elders and chiefs, particularly the hierarchy of society is strictly observed, to the dot, without modification or minor alterations. (male, 31 year old)255 It is apparent from the responses to this inquiry that fakatonga is synonymous with the Tongan way, which includes: to portray, live and be a Tongan through standards, behaviour, language, and by association. It is both physically and by affiliation. These responses are indicative of the views commonly held by Tongan migrants in Australia. Based on culture and traditions, it is the aspect of doing something a certain way – like a Tongan – whether it be the Tongan dance, Faka-Me, dress, song, 253 Ibid. 254 E. Wood-Ellem, (ed.) (2007), op cit. p. 3. 255 Brisbane, Surveyed 2009-2010, pseudonyms used throughout when referring to the surveys conducted. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 58 - language or family gatherings. These are inherent traits that are not particularly identifiable as conforming to hegemonic societal values. The Institute of Education of the University of the South Pacific, based in Tonga, have embarked on a “Cultural Mapping” exercise that aims to identify and categorise every intangible and tangible cultural heritage of Tonga.256 This project proposes to capture and document through electronic and digital form, the songs, music, dance, stories, artefacts and cultural spaces associated with every island group, community and individual, which is recognised as forming part of Tonga’s cultural heritage.257 The purpose is to ensure that a national cultural policy is developed that will entrench processes through which intangible culture is transmitted from one generation to the next. Taufe’ulungaki maintains that this project is to further safeguard traditions and to ensure that there is continuity of traditional knowledge, shared by each group and community within Tonga.258 This form of intangible cultural heritage exemplified in the protocols of the anga fakatonga and its multilayered practices is prevalent within the Tongan diasporic communities (see Chapter 5). The Tongan motto: Koe ‘Otua mo Tonga ko hoku tofi’a (God and Tonga are my inheritance) is proclaimed by earlier Tongan migrants to SEQ. ‘Asinate Samate has examined this maxim. 259 She compares the origin with the meaning of ‘inheritance’. Samate argued that there is a “unity of the double strand or double layer”, where the individual and community, the past and the future, the Church and State, lotu and ako are two sides of the same coin. Samate makes the following comparison with the American motto “In God we trust” stating that like America, Taufa’ahau Tupou I made this inclusive.260 This dogma, fused with the core values of the anga fakatonga and Tonga’s intangible wealth, symbolises Tonga’s “most treasured resources, linking its past to its present, and to its future”.261 Whether this ethos is maintained and continued by second generation migrants in SEQ will be addressed. 256 A. Taufe’ulungaki, (2011), op cit. 257 Ibid. 258 Ibid. 259 ‘A. Samate, ‘Re-Imaging the Claim that God and Tonga are my Inheritance’, cited in E. Wood- Ellem, (ed.) (2007), op cit. p. 47. 260 E. Wood-Ellem, (ed.) (2007), op. cit. p. 50. 261 A. Taufe’ulungaki (2011), op cit. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 59 - As with other Pacific peoples, Tongans share the valuing of the group above that of the individual and relationships within the group are nurtured by these values. Tongans are defined through their relationships, which give rise to values that aspire to nurture, promote and sustain those relationships, what is known to a Tongan as tauhi vā (maintain one’s relationship).262 This determines an individual’s mindset, process of information; the nature, form, structure and attainment of knowledge; rules dictating speech and communicative behaviour; and consequently educational strategies.263 Taufe’ulungaki argues that the thought processes of the people from the Pacific is understood to be right-brain dominated. It has the propensity to be “creative, holistic and spatial; divergent instead of linear logical; interpersonal, which favours group activities, spoken over written language; demonstration and doing rather than verbal direction; and kinaesthetic, which lends itself to physical activities”.264 Tongans for an example, clearly make distinction between knowledge (‘ilo) that is acquired through learning (ako) and wisdom (poto), which is the constructive use of ‘ilo or knowledge.265 This understanding or ‘ilo is not expected to be achieved for its own sake but only if it is meaningful and for benefits of others, in most instances for the famili and kāinga.266 This distinction is prevalent in SEQ, where Tongan migrants maintain strong relations with friends, famili and kāinga in Tonga, as with the diasporic communities. The status of women is quite prominent in the Tongan culture. Pre-contact anga fakatonga institutionalised the high status of women domestically and within the Tongan marketplace.267 Anga fakatonga was said to be primarily influenced by age, gender and sisterhood as well as privilege based on pedigree and status more than other factors. It has been noted that chiefly women wielded “legitimate secular and spiritual influence and power” and were not confirmed by gender specific, restrictive tapu (taboo). Even with the influences of foreign political systems and Western 262 Ibid. 263 Ibid. 264 Ibid. 265 Thaman, 1998 cited in A. Taufe’ulungaki (2011), op cit. 266 A. Taufe’ulungaki (2011), op cit. 267 B. Kartchner (2010-2011) ‘CEDAW in Tonga: The Necessity of Making CEDAW Anga Fakatonga’, Gonzaga Journal of International Law, Vol. 14, Issue 2. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 60 - Christianity, foreign concepts have never replaced the kin based stratification system from pre-contact times. Tonga’s constitutional monarchical government is an example of how Tonga has adapted the common law based Westminster system in which its laws are enacted, to fit in with the anga fakatonga. The separation between ‘eiki (royal blood) and tu’a (common blood) was an interpretation of the European monarchical system of governance that supplemented an already complex system in Tonga.268 The acceptance of Christianity, starting in 1797, instilled notions of gender hierarchy, supporting Christian ideals of a European patriarchy in Tonga.269 Early missionaries to Tonga found that in teaching Tongan women the domestic ideals of a wife to be ‘loving, faithful and obedient’ was not a foreign concept, but aligned with anga fakatonga roles of a woman.270 This is maintained in the diaspora, where Tongan women and their daughters continue to play an active role in domestic duties and adhere to the rule of the head of the household. Women, particularly sisters are treated with reverence, and associated with the hou’eiki characters of sanctity, restraint, dignity and superiority as authority, and are also expected to show restraint.271 Sisters become the mehikitanga, a title granted on any sister that acts as ‘eiki or chief over their brother’s children. In assuming the role of a mehikitanga, a woman becomes the fahu. The institution of fahu (father’s oldest sister) is an important one in the family relationship as it represents the highest form of respect in the system. Brothers are subordinate to the one in the fahu position, and the mehikitanga authority and privilege is exerted over the entire extended family on their brother’s side. In this sense every Tongan is a fahu of some sort and at the same time a tu’a to someone else, should they marry within the culture and to Tongan men that adhere to these cultural practices. This is maintained in Tonga and to an extent within international diasporic communities. Dependant on the women in authority, practices may become authoritarian or noninterventionist. Marriage to a foreigner or non-Tongan person can severely alter and in most cases break down this 268 Ibid. 269 Ibid. 270 Ibid. 271 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 61 - relationship.272 However, this research has revealed that these practices continue to exist in the Tongan diaspora, particularly so in SEQ. In the anga fakatonga maternity leave for women is deeply rooted in the Tongan culture. After the birth of a child, women are expected to rest, relax, and gather strength, while the child is doted on by their mother’s, aunts or sisters for the first three months. The famili then gather for the po tama (night of meeting the child) where gifts are exchanged from both sides of the family. This is a common practice in Tonga and has been evidently maintained in the diaspora, where at the birth of a child family members assemble to provide assistance so that the mother receives adequate rest.273 This is continually difficult to sustain in the diaspora, due to the loss of a mother figure and lack of female assistance, and most commonly, their own work commitments. In every village in Tonga, there are chiefs and commoners. This is why the kinship relationship has become the firm foundation of the Tongan society. Within this system every Tongan feels the chiefly dignity of being somebody as well as the responsibility of serving someone else. This is the essence of the Tongan social structure and way of life – anga fakatonga. To be Tongan does not simply mean knowing the language and culture, but having a heart of a Tongan, or loto’i Tonga274. For many Tongan migrants to SEQ, being a Tongan means visibly representing their Tongan attributes to mainstream society. In undertaking this study, I surveyed and interviewed many younger generation Tongan migrants that have related through the surveys of their new found ‘Tongan’ identity within Australia. There is also a current trend for younger generation migrants within SEQ to return to Tonga and volunteer at a school or enrol as a student within the relevant corresponding bible college, for instance in the SUTT example, Sia’atoutai Theological College. In the last three years, I have personally known of seven second generation Tongan migrants who have returned to Tonga to either tutor or teach at a school. Interestingly they are all 272 Pers. observations, Brisbane, 2009 – 2010. 273 Pers. observation, Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne examples, 2008-2010. I recall as a child my mother and I would live with my aunt following a birth of her child. My mother would tend to the newborn child while my aunt rested. 274 Literal translation: Heart of a Tongan. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 62 - female. These are a few of many examples of continued links or ties with the homeland that characterise being Tongan in Australia. Lea Fakatonga The Tongan language or speaking in Tonga (lea fakatonga) is often regarded as a crucial marker of authentic identity and can become a powerful means of asserting membership in a group, both to members of that group and to the wider society.275 The Tongan language has been recorded as being spoken by approximately 95,000 people, mainly in Tonga.276 A large number of Tongan migrants in diasporic communities in American Samoa, Australia, Canada, Fiji, New Zealand, Niue, America and other communities overseas also speak Tongan. Missionaries first recorded the Tongan language in the early 19th century using a number of different spelling systems.277 The current system that is used in Tonga and overseas was promulgated by the Privy Council of Tonga in 1943. The Tongan alphabet (Ko e motu’alea Tonga) is composed of 17 letters, including an apostrophe as outlined below.278 Common phrases in Tongan with their English translations are provided as Appendix C. Tu’ungafasi – Hiva fakatonga “Tongan people are a people who love music, it doesn’t matter what music, but they love music, that’s their style, that’s their life.”279 Tongans believe that Tongan music or singing in Tongan (hiva fakatonga) is an inherited characteristic for most Tongan 275 H. Lee, (2003), Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 235. 276 Simon Ager, Omniglot, - writing systems & languages of the world, “Tongan (Fakatonga)” http://www.omniglot.com/writing/tongan.htm [Accessed: 17 June 2011]. 277 Ibid. 278 Ibid. 279 ATYB bandleader cited in D. G. Hebert (2008), ‘Music Transmission in an Auckland Tongan Community Youth Band’, International Journal of Community Music, Vol 1, No. 2, p 175. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 63 - individuals. Historically, Tongan music notation was developed in the 1860s by Dr James Moulton, a prominent missionary to Tonga and former Principal of Tupou College. 280 Tongan music from the pre-European time was not really music in the current interpretation of the word but rather a non-tonic recital, a style regarded nowadays and performed by various Tongan dance groups and churches as tau fakaniua (lit. means battle of the Niua people). In the 19th century, missionaries to Tonga started to teach singing, they found the do-re-mi-fa-so-la-ti-do scale sufficient, avoiding complex and difficult to learn international music notations.281 Moulton quickly discovered, when this scale is Tonganised to to-le and so forth, it had sexual connotations inappropriate for the task at hand.282 They were however limited by the number of consonants in the Tongan language as outlined above. Dr Moulton then developed a system whereby the main notes were indicated with the numbers 3 to 9, while a strike to the digits were used to sharpen them depending on where they stand in the scale, for example 7, being 7# or 8b. He then ended up with full 12 notes of the octave: 3 – 3 – 4 – 4 – 5 – 6 – 6 – 7 – 7 – 8 – 8 – 9. “The notation system is essentially a form of movable-do solfege, encoded in Tongan numbers, these notes are pronounced: to – lu – fa – ma – ni – o – no – tu – fi – va – a – hi.283 These are variants of the Tongan numerals from 3 to 9, being tolu, fā, nima, ono, fitu, valu, hiva. To extend the single octave into the next higher octave, a dot can be put above the number to indicate the octave shift. To reach the next lower octave, a dot or a little tail can be put under the number. If needed, two tails can be taken to arrive at even lower pitches, but that is used rarely. The notation is made for human singing; it does not need to have the extended range of musical instruments. This notation developed by Dr Moulton, referred to as Tongan notation is extremely popular and cherished by the Tongans. It has maintained four part harmonies, the first line is the leader and is called the fasi or soprano, the next line is the kanokano or alto, followed by the third line tenoa or tenor and then the last line laulalo or the bass.284 280 O. Māhina, Reed Book of Tongan proverbs. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 64 - At times there are less voices used depending on the music. So long as the fasi and laulalo remain, harmonies are kept.285 It is extremely common to see bandmasters writing out the music on the blackboards in Australian church halls during choir practices. A sample taken from a tu’ungafasi, or music notation from a popular Tongan dance song.286 Lakalaka Often considered Tonga’s national dance, the Lakalaka was originally proclaimed to be, in 2003 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) and later inscribed in 2008 on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity List.287 It is a blend of choreography, oratory, vocal polyphony, musical composition, and texts relating to the local legends and history.288 This vibrant cultural expression is practiced by communities throughout the Kingdom of Tonga and features prominently at important celebrations such as the coronation of the monarch and the anniversary of the constitution. The term lakalaka translates to mean “to step briskly or carefully”.289 The tradition developed in the nineteenth century with fervent patronage of the Royal family and underwent a revival in the twentieth century.290 This form of dance is maintained within the diaspora through church celebrations and ceremonious occasions. Tongan cultural groups have also incorporated this art form with the assistance of a punake (dance curator) to compose 285 Ibid. 286 Ibid. 287 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (2008), ‘Intangible Heritage List: The Lakalaka, Dances and Sung Speeches of Tonga’ Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 65 - as well as choreograph for particular events such as a church opening or an annual dance competition at a conference. Performances last approximately thirty minutes and involve large groups numbering up to several hundred people, dependant on the occasion and participants. It consists of an alignment in rows of men to the left and women to the right from the dancers’ point of view. The middle performer is reserved for members of the Royal family or descendants of nobility depending on the highest ranked person at the event. The maintenance of this type of ICH is common in the diaspora, or Tongan migrants to SEQ. In comparison to Tonga, a trend in Australia, particularly SEQ, is the increasing reservation of the Faifekau’s or the Minister’s children.291 The men perform rapid and energetic movements, while women execute graceful dance steps coordinated with elegant hand gestures to flow with the drumming and the tempo of the music.292 The dense polyphony of the singing combined with the synchronised movements of hundreds of dancers offers an impressive spectacle. The creative force behind the performance is the punake who is the poet, composer, choreographer and performance director. According to the tradition, the punake is expected to continually renew the lakalaka repertory, while exploring themes related to Tongan history, legend, values and social structure.293 The lakalaka itself tells a story and there exists certain customs and hierarchical stance on the different places of the lakalaka. Over the past few decades, the number of performances has diminished and young composers tend to recycle the existing repertory rather than create new compositions.294 Interestingly, a repertoire of the lakalaka is performed throughout Australia in church performances, festivals, ceremonies and in a church katoanga or konifelenisi (celebrations or conference).295 Kava Ceremonies Kava ceremonies are also prominent within the anga fakatonga. It is a custom often performed during primary cultural functions such as a weddings, 21st birthdays, graduations and funerals. This differs from the taumafa kava which is only performed 291 Pers. observations in Brisbane Tongan functions and performances 2009. 292 Ibid. 293 Ibid. 294 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (2008), op cit. 295 Cultural observations in 2009 to 2011. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 66 - for Royal ceremonies held for a royal death or marriage, bestowing of a noble title or coronation. His Majesty the King of Tonga must be in attendance in such ceremonies.296 In Australia, the kava ceremony is frequently used by families of privilege. This ceremony is a showcase of lineage, kingship and in celebration of the individual or couple having attained or warranted such festivities. In the Homeland Anga fakatonga in Tonga influences social norms of behaviour within the powerful Tongan family structure and also Tongan politics.297 As Tongan traditions allocate great amounts of power to individuals based on age and gender within the confines of its matriarchic, the meihikitanga or fahu impacts on all aspects of Tonga’s hierarchical society.298 It is also suggested that for future political and legal reform efforts to succeed in Tonga, the reform itself must function within the limits of anga fakatonga.299 This was exemplified on the 17th of September 2009 when Tonga’s Legislative Assembly considered ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and members voted 18 to 1 with 4 abstentions not to ratify CEDAW at that time.300 At that time, the Legislative Assembly stated that it: “... believed that to ratify CEDAW would cut across our cultural and social heritage that makes up the Tongan way of life. It would require the creation of fundamental changes for every Tongan citizen to a way of life and social organisation that has sustained Tonga to date ... [it] could not in good conscience force those fundamental changes upon the Tongan people. In any event the majority of the Tongan people, much like the majority of the Legislative Assembly on this resolution to reject ratification of CEDAW, would not accept such fundamental changes.”301 The Tongan Government reiterating what its representatives had stated in 2008 at Geneva before the United Nations Human Rights Council during the Universal 296 Tongan Monarchy, ‘Taumafa Kava’, Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 67 - Periodic Review that: “... in the Tongan social structure women outrank their male relatives. Women are respected and cherished. Women outnumber men in educational achievement at primary, secondary and tertiary level. Leadership positions in business and government are held by women.”302 The Tongan Parliament indicated that rather than ratify CEDAW with reservations and thereby compromise Tonga’s long family, cultural and social history, Tonga would address specific areas of concern for women such as domestic violence, and continue to cherish and respect their unique place in the society.303 On 10 October 2008, the late King Tupou V appointed a Royal Land Commission and a Law Commission to review issues surrounding the ownership, acquisition, management and dispositions of land in the administration of justice.304 The Royal Land Commission held a public forum in SEQ in the end of May 2011 comprised of two meetings. This was momentous in that it addressed major issues faced by a number of Tongan migrants who continue to hold land in the homeland or are dual citizens. One particular issue was amending the current Land Act (the Act) to allow for women with Tongan citizenship status to own land in Tonga. Currently the provisions stipulate at section 2 of the Act amongst other provisions, that a: "landholder" or "holder" means- (a) as regards Crown Land the Minister of Lands; (b) any Tongan subject holding a hereditary estate (tofia), a tax allotment (api tukuhau) or town allotment (api kolo). A landholder or holder under section 4 of this Act further have interest “in any hereditary estate, tax allotment or town allotment is a life interest subject to the prescribed conditions”. Every estate in Tonga is hereditary according to the prescribed rules of succession. In accordance with these rules, certain circumstances apply and only male heirs born in wedlock may inherit with other criteria.305 302 Ibid. 303 Ibid. 304 Ibid; Royal Land Commission: Komisoni Faka-Tu’i Ki He Kelekele. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 68 - Tonga has adapted acceptable doctrines of various foreign philosophies to mould with the pre-existing framework of anga fakatonga.306 Bryce Kartchner argues that “Modern Tonga has persisted in preserving the old ways. Thus, political notions of human rights that are compatible with an ordering system based on age, maleness and femaleness, and sisterhood will be more likely to succeed than those”.307 He further suggests that Tonga’s monarchical government is one example of how Tonga has adapted foreign ideas to suit, within the confines of anga fakatonga.308 But are foreign ideologies suitable for this nation state? Will it improve the standard of living in Tonga? Will these ideals ensure that the rights held by women are adequately protected? For instance, women’s rights to own land in Tonga is one of many that are debated within the current political environment and are discussed widely in the SEQ community. Internationalising Culture In an era of globalisation the opening of air travel routes to Tonga and the access to other mediums through the World Wide Web, act as the link that connects dispersed estates and families. Overseas Tongans teach their children island history, folklore, customs, and family tradition in an attempt to raise their children with Tongan values; island dignitaries, dance, traditional goods, and food from the islands are factors that also assist in reproducing and maintaining the anga fakatonga in the international diasporic communities.309 These links together with network groups, extensive connections through dispersed family estates, ex-student associations, village groups, kava groups, churches and sporting associations assist in building what Marcus describes as the Tongan culture or anga fakatonga becoming an internationalising culture. Online social networks such as Facebook play a major role in maintaining the link between international diasporic communities (a list of relevant Facebook communities 306 B. Kartchner, (2010-2011), op cit. 307 Ibid. 308 Ibid. 309 C. A. Small and D. L. Dixon, (2004), Migration Policy Unit: ‘Tonga: Migration and the Homeland’, Migration Information Source. < http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=198> [Accessed: 20 August 2011]. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 69 - in Appendix A). “I’m Proud to be Tongan” (IPBT) is a Facebook group administered by Malakai Uhi who currently resides in America. He states: “Whether you are Tongan by birth, by inheritance from parents or by the process of naturalisation, we are bound together by a unique language, customs, culture, tradition and history. The ‘anga fakatonga’ or Tongan way is based on love and generosity gives emphasis to the importance of family more than any other, but also stresses the importance of kinship, community, respect, discipline, generosity, loyalty and obedience to parents, elder and authority. Tongan all over the world have adapted the ‘anga fakatonga’ or Tongan way to develop and build strong families, relationships and communities. Love seems the one part of the anga fakatonga which all Tongans have abundance of no matter where they live. Nuku’alofa, the capital of Tonga when translated to English means ‘the abode of love’. Being Tongan means having lots of love in your heart for God, family, friends and the community. This page is a reminder to us to be proud to be Tongan and may it also bring us together to create a strong positive online community for current and future generations where we live.” 310 The following is a quote from a member of the “Democracy for the People of Tonga” (DPT) another Facebook site, who wishes to remain anonymous stating: “Kataki pee [Apologies] if I may sound ohonoa ka koe anga pee ia etau mateaki'i mo mamahi'i hotau ki'i Fonua... Mo'oni pee ho'o lauu...Neongo pee kuo kamata 'a e Liliuu pe kuo pau pe 'e iai a e lelei moe kovi, ka oku ou polepole pe mo laukau 'aki hota anga fkfonua i he fkapaapaa, ofaa, tauhi vaha'aa, moe fanga ki'i me'a [but that is the way we represent and stand up for our country…There is some truth in what you say…Even though the change has begun there is always going to be good and bad, but I stick to our traditional characteristics, respect, love, maintaining relations, and so forth] that may sound launoa to some people but I treasure it forever, that's what [I] am afraid to lose because that's what makes us Tongans so unique and distinguishes mei he ngaahi fonua kehee! [from other countries!] I do work with different ethnicities and they love the uniqueness of our Culture...they so admire how Tongan men put their wives on pedestals...you hardly find that anywhere else in the World nowadays whether [we’re] in Tonga or Abroad! I do know that our kids observe & learn through us that our Culture will live forever through Generations to Generation!”311 [Emphasis added, English translation in brackets]. 310 Facebook, ‘I’m Proud to be Tongan’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 70 - Another site, “Tongans do it best” declare on their information page: Welcome to Tongans do it best. This page is about sharing our experiences, our stories and our Tongan culture. Please share your talents, participate in discussions, upload photo[s] and video[s] and feel free to ask questions. Tongans are humble and friendly people so we ask that respect be shown not only in the real world but in this forum. We hope you enjoy your stay and we are open to suggestions as to how we can improve the content published on the page. Malo, Admin Team.312 IPBT has some 6,651 active members. DPT is also quite active with an estimated 4040 members worldwide. Out of the many Tongan identified groups on Facebook, these two are the most vigorous with heated discussions on migration, culture, politics, monarchy, and family (Table 1.1 of Appendix A sets out a number of Facebook pages and groups dedicated to or including the Tongan identity, culture, sports, political and social views). Networks through the internet have assisted in creating forums in which Tongans residing overseas can address these issues, but the question is what sort of “Tongans” do they promote? From the extracts taken from various Facebook pages, it is evident that there exists a group of Tongan migrants that promote the uniqueness of the culture through these pages. My own family connections in Australia include an intense cycle of funerals, weddings, birthdays and graduations. I have attended, observed and played a role in a large number of ceremonies and celebrations. It is clear primarily from experience that the anga fakatonga is continually adopted, adapted, reconstructed and utilised in certain family and state celebrations. Certain Tongan observances such as the kava ceremony in a wedding and graduation are vital in the anga fakatonga and my own graduation involved a culturally rich teaching of the ceremony’s obligations. It is quite evident within the international Tongan diasporic communities, particularly so in SEQ, that certain strict practices such as the kava ceremony are still celebrated, whether small or in a larger scale. However, there have been arguments raised to say that there is a decline. In a critique of Lee’s work, Marcus agrees that the overall 312 Description of group membership as on Facebook group page “Tongans do it best”, [Accessed: 15 May 2011]. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 71 - picture of what seems to survive of anga fakatonga for second generation Tongan youth in the diaspora seems to be bleak indeed.313 Marcus concludes by stating that Lee’s study clearly shows that by the 1990s anga fakatonga in the diaspora, at least in the community with which Lee is most familiar, has very weak contextual associations with a functioning and distinctive Tongan social order.314 Nevertheless, having attended and personally witnessed a number of traditional Tongan weddings in SEQ in the last 5 years, it is clear that the Tongan culture is maintained as well as evolving. This is evident in the pictures below, of a Tongan kava ceremony in a wedding that was held in America and is also adapted and continued throughout Tongan communities in SEQ. It showcases the maintenance of a culture within the Diaspora, particularly so with the continued use of such crafts and fine mats, traditions of an oceanic people, linked not only through family, but also through culture. This not only limited to the Tongans in Tonga, but also includes the Tongans overseas. The couple are adorned with intricately woven Tongan cloth and decorated with exotic feathers. The elaborate kava ceremony reinforces and is symbolic of the matrimonial covenant thus legitimatising the union within the teachings of the anga fakatonga. This practice is frequent within a typical Tongan marriage in Tonga, and interestingly also in the diaspora. In the various Tongan marriage ceremonies I have attended in the last couple of years between two people of Tongan ethnicity, all have included a form of the kava ceremony, prior to the service or immediately after. This does not necessarily occur in marriages between a Tongan and a foreigner, someone of non-Tongan ethnicity. It depends on the couple and their families. 313 G. E. Marcus (2003), ‘Review of Helen Morton Lee: Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press’, The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 112, No. 4, p. 425. 314 G. E. Marcus, (2003), op cit. p. 425-426. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 72 - The bride in her traditional Tongan attire prior to the kava ceremony. Photos courtesy of the bride. A wedding couple adorned in traditional Tongan attire prior to their Tongan kava ceremony. Photos courtesy of the bride. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 73 - Photos from the kava ceremony, August 2009 held in California, America. Photos courtesy of the bride.315 Amelika Lahi316 Moana Hansen, a Tongan living in America has concentrated on addressing cultural issues faced in Utah. She outlines that out of the 2,223,160 in the U.S. Census of 2000 (overall Utah population), only 6,587 were Tongan. They make up 0.3% of the Utah population. Hansen labels the Tongan community an invisible population. She 315 Photographers remain anonymous. 316 This is used within the community to refer to the United States of America, as one of the larger nations and country of choice for migrants seeking a better life. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 74 - suggests that the concept of anga fakatonga has changed as early migrants to the America have assimilated into the American way of living.317 Hansen argues that many elements of the Tongan culture are gradually being abandoned by migrants, while others have transformed and reconstructed through the ideals of the anga fakatonga through a form of a ‘cultural compromise’. For centuries in Tonga, anga fakatonga has respectfully been passed on to each succeeding Tongan generation. But in the American diaspora, Hansen indicates that “the passing down and teaching of the culture has declined between the first Tongan American migrant generations to younger American born generations”.318 Hansen’s use of the identifier ‘younger Tongan Americans’ refer to a range from younger teenagers to adults with children, similarly categorised in this thesis as second generation Tongan migrants to the diaspora. Hansen argues that the “lack of Tongan cultural awareness instilled in many of these Tongan American adults has led to a little or none of Tongan culture being handed down to their own children”.319 She argues that there is a growing concern with asserting the strength and importance of Tongan culture, which has been accompanied and to some extent motivated by growing fears of a weakening or even loss of the culture. Hansen emphasises in her analysis of the Tongan diaspora in Utah, America, that assimilation to the American culture and conformity through speaking the language of the host nation (English) working in the American workforce, living amongst a community of non-Tongans, has lead to a cultural loss.320 For many Tongan Americans living the American way of life means leaving the Tongan way behind.321 Similarly, in Australia, Lee has argued most individuals raised outside the traditional environment are starting to move away from the strict practices of the anga fakatonga.322 The conflicting cultures of an individualistic lifestyle compared to the communal holistic ideals of the Tongan way has risen with the former taking the lead amongst the second generation Tongan migrants in America. 317 M. Hansen, (2004), op cit. p 2. 318 Ibid 319 Ibid. 320 Ibid. 321 M. Hansen (2004), op cit, p. 3. 322 H. Lee (2007), ‘Transforming transnationalism: second generation Tongans overseas’, Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, p. 160. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 75 - Hansen has broken this difference in principles as follows: Anga Fakatonga: American Ideals: Family Material comfort Kinship Competitive-oriented achievement Community Success Respect Versus Individualism Discipline Independence Generosity Loyalty Obedience to parents, elders and authority These complexities and pressures of conforming to the norm or majority in America have resulted in a ‘cultural compromise’, which Hansen calls “the state in which traditions and values are transformed by the new social conditions in which they exist”.323 The transformation of these Tongan values has inevitably affected the second generation Tongan migrants to America and has contributed to a loss of the Tongan identity or the anga fakatonga.324 Whether this view is shared by other international Tongan diasporic communities is yet to be tested. In Utah, which has a large Mormon community, its members are expected to conform to church doctrines and thus dress, speak and associate with fellow believers. This may influence the loss or “cultural compromise” raised by Hansen. Although Hansen has raised a valid argument based on her research in Utah, there is contrasting evidence in the international Tongan diasporic communities in America, particularly California, Alaska and Hawaii that a certain Tongan identity, pertaining and adapted to the region combined with the anga fakatonga is still prevalent. For instance, my family in these areas identify themselves as American-Tongans, and continue to practice the holistic ideals and intangible cultural heritage that is identified as the anga fakatonga, such as support through shared financial assistance, dedication to family ceremonies and gathers, as well as shared responsibilities for the care of elderly parents. This is particularly prevalent with family members that frequently 323 Ibid. 324 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 76 - return to Tonga on holidays or visit family in Tonga, attending birthdays, funerals or weddings. ‘Aoteroa – New Zealand The anga fakatonga is prominent and widespread in the communities in Auckland. Having holidayed and attended several weddings in Auckland, New Zealand, I have witnessed the prevalence of anga fakatonga within this community, through high church attendance and participation.325 New Zealand has a high population of Tongan migrants direct from the homeland. With relaxed migration laws, New Zealand is a country of choice for migrants, as a gateway to possible further migration to larger nation-states such as Australia. In all my visits to Auckland, from a quick transit stop or a weekend stop over, and or a two week holiday, it is evident that Tongans are still in a struggle to assimilate into the host country. The Tongan community in New Zealand is active, with celebrations, church gatherings, conferences, camps and sports days, choir practices, social clubs, sports teams, ex-student committees from schools in Tonga as well as New Zealand, such as the Wesley College alumni.326 The ideals, lea fakatonga, hiva fakatonga, and the art forms together with certain ceremonial aspects are still maintained, because of the high volume of Tongan migration direct from the homeland. This diasporic community is not necessarily seen as an “invisible population” such as Hansen described the Tongan ethnic community in Utah, America. It is evident through my visits and observations that New Zealand born migrants of Tongan ethnicity that now reside in SEQ continue to adhere to the anga fakatonga – respect, family, love and faith. Their visibility in the media, in crime, rugby, music industry, and cultural festivals, also influences how they see themselves as Tongans.327 Younger generations of Tongan migrants are now questioning their identity. This is evident in community functions, churches and also in art. For instance a lyrical 325 Visits to New Zealand include December 2007, December and January 2008, October 2009, three shorter transit visits through Auckland in May, June and September 2010. 326 Pers. observations from extended families and their commitments to these associations and church groups in Auckland. 327 G. Jones, (2009), op cit. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 77 - extract from a song by Nesian Mystic, a band from ‘Aotearoa consisting of members from various Pacific Island nations who were raised in ‘Aotearoa, have a song called “Lost Visions”. The introduction starts off with the following: Unknown Male: Are you educated on your cultural history? To be honest, I’m not. And all I want to know is, why? Unknown Female: Oku tau manatu kihe ngaahi me’a na’e si’i fou mai ai hotau kāinga ‘ihe ... ‘o lava ai ketau ma’u ha ngaahi faingamalie lelei ‘ihe ngaahi ‘aho ko’eni.328 Unknown Male: Even though I live in another country. I still acknowledge my Tongan ancestry. And even though I don’t know it a lot, or as much as I should know about my culture, just like many other people – Hawai’i. Unknown Female: Neongo ‘oku ‘ikai teu fu’u ‘ilo lahi kihe ‘ulungaanga fakatonga, ‘oku ou tui ‘oku ‘iai ‘ae fa’ahinga tokolahi kuo ‘ikai tenau fie’ilo kihe ‘ulungaanga fakatonga, mahalo pe koe ha’u ‘ae kakai muli tokoni’i tautolu ‘o a’u ai pe kihe ‘enau fakahinohino’i kitautolu ‘ihe anga ‘oe nofo, moe ngaahi me’a tetau fai ‘o ‘ikai lava ketau fakamanatu kihe ngaahi faingata’a na’a tau fou mai ai.329 Unknown Male: I’m proud to be Polynesian and I take pride of being Tongan. But because I don’t know much about my culture, does that make me any less of a Polynesian or a Tongan than I am? This extract identifies identity issues raised by young Tongan migrants. In my thesis surveys conducted in 2009 to 2010, there was a question asking whether one identifies as an: Australian, Tongan-Australian, Australian-Tongan or other. The majority ticked “Tongan-Australian”. One respondent in particular when asked in relation to this preference, explained that he first identifies as a Tongan and then as an Australian, as he is viewed by mainstream society in Australia as someone from another country due to the colour of his skin and features, and has also been identified as the Tongan boy by his peers, regardless of the fact that he was born and raised in Australia.330 Other Tongans who were born in Australia and have been raised as Australians struggle with their identity. 328 English translation: “We remember the transition in which our forbearers have traversed from so that we may receive the blessings of today.” 329 English translation: “Even though I do not understand the characteristics of the anga fakatonga, I believe that there are many that do not want to understand these characters, maybe due to the fact that the foreigners assist our people to the point that they showed us the way to live so that we have lost the memory of the past and our struggles.” 330 Anonymous (2009) Brisbane, Surveyed. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 78 - Taka ‘i fonua mahu – Australian The continued practice or adaption of the anga fakatonga in Australia is highly dependent on a number of factors: the degree to which assimilation into the wider mainstream community has occurred, church affiliation, and participation within the Tongan community, lineal connection or links to Tonga, extended family estates, and maintenance of financial contributions to Tonga through remittances.331 Other factors such as intermarriage, education and financial status are also important. It is noted that Tongans who live in “poverty” overseas still manage to find the means to support their kin in Tonga.332 Poverty in this context refers to families making less than the average Australian wage, who are reliant on Centrelink payments and in most cases struggling to pay bills and provide for their family. Even more remarkably, Tongan migrants also find ways to fulfil a range of other obligations such as donating considerable amounts to their churches, to nobility and royalty when they visit the overseas communities on top of the endless round of local fundraising and gift- giving.333 It is not clear if this will continue in the near future with the growing younger generation of Tongan migrants. Anga fakatonga places these extreme obligations on the Tongan migrant, and this can be a cherished link to the island Kingdom, or an unwanted imposition on their new identity. Lee has indicated that when the desires to help family and church in Tonga, as well as fulfil community obligations, overshadows the desire to further their own children’s opportunities in the diaspora, migrants often unwittingly suffer resentment in their children, making many determined not to follow in their parents’ footsteps.334 She has established in her studies within the Tongan community in Melbourne, that the second generation are unwilling to commit fully, if at all, to the obligations and responsibilities their parents’ generation has taken on.335 In the community within Brisbane the kavenga (responsibility) to the family and church is paramount for most first generation Tongan migrants. Similarly with the Melbourne example, the second generation in Brisbane are growingly reluctant to 331Pers. observations and research analysis of surveys conducted in 2009. 332 H. Lee, (2007), ‘Transforming transnationalism: second generation Tongans overseas’, Asia Pacific -Migration Journal, Vol.16, No.2, p. 160. 333 Ibid. 334 Ibid. 335 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 79 - ensure the continuity of financial reliance or dependency. During the period of 2009 to 2010, I attended a number of Tongan functions including funerals, weddings, birthdays, graduations and church celebrations. There were cases in which family members were struggling or financially fatigued due to the duties borne. This was most prevalent in functions where family members were expected to provide financial support for an extravagant amount of Tongan koloa (wealth), as well as assist in paying for the reception feast. From one perspective the expense is wasteful and trumps financial progression, digging deep into member’s finances. For most, this occurs in situations where an event such as a wedding becomes one that showcases a family’s status and financial standing within the community. In comparison with the homeland, where hierarchy is based on family lineage, nobility, and genealogical connection to Royalty, which is shown through a person’s koloa and village of origin, in the new era Tongan society within the diaspora, particularly in Australia, family’s portrays their prestige through material things, such as extravagant weddings, graduations and who owns the nicest vehicle or house. It becomes a battle of the riches. Exogamy is common within the next generation of Tongan migrants in SEQ. The custom of marrying outside one’s village, family, clan or other social group is not something new to the Tongan people. History has shown inter-racial marriages, especially with beachcombers or foreigners later led to the opening of migration away from the homeland. Recently there has been a rise in marriages with Tongan nationals visiting to work or holidaying. My observations, maintaining the identity of the couples’ anonymity, describe the different types of weddings, establish how they maintain the anga fakatonga in the ceremonies and also the use of language and differences in class and socio-economic status. This commitment ranges from extravagant Tongan weddings to small Tongan weddings, to marriages with men visiting from Tonga and also marriages within the wider Australian immigrant community. Art of Ceremonies and Celebrations A wedding is often characterised by expensive luxurious cars, limousines, ferries, buses and chauffeured cars. The cost of these types of weddings begins at an Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 80 - estimated $AUD50,000 and can exceed that, with the guest list generally over 500 people. The churches are decorated lavishly with traditional Tongan mats, including, the lau nima, kie Tonga and fala fihu (the most expensive Tongan mats). On occasions, bridesmaids have numbered as many as sixteen. Venues for the reception are often beyond the budget but show superiority. One such event was at Dockside at Kangaroo Point, with a guest list of over 300 people. This wedding limited the numbers due to the size of the venue and as such many family and acquaintances were not invited to the reception. In comparison, smaller private weddings are now becoming the norm for some Tongan families, keeping numbers to less than 100 people. For instance, in March 2011, I attended a wedding held at the SUTT Church property located at Burpengary, named Tukulolo between two young Tongan migrants. The following are my field notes from the wedding. Location: Tukulolo, SUTT property at Burpengary QLD. Time: 10.00AM Minister: Rev. Sione Tonga Attendance: Est. 90 to 100 people, friends and church members. Observations: It included a guest list of less than 100 people, consisting of close family, friends and work colleagues for both sides. The decorations were not overly extravagant, yet the ceremony was held in both Tongan and English, with a strong Tongan influence. Following the service the wedding couple attended an intricate kava ceremony, held in the Church kava area. This is a traditional Tongan ceremony that signifies and recognises the marriage in the Tongan culture. The service was long and the reception commenced around 2:30PM with a prayer, followed by speeches and performances from both sides of the family. These festivities continued on and concluding at 4:00PM. The couples’ work colleagues were also in attendance with their families. Guests were mostly church members, family and friends as well as acquaintances for instance Tonga College ex-students and their families, this included the Minister that did the service, as well as Viliami ‘Ofaengaue, Minister at the SUTT church, together with Sione Tonga336 and another family friend, ‘Etuate Moimoi, Minister from the Tokaikolo Church in Brisbane at the time. It was clear and obvious that it was a cultural shock for the couples work colleagues that had attended and did not understand the language or traditions, or had not attended a Tongan service prior to. It was also clear that the bride’s siblings and family members as well as friends were still organising the festivities of the day, dressed with their aprons. It was quite noticeable that the family had prepared the wedding feast throughout the 336 The father of Willie Tonga (a well known national Rugby League Player). Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 81 - night. They had continued on through the night cooking for the ‘uluaki Sapate – First Sunday. The wedding was a quaint service with a mixture of both cultures, predominantly Tongan. It was a simple take at the Tongan tradition and one that truly brought out the exhaustion of the family, indecision to the matrimony from siblings and acquaintances of the bride, but a true elation from the couple of the day. Although some of the bride’s family did not agree with the union, this shows the love for their sister, cousin or aunt, whichever it may be, led to their participation in preparing the bridal feast. I wonder whether this is how weddings are catered for in Tonga or whether this is just a diasporic take to it? These weddings show how the anga fakatonga is maintained and adapted to suit similar ceremonies in the Australia. Each wedding showcases the stress endured to create an exquisitely refined and interpretation of the anga fakatonga practices of the past, to lead the next generation into the future. Hufanga ‘Okusitino Mahina noted that: In the Pacific, it is generally thought that people walk forward into the past and they walk backwards into the future, where the past and future are constantly fused and diffused in the present ... this means that the onus of preserving the past and the mapping of the future whether they be for culture’s sake or the humanity of future generations – rests squarely on our shoulders in the present. We, in the Pacific, have our very own wealth of resources, “raw” and “cooked”, “fossilised” in our cultures and languages, all of which are a source of inspiration for us all and it will be our young people who will make this known to the rest of the world.337 This shows there still continues to be a practice of the traditions of the past indoctrinated in the anga fakatonga as maintained and reinfused by the second generation Tongan migrants in SEQ. Graduations and Birthdays In December 2007 my brother and I combined our graduation celebrations both having graduated with undergraduate degrees, followed by my subsequent admission as a Lawyer to the Supreme Court of Queensland in September 2009. The first included a guest list of some 400 that then grew to attendees of an estimated 600 people. It was quite extravagant with a budget over $20,000 not including hotel costs for overseas and interstate guests. Even though the festivities of the day were quite enjoyable, the costs coupled with the stresses of organising, negatively impacted on 337 Tonanz.net, (13 July 2006), ‘Memorial Service In Remembrance of Prince Tu’ipelehake, Princess Kaimana and Vinisa Hefa – Dr ‘Okusi Mahina closing remarks’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 82 - the occasion. It was a true lesson learnt on my part. Although the euphoria of the day exceeded all expectation and the time spent with family leading up to the day, and following the celebrations are memorable, my father in particular vowed there would be no repeat of such an extravagant day. The photo below is of the graduation cake and is an indication of the time and effort taken by family and friends to put together such a celebration. As a result my subsequent admission to the Supreme Court of Queensland as a Lawyer was approached with fresh eyes. It consisted of a small family gathering following a ceremony at our family home. My parents were living in Mildura at the time and a younger brother in England. However, my mother flew up for the ceremony, where we invited our Church Minister at the time, Rev. Viliami ‘Ofahengaue, to conduct a prayer. Although this was not a celebration of extreme proportions, we continued the anga fakatonga practices of respect, by giving a small gift to our Faifekau for his attendance. Graduation cake, photo taken by Randy Thaman, 21 December 2007. Funerals Despite the large Christian influence of the last 150 years, funerals in Tonga and continued in the Diaspora are very much a traditional affair and involve important practices in the anga fakatonga, especially if it concerns the death of a high chief or a member of the royal family. This was exemplified in Tonga with the loss of the late King Siaosi Tupou V with the ceremony and mourning period maintained, yet varied Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 83 - in some instances by his heir. It is customary for close family members to the deceased and mourners to clothe themselves in black during the mourning period. Depending on how close one is related to the deceased, obligations to wear black differ, for instance acquaintances wear black for a few days, distant relations maybe for a few weeks, whereas the mourning period for close relatives may last up to a year. This is irrespective of whether one wears a ta’ovala. At a funeral apo or ceremony, the ta’ovala is obligatory and is a symbol of respect to the deceased. Exceptions are for those in uniform and foreigners. Tongan-Australians follow the traditional practices. In Tonga if one is to attend a public function or gatherings such as church on Sunday, a ta’ovala is mandatory if still in mourning for a close family member. The type of mat worn depends on the relationship with the deceased. Close relatives who are “inferior” in kinship terms or “brother’s” side, wear old, coarse, torn mats, sometimes even old worn out floor mats also referred to as fala. The anga fakatonga dictates that these family members are lower than their sister’s or aunts, therefore they do all the hard, dirty work of preparing the ‘umu at the funeral, or what is commonly referred to as tu’u he afi. Relatives on the “sister’s side” wear finer mats, often delicate heirlooms that symbolise their higher standing in society to the deceased. The traditions carried out with respect to the fahu is maintained and adhered to. The recent death of King Siaosi Tupou V, meant everybody was inferior, except for his sister HRH Pilolevu Tuita and her children. The strength of a Tongan woman has also been in the way she carries herself. The Honourable Frederica Tuita reflected on the difficult task of telling Her Majesty Queen Halaevalu Mata’aho about the passing of the late king, her first born: I sat beside her on the floor and told her ... ‘Kuo Hala e Tu’i’. After a moment of silence, I heard the most heart wrenching mournful cry and as much as I wanted to give her a hug, my instincts of respect prohibited me.”338 Following the return of the late king’s body to Tonga, she reflects: “My sister and I looked at each other and our grandmother’s nieces and knew it was time to stop crying and do what needed to be done. We let my grandmother and the elders mourn while we did our job, taking his late Majesty’s friends and 338 Hon. Federica Tuita, The WhatItDo.com Urban Island Review, ‘A Princess Diary: In rememberance of HM King George Tupou V’. < http://www.thewhatitdo.com/2012/03/25/a-princess-diary-in- remembrance-of-hm-king-george-tupou-v/, [Accessed: 30 March 2012]. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 84 - family one by one. Inside we fulfilled our responsibility and those outside the palace did the same trying to manage all the chaos.”339 This sense of obligation and duty as dictated by the anga fakatonga is the epitome of respect and is continued throughout Tonga and Diaspora. This is a continued practice that is followed by the younger Tongan migrants in SEQ that have been raised or taught as such from birth. Death is a frequent occurrence within the close knit Tongan community in SEQ. Although extended family estates are dispersed over more than one continent, with the strong continued connections, loss of life is shared across the whole famili or kāinga. Dependant on the close relationships, many members still continue to feel the obligation and respectful responsibility to reciprocate and assist, either financially or through personal assistance during the funeral week. This is an arduous ordeal that may be viewed by a non-Tongan as wasteful and expensive. The funeral ceremony involves a period of mourning or keeping vigil which commences from the time a life is lost, with what is called failotu every night up until the time the deceased is buried and then followed on for three to ten nights (po tolu, pe koe po hongofulu). As soon as the death occurs all family members will be notified by the relative, or often by a radio message (in SEQ through the Voice of Tonga, 4EB 98.1FM) and close family are expected to attend the putu (funeral rites).340 For colleagues, acquaintances or distant relatives, it is enough that they attend the vigil, pay their respect and bring gifts for the widow or family, have their share of the food and then leave. They return for the actual burial. The household of the deceased is obligated to provide a meal every night to all mourners up until a couple of nights after the burial. This can become a huge expense on the widow and family, which coincides with the preparations for burial and gift giving. The apo (night vigil) is the final farewell that involves prayer services and singing that lasts from 7.00PM to the following mourning. Funerals can last up to 15 days. In the case of the Slacks Creek fire of August 2011, daily failotu went for an estimated 32 days.341 339 The Hon. Federica Tuita, The What it do.com Urban Island Review, ‘A Princess Diary Part II’. < http://www.thewhatitdo.com/2012/03/30/a-princess-diary-part-2/ [Accessed: 2 April 2012]. 340 Funeral notices are generally not published in newspapers. 341 Per. attendance from the 23 August 2011 up until the burials. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 85 - The Tongan community in Australia have continued these funeral practices as mandated in the protocols of the anga fakatonga. This was prevalent in the great loss of life in the Slacks Creek house fire. As a close family member to the Tu’a kāinga (lineage or bloodline), to which the two sisters and their children come from, I played a particular role in providing authorities with a better understanding of the anga fakatonga practices and the need for immediate burial so as to assist in the mourning process. It was difficult for some outsiders or those that may not understand the close knit community. A strong gathering of family and friends assist in the mourning process and sometimes act as a form of counselling. The coming together of families and the community is viewed by the family and kāinga as a healing process. In my own family, if I were to make note of the lives lost that have either influenced me, played a major part in my upbringing and to which I dedicate this thesis to, from 2009 to present time the list include the following: No. Name of deceased Relationship Date (1) ‘Iaisa Futa ‘i Ha’angana Helu Great-uncle 2 February 2009 (2) Sala He Tau Manuopangai Great-aunt 5 December 2009 Kamikamica (3) Lopeti Piutau Uncle October 2009 (4) Fisi’ihone Faupula Great-aunt October 2010 (5) Sione Mafi Uncle December 2010 (6) Maria Santos Cousin December 2010 (7) Ana Latu Cousin December 2010 (8) Fusikalau Taufa Aunt 23 August 2011 (9) Adelle Taufa Niece 23 August 2011 (10) ‘Anamalia Taufa and her two Cousin and 23 August 2011 children, Laha’ina and nieces Kah’lani Taufa (11) Seneti Lale and her five Aunt and 23 August 2011 children cousins (12) Viliami Maeliuaki Pohiva Grandfather 7 October 2011 (13) ‘Amelita Manu Great-aunt 12 March 2012 (14) HM King George Tupou V King of 18 March 2012 Tonga (15) Siale Manu Uncle 23 May 2012 (16) ‘Inoke Fisilau Uncle 26 June 2012 (17) ‘Ofa Kavapalu Great-uncle 17 August 2012 (18) Elizabeth Wood (Pesi) Tongan 8 September 2012 Historian (19) Patisepa Moala Aunt 15 September 2012 This list is an indication of the closeness of families and relationship that brings Tongan people together during times of struggle, trial and discouragement. Agents Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 86 - such as the kāinga, famili, church, village groups, ex-student and friendship groups that maintain the links to the homeland and continuity of the anga fakatonga practices even if most or all reside in the diaspora. Internationalising anga fakatonga The internationalising Tongan culture relies on, maintains and promotes the core principles of the anga fakatonga within the diaspora. In the American example, Hansen seems to argue that there is a cultural compromise. In the Australian and New Zealand diasporas of Tongan migrants, there is evidence of the continuation of these intangible cultural doctrines. The core practices of Tongan’s cultural heritage are described by Taufe’ulungaki as Tongan’s human treasures. They include, but are not limited to, “songs, music, drama, skills, crafts and other parts of culture which cannot be touched without human interactions”.342 As cited by Taufe’ulungaki, in accordance with the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, the mainspring of humanity’s cultural diversity and its maintenance guarantees continuing creativity. This is exemplified in Tongan communities in Australia and worldwide.343 There are various differences between an Australian-Tongan and a Tongan-Tongan (or New Zealand-Tongan, or American-Tongan). Taufe’ulungaki’s analysis highlights the difference between the individualist and holistic ideals. It is evident that this still exists and is prevalent in Australia. Lee has argued that the continued breakdown in the link between second generation Tongans to the homeland will have implications on the future of the anga fakatonga. However, as illustrated in the field work in the community in SEQ, Tongan migrants are still maintaining core practices of the anga fakatonga – love, respect and faith. Strong relationships within the extended family estates and friendship groups as well as networks – thus “agents” – play a major role in maintaining these practices. This is emphasised by UNESCO: The importance of intangible cultural heritage is not the cultural manifestation itself but rather the wealth of knowledge and skills that is transmitted through it from one generation to the next. The social and economic value of this transmission of knowledge is relevant for minority 342 A. Taufe’ulungaki, (2011) op cit. 343 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 87 - groups and for mainstream social groups within a State, and is as important for developing States as for developed ones.”344 Tongans in the Diaspora are awakening to the truth in this era of hegemonic ideals. 344 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 88 - CHAPTER 5. AGENTS IN THE DIASPORA A number of key “agents” exist within the Tongan communities in the diaspora that seek to maintain the anga fakatonga, whether implicit or explicit. These agents are based on the famili or kāinga. The three key fundamentals of respect (faka’apa’apa), love (‘ofa) and faith (tui) that pertain to the practices of the anga fakatonga are the identifying features for a number of these agents. My research has identified that from the family grouping, the agents are then broken down into Church membership, Tongan associations and affiliations, then fonua (country) or kolo (village or town) of origin. Diagram A below provides a pyramid view of the grouping of agents that promote and assist in maintaining the anga fakatonga in the diaspora. The Siasi, youth groups, sports teams, kava groups such as the Fofo’anga, music groups, brass bands, ex-student associations, youth groups, Tongan language radio programs and its supporters, are active groups identifiable through their island heritage or village, for instance the ‘Eua, Vava’u, Ha’apai, and villages such as Holonga, Ha’ateiho and others. The following diagram provides an overview of the agents and where they sit in the Tongan community. At the forefront is the family group. For the purposes of this research, concentration was on the role of the Church and family groups, as with various associations and affiliations in maintaining the core values and practices of the anga fakatonga in the diaspora, the SEQ example. In this region various kava groups are quite popular amongst older as well as younger Tongan men. Kava groups have become a popular place for younger Tongan men to perform songs, share experiences as well as stories of the past learnt from the older Tongan men of the groups, and will be discussed further below. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 89 - Diagram A: Layout of the agents in the diaspora that maintain the anga fakatonga. Famili & Kāinga Siasi Association Fonua / /Affiliation Kolo Kalasi Kolisi ‘Aho Sunday To’utupu Kau Hiva Kava Kava Club tutuku Vava’u ‘Eua Ha’apai The Niau Tongatapu (Prayer School (Youth) (Choir) group Ex- Islands Group) Students Fofo’anga Tonga Islands: Islands: Kolofo’ou College Taunga, Tungua, Foa (Atele) Kapa. Queen Leimatu’a Salote College Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 90 - Famili and Kāinga Extended family estates in the form identified by Marcus, have and continue to play a prominent role in maintaining the anga fakatonga within the diaspora. Tongan traditions of kin-based stratification with connections maintained by descendants of one apical ancestor, for instance my own paternal lineage, Ha’a Helu descendants of Havea Hikule’o, or Ha’a Hafoka descendants of Rev. Sione Hafoka,345 act as agents in maintaining the anga fakatonga. Family reunions are organised on an annual or periodic basis by active members of the kāinga. These extended families also unite during ceremonies such as birthdays, weddings, funerals and graduations. Core reasons for these reunions are to continue the link amongst the next generation, ensure that marriages within the kāinga do not occur, stories of heritage and lineage are transferred or told to the younger generation, family estates are maintained, roles made clear and cultural practices as well as religious faiths continued. First generation Tongans in the Diaspora take pride in maintaining a strong connection with extended family members and being informed with the latest news from Tonga. This is informally labelled tele-louniu or coconut express, when women through their church groups, as with men through their kava clubs obtain, remit, and retain regular updates on the news back at home. This is a powerful agent of cultural continuity within the Tongan community. For instance, the first generation Tongan men through their melodious serenades and reminiscent stories of the past and present, conveyed in these kava groups, teach the young Tonga men in the community about their heritage. Throughout this research, I have personally observed recent trends amongst the youth in SEQ, where kava drinking has become a popular past time, an alternative to the night clubbing scene. Kava groups are held within the comfort of one’s residence, or at a hall, or church property. With the love of music, second generation Tongan kava drinking men trial out their lyrical poetry in these 345 Also include descendants of ‘Ofa Kavapalu, Soakai Taufa and Mele Helu (also known as Mele Solomone, having been born in the Solomon Islands to Tongan missionary parents, with her mother ‘Ana Helu (nee Hafoka) passing at the Solomon) family. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 91 - settings, especially when a young female tou’a346 is present to serve the kava. What is easily referred to as “island banter” is common in the presence of a tou’a. The fahu, a tradition that allocates great amounts of power to individuals based first on age then gender within the confines of its matriarchic structuring, is also continually practiced within the diaspora, impacting most aspects of Tongan hierarchical society.347 Throughout this study, I have noted the disagreement within extended families over the rightful fahu of a ceremony. In these particular instances the conflict arises between siblings. It becomes complicated when there is possibly more than one female sibling, even within half and step families. Legitimacy of birth is also vital in setting the line for the ranking of fahu. The practice in the diaspora seems to exaggerate the issue compared with that in Tonga. It is significant as it holds a position of authority within the family hierarchy. The struggle for the top position of fahu is contentious, because of status and gifts (koloa) received from ceremonial occasions that pertain to the anga fakatonga. Traditionally, a fahu is the position given to a man’s eldest sister(s). In most cases, those that hold the position of fahu are revered by the family in celebration and gifts are mandatory if conducted in the anga fakatonga. This may include a mixture of expensive mats, ngatu or tapa cloth, money, and the top tier of the cake in a celebration. In the diaspora, the fahu is generally the eldest sister from the father’s side that is present. It is sometimes the case that from members of the kāinga, a fahuloa (ranking of father’s, paternal aunt) attends, and thus receives a higher ranking than one’s father’s sister. This practice is continued within the Tongan community in SEQ, by both first and second generation Tongan migrants. 346 Defined in C. M. Churchward (1959) op cit. p. 501 as: meaning “persons whose duty it is to prepare kava for drinking, especially on ceremonial occasions”. In most cases is a female. 347 B. Kartchner, (2010-2011) ‘CEDAW in Tonga: The Necessity of Making CEDAW Anga Fakatonga’, Gonzaga Journal of International Law, Vol. 14, Issue 2. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 92 - In the diaspora, the stresses differ on the patterns of authority and avoidance which have structured relations among kin in Tonga.348 For instance, corporal punishment, a major part of disciplining children, and accepted in Tonga, is considered abuse in palangi societies such as Australia. The disruption caused by intermarriages on the domino effect of gender relations in which women hold special rank as a fahu or mehikitanga is also challenged in the diaspora. It must be noted that although complaints are made, Tongan migrants have continued the practice in the form of adhering to the respect accorded to the fahu. Marcus has also noted that migrants come to resist the status accorded, or the social pressure exerted to give publicly and selflessly one’s wealth to churches or kin.349 Throughout the research it was discovered that Tongan migrants to SEQ continue to give altruistically to groups that come from Tonga seeking financial assistance with building churches, schools or community halls. I attended a great number of fundraisers, the average funds raised in these impromptu and in most cases informal charitable gatherings are on average $10,000. Previously it was based on one per city, now fundraisers are broken into north and south Brisbane, for example groups from Tonga have included the Tongan Police Force, Colleges, churches, youth groups, and brass bands. It would be interesting to see if these practices are continued by the younger generation within the Tongan community. Between December 2010 to January 2011 Mailefihi and Siu’ilikutapu College raised an estimated $26,000 in Brisbane, followed by ‘Atele College (Tonga College) raising approximately $25,000 in Brisbane alone.350 This does not include fundraisers that were held by these two Colleges raising over $20,000 in other capital cities down the east coast of Australia held in Newcastle, Sydney, Canberra, Mildura, Robinvale, Griffith and Melbourne. These colleges returned to Tonga with over $AUD100,000 in Australian donated funds from the Tongan diaspora community.351 The group from 348 G. E. Marcus, (2003), ‘Review of Helen Morton Lee: Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press’, The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 112, No. 4, p. 424. 349 G. E. Marcus, (2003), op cit., p. 424-425. 350 Personally attended fundraisers held in the Brisbane Northern suburbs as with the Southern suburbs, December 2010. 351 Lopeti Lanivia, a lay leader for the SUTT Church in Brisbane, personally volunteered his services to the group. As a bus driver with the Brisbane City Council at the time, he acted as driver, organiser and Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 93 - Mailefihi and Siu’ilikutapu College of the Vava’u Islands consisted of a group estimated at sixty-five students and teachers who came on an exchange program with a school in Scone, New South Wales. During a visit to Brisbane in December 2010 to January 2011, they held two concerts, one at the Logan Police and Youths Club and one in the Kedron area.352 They also performed at Brisbane City Hall where they met the Mayor of Brisbane at the time.353 This was not possible without the voluntary work of members of the Tongan community in Brisbane. Prior to returning to Vava’u this College was able to send four containers of donated items from various schools, clubs and associations in SEQ including Padua College, Iona College, Emmanuel College and the Brisbane Lions Club, as well as items were privately donated by the Tongan families in the area.354 These included school and office desks, chairs, white boards, blackboards, notice boards, TV and DVD stands, over head projectors, clothes, beds, pens, books and hospital supplies. The items were also donated at a time when SEQ had been suffering from major floods in January 2011. Lee argued in 2004, that fundraising such as these create “a significant flow of money from the diaspora to Tonga that is often overlooked in discussions of remittances”.355 It is an area of aid that overseas aid agencies do not measure. Migrant communities are willing to assist, most commonly the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga (FWCT). In 2004, Lee noted that “the rate of fundraising appears to be growing along with the migrant populations, as an increasing number of churches and formal associations are established”.356 This form of donation is now being tested with the current uncertain financial status of the FWCT in Australia. The Sydney branch went into voluntary administration on 12 January 2012 and subsequently into liquidation on 13 April 2012.357 assisted the Principal as with the group members with transport throughout Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria, December 2010 – January 2011 352 Personally attended both concerts, Brisbane 2010 - 2011. 353 Personally attended performance. 354 Personally assisted in donation runs. 355 H. Lee (2004), ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism: Hope for the future?’, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 45, No. 2, August 2004, p. 240. 356 Ibid. 357 In the matter of Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia Inc (administrators appointed) Phoenix Lacquers & Paints Pty Limited v Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia Inc (administrators appointed) & Ors [2012] NSWSC 214, per Black J at [5]; personal correspondence with Liquidators, PPB Advisory, May 2012. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 94 - Siasi The Church plays a prominent part in maintaining the anga fakatonga within the diaspora. This is evident within church congregations that emphasise a strict Tongan speaking service. In SEQ this includes the SUTT, Siasi Tau’ataina, Siasi Tonga Tau’ataina and Siasi Tonga Hou’eiki. Those that fall under the umbrella of the Wesleyan Methodist Church and the Uniting Church, answerable to the papalangi tend to showcase an evolved and revamped version of the Tongan way or the Tongan ideals. They still maintain programs such as Faka-Me or white Sunday for the children in May, Easter camp or ‘Apitanga and Tongan sermons. In contrast, adoption of the English language and translation in services from Tongan to English occurs in the Wesleyan Methodist Church in the suburb of Virginia. Observations of various church functions illustrate the differences as well as similarities between the SUTT for example, that had been the ministry of Rev. Viliami ‘Ofaengaue at the time, and the Virginia Tongan Wesleyan Methodist Church ministered by Sakalaia Satui. Despite their different approaches, these two churches work collectively with the Tongan community in establishing the respect that is entailed from the anga fakatonga as well as promoting the Tongan identity within the younger generation. Firstly, with the SUTT congregations that had been under the leadership of Rev. ‘Ofaengaue, services were strictly in Tongan, lessons and prayers groups were also in Tongan. Sunday school was held in a mixture of Tongan and English. Traditional Tongan customs and traditions were maintained with lessons in dance and song taught by the older members of the congregation to the younger generation. In particular the music was mostly in Tongan and performances such as youth skits were also in Tongan. In contrast the Virginia Church caters to a more bilingual group. Sermons and services use translators from Tongan to English that cater to a wider community group, including families that may have married out of the Tongan ethnic group. This church also focused on youth and invites their participation in various celebrations and fundraisers. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 95 - The underlying pressures on second generation Tongan youth in the diaspora challenge the survival of anga fakatonga.358 Holding on to language seems crucial, but it is growing evident that many of the second generation Tongan youth in SEQ do not know Tongan. They seem to hold a “highly objectified idea of traditional Tongan culture as obstructive, as something that mostly does not fit with the demands or desires of everyday life” in the diaspora.359 Marcus concluded that the “politics of multiculturalism have tended to collapse ethnicities into pan-ethnic blocks, like Pacific Islanders, undermining tendencies to identify collectively with specific cultures of origin.”360 The Utah gangs associated with violence and criminal are not common in the Australian context, but relate to schoolyard or street differences that do not tend to escalate to violence unless provoked through racists remarks.361 Language retention depends on the family background, whether Tongan spoken at home and maintained through other means or methods and being raised in an environment that allows for creativity. Parents are the key to the future of language. Members of the community have established in the past, the po ako or a night, advertised on the Tongan radio, dedicated to Tongan language lessons for the younger children, also offering tutoring and assistance with homework or school work. These social gatherings are vital for the future of the anga fakatonga in the diaspora. Evidence gathered from cultural association and observations, as well as attendance over the last couple of years since commencing this research, suggest that certain aspects of the anga fakatonga, are retained in ‘Aotearoa/New Zealand. This was showcased in the opening IRB World Cup of 2011 that was held in New Zealand. The reception for the Tongan Ikale Tahi team from the Tongan diaspora in Auckland was impressive, with an amazing estimated 12,000 turnout. The ideals, lea fakatonga, hiva fakatonga, and art forms together with certain ceremonial aspects are still maintained, particularly in New Zealand because of the high volume of Tongan migrants. 358 G. E Marcus, (2003) op cit. p. 425. 359 Ibid. 360 Ibid. 361 H. Lee (2003) Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 167-8. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 96 - Open forums with Tongan Church leaders or groups play a major role in continually providing funds and support to Tonga in the form of donations as outlined above. A further recommendation has been for Churches in Australia to establish scholarships, or establish a non-profit foundation that would provide further assistance in the provision of such goods and services between borders. This would then allow for the continued donations and funding from the diaspora. Associations and Affiliations Kava groups such as the Fofo’anga play a vital role in maintaining the anga fakatonga. The Fofo’anga is the largest Kava Tonga Club in the homeland and among Tongans in the diaspora. The kalapu362 was first established in the late 1950s by a number of Tongan males in the capital of Nuku’alofa, with the “informal objective to drink kava in a socialised and non-traditional manner, with little emphasis on traditional taboos of kava, [namely] Royal/chiefly ceremonies, but to support and help one another by applying and utilising the Tongan kāinga system and Christian- democratic modes of working [sic]”.363 There are 6 branches of the club in Tonga, and an estimated 3 or 4 in New Zealand with 10 in Australia.364 Fofo’anga is a Tongan term for volcanic pumices that float on the ocean (moana).365 Notably Futa Helu claimed that he had named the kava club the Fofo’anga because of the migration from the outer villages and islands to the capital, Nuku’alofa, living temporarily in the homes of relatives – floating around.366 In the homeland the Fofo’anga organise special lunches for the disabled and disadvantaged people from the Alonga, OTA and Vaiola Psyche Ward on the last Thursday of every month, which is a practice carried and maintained by its clubs overseas.367 362 Kava Tonga Club. 363 Phoenix Performing Arts, Fofo’anga as a way of life. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 97 - Most notably, the Fofo’anga in Melbourne combined its efforts with the Tongan Dental Health Project led by Dr. David Goldsmith, that commenced in 1996 supported by various Rotary Clubs in Victoria, with the main objective of “making contacts and fostering positive relationship with relevant people and associations of the Tongan dental community, to undertake basic needs assessments of dental services and identify potential areas in which the program and Rotary may collaborate to help Tongans in the self-development of their dental health care system”.368 In 2004, a team of 13 volunteers also took to Tonga almost $100,000 in donations of dental equipment, new dental drugs and material.369 In addition to the dental supply, there were large amount of donated goods from St. John of God Hospital, tools for Hango College from Frankston Rotary Club, books for a library in the Tongan Niua Islands from Rotary DIK, and items from Ballarat Eye Clinic, and clothing from the Salvation Army.370 In 2005 there was a joint effort between the Fofo’anga club with Rotary International, Rotary Australia World Community Service (RAWCS), St John of God and AusAID.371 In SEQ this club is quite active in providing not only a social environment for Tongan men in the area, but also assists with raising funds for groups and individuals in the homeland, in a līlī (impromptu collections) mostly on the weekends. Recently the Fofo’anga has combined its efforts in Australia with the recent purchase of property to house young juveniles within the community, and to be utilised by the community.372 Its objectives are to teach, keep an open forum for Tongan men to debate on politics and culture, as well as sing the old traditional repertoires of the past, so as to reach into the lyrical poetry of the future. The Fofo’anga expression of Tautau ‘i tu’a pea ke toki hu mai (literally means “hang it out there before entering”) is aimed at “creating a level of interaction, without any form of discrimination due to 368 See Australian Dental Association Inc., Description of Dental Volunteer Projects (1996). Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 98 - cultural and social differences.”373 The club motto “alludes to the notion, to first hang everything – status, dignity, selfishness and all ethos of egoistic and individualistic vales outside before entering into the compound” where not one person “is to be treated higher than others in terms of sharing and distribution of material resources and social privileges. This sense of equality and fairness is different from the highly stratified characters of the Kingly and chiefly lineages (Ha’a) in traditional kava ceremonies and social structure”.374 Other forms of affiliations that assist in maintaining the anga fakatonga include the monthly Po Hiva (evening coral exhibitions) held in the suburb of Inala in SEQ every last Sunday of the month. This consists of some 5 to 6 Tongan speaking congregations that come together every month, starting with two Tongan church anthems per congregation. The gathering commenced in the early 1990s as a unification of various church groups within the Tongan community, and has been maintained by the churches within the Inala area.375 Church choirs are popular, practice is frequent, and most congregations sing all hymns in four part harmonies as in the homeland. The Virginia based Wesleyan Methodist Church also features a brass band. Po hiva is a tradition of the Methodist churches in the homeland that are usually held in larger churches, to which the neighbouring congregations are invited. Choirs practice assiduously to showcase their prowess before their rivals. As the epitome of choir display, Handel’s Hallelujah Chorus is frequently sung at these festivals.376 The most recent was held on the 23rd September 2012 in the Logan area, the guest of HRH Princess Mele Siu’ilikutapu Kalaniuvalu Fotofili formally closing the South Pacific Women’s Conference, launching the branch – Ko e ‘Otua mo Tonga Ko Hoku Tofi’a (God and Tonga are my inheritance). The Po Hiva included eight of the estimated 26 Tongan congregations from the Brisbane area (see Appendix B for list of Tongan congregations). An estimated 500 hundred people attended the service. The following photos were taken at the Po Hiva, that include various Tongan choirs from the monthly Po Hiva held in Inala, with second generation Tongan migrant conductors. 373 Phoenix Performing Arts, (2011) op cit. 374 Ibid. 375 Personally involved in early gatherings and continued to date. 376 Pers. observation and experience, October 2008 – Opening of SUTT Church in Glendenning, NSW. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 99 - Po Hiva – Ko e ‘Otua mo Tonga Ko hoku Tofi’a – 23 September 2012 The following photos are courtesy of the organiser for the Po Hiva. Photos taken by Aimen Abusharef. Photo 1: HRH Princess Mele Siu’ilikutapu Kalaniuvalu Fotofili taken on 23 September 2012. Photo 2: Tongan Youth Brass Band Brisbane Inc. accompanying the Uniting Church of Australia, Tongan congregation at Highgate Hill. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 100 - Photo 3: Special performance by Tu’imala Kaho. Photo 4: Performance by the Siasi Kalisitiane, conducted by a second generation Tongan. Photo 5: Siasi Fakatahataha NZ, conducted by a second generation Tongan. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 101 - Tongan Brass Bands in the diaspora are an agent that maintain the anga fakatonga and ensure the expansion and international dispersion of this culture. In 2006, David G. Hebert undertook an ethnographic study of a Tongan community youth band in Auckland, New Zealand, that examined the band’s musical identity, its socio- economic context and implications for community music workers in other settings. He suggests “community ensembles rooted in musical hybridity may generate innovative models of music learning and play a unique role in cultural preservation”.377 The study also examined the Tongan youth band’s role in the transmission of cultural heritage.378 Hebert provides the following rationales for the study, namely that: Auckland is home to the largest urban enclave of Tongan migrants; brass bands occupy a position of great political and religious importance in Tongan society; bands among the Tongan community of New Zealand have remained unstudied; little has been published regarding the practices of these bands even within their homeland ...; and community bands are an area of great interest within the rapidly developing field of community music, and much has remained unknown regarding how such bands naturally operate among the minority populations that many community music ‘workers’ strive to better serve.379 The Auckland Tongan Youth Brass (ATYB) emerged in the late 1990s, officially established in 2000 as a non-profit community organisation of young youth between the ages of 8 to 20 years old, all of whom are of Tongan ethnicity.380 The objectives of the ATYB are to: promote cultural maintenance foster positive youth programs aimed at combating and avoiding young people from getting into gang-related activities initiate some positive attitudes into these youths by running brass evening practices, po ako or home work evenings or it members nurture a closer relationship between these children and their families, the church, their schools and their communities encourage participation in community activities; and 377 D. G. Hebert (2008). ‘Music Transmission in an Auckland Tongan Community Youth Band’, International Journal of Community Music, Vol 1, No. 2, p. 169. 378 Loc cit. 379 D. G.Hebert (2008), op cit. p. 170. 380 D. G Hebert (2008), op cit. p. 172. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 102 - encourage involvement in other charitable activities.381 Hebert noted that ATYB performances included “live brass band music for Tongan weddings, funerals, parades and various cultural events in the Auckland area. [...] the music is socially contextualised as ‘part of cultural and arts events, linked with celebrations, ceremonies, rituals, play, education, social uplift of life passages.”382 The use of the lea fakatonga in all ATYB rehearsals, along with use of traditional songs from Tonga, uniforms based on the traditional Tongan attire reinforced cultural identity and supported the nurture of both individual and collective identity.383 This is also similarly adapted and maintained in the SEQ, with the Brisbane Tongan Youth Brass Band, as well as the Virginia Tongan Wesleyan Church Brass Band.384 They play a prominent role in preserving as well as ensuring the continued teachings of the anga fakatonga through participation and interaction. The Tongan language is used throughout practices, mixed in with English. Generational Differences Intergenerational transmission of cultural knowledge, embodied in hierarchical relationship, terminology and residential patterns is important in the Tongan diasporic community in SEQ. They circumscribe the extent of the interactive dispersed ethnic communities in SEQ. First generation Tongan migrants are more reluctant to change or adopt new practices of the anga fakatonga. This group of migrants tend to lean to the older more traditional behavioural rules and see it as questioning authority should a much younger migrant address an issue such as finances, accountability and changes to protocols. This is viewed by elders as a form of disrespect or disobedience (talangata’a). It is very much a common practice that elders are respected regardless of one’s opinion. In a number of discussions during this study, some migrants who are over 18 years of age and wish to remain anonymous, reported they still continue to give their parents full control of their individual wages. The parents then delegated the monies accumulated within the family group. This style of absolute control is 381 Ibid. 382 Veblen cited in D. G. Hebert, (2008), op cit.. p. 181. 383 D. G. Hebert, (2008), op cit.. p. 182. 384 Pers. observations and participation since 1997 as a band member. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 103 - now pushing some younger Tongan migrants to question the reasons for this method of financial dependence. This is an area that would require further research. Avenues for change have progressed in the last decade as second generation migrants become adults and prove to their parents and other members of the Tongan community their ability to hold a position of responsibility. As these second generation Tongans start their own families, undertaking more responsibility for their own actions, the older generation are now inclined to listen or take head from opinions provided by their children. This is particularly evident within families that have children who are professionals. Parents who have daughters or sons that are accountants, lawyers, doctors, nurses, paramedics, engineers, business owners, entrepreneurs, child care workers or hardworking trades men or women, are taking a more passive role, ensuring that their children’s opinions are noted and considered. Lee argues that the “stereotypes attached to the Tongan identity submerging under the broader grouping of “Polynesian” or “Pacific Islander” means that Tongans experience racism and discrimination, or at least encounter preconceived notions of what Tongans or “Islanders” are like.385 She continues to suggest that the differences within generations can be almost as stark as those between.386 There are younger generation Tongan migrants who would prefer not to get involved with their parent’s focus on Tonga and nation building. But there is growing movement within the Tongan ethnic community in SEQ and in Sydney, the Mount Druitt area, that there are groups who favour participation in Tongan nation building. Second Generation Tongan youth, identified here as second generation migrants have developed into responsible members of the Tongan community, holding various positions of leadership within youth groups and as Sunday School teachers, as well as teachers of the Tongan art forms. My research survey conducted in 2009 to 2010 that forms 385 H. Lee, (2003), Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 234. 386 H. Lee, (2003), op cit. p. 235. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 104 - Appendix D of this thesis, addressed lifestyle and career motivations of second generation migrants in SEQ seven reasons were identified: 1. Respect for family, friends and other colleagues; 2. Proud of Tongan heritage; 3. Success in personal short and long term goals; 4. Happiness; 5. Travel; 6. Materialistic wants; 7. Well aware of other Tongans in Brisbane. One respondent challenged these perspectives of second generation migrants. This answer offers an insight into the perspective of a second generation migrant having returned to visit family in SEQ. The surveyed respondent states in her analysis of the second generation migrants: Hard to comment really on this. Every time I come back to Brisbane people seem to be in the same place they were in their lives as they were when I first left Brisbane back in January 2007. For me this is hard to accept because I am always striving to achieve better in life, I set goals and am disappointed if I do not realise them! To see people in the same place they were 2 yrs ago disappoints me because there are so many opportunities out there for our youth to take advantage of and yet they don’t! They’ve become complacent in their lives and are either to lazy to try at anything or have been told too many times in their lives that they would amount to nothing?!387 This answer raises the question of whether the next generation of Tongan migrants in Australia are taking advantage of the fruitful land to which their parents and forbearers have chosen to migrate to – Australia. In the survey, reaction to financial contributions in celebrations revealed that emotions run high with the younger members of the dispersed family groups. Although opinions and complaints are made by younger Tongan migrants on the extreme financial constraints, I have observed that this alone does not impede or hinder the celebration. One common feedback from these occasions has been, “when I get married I won’t do it like this”. It is suggested by many younger migrants that 387 Pseudonym used, Survey 2009, a 24 year old female, raised in Brisbane. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 105 - celebrations, whether a birthday or wedding will be low key and limited to close family members, not the whole Tongan community. “Summer Heights High” is a television series production that offers viewers a rollercoaster ride into the Tongan culture. Some of its depiction of the Tongan culture is exaggerated with particular focus on the father’s role in the dialogue. Following discussions with youth members within the SEQ diaspora,388 as well as through observations and experiences within the community, it is quite surprising to see a Tongan father depicted as one that frequently uses the F-word as it is not common amongst Tongan fathers. Swearing is not to be uttered in the household and is forbidden from a young age, as with sexual connotations as it is a sign of disrespect. Portraying Tongans in the media, as unruly, thuggish, or disruptive teens in gang violence has become more visible. There are no televised shows of a God fearing, hardworking class of Tongans that endeavour to provide for their family in Australia. The most effective agents that maintain the practices of the anga fakatonga is the famili and kāinga in the first instance, followed by the Churches, associations and affiliations, in particular kava groups, also community groups such as by fonua or island heritage. As depicted in the diagram above, the church also holds a prominent role in maintaining the Tongan way. As the Tongan migrant community expand and with a steady increase in intermarriages these roles and linkages may change over time, depending on the adaption of new cultural practices. Initiatives like the Talanoa Pasifika supported and funded by the Queensland Government greatly assist in the preservation of Tongan cultural life. The recent finalisation of the PSPWS, and the definitive confirmation that Tongan and Australia will work in a permanent scheme, extending to other areas of work such as tourism and hospital will play a vital role in the maintenance of the anga fakatonga. 388 Per. Comm. Sept 2009. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 106 - CHAPTER 6. THE SIASI IN MAINTAINING ANGA FAKATONGA “Just as each of us has one body with many members, and these members do not all have the same function, so in Christ we who are many form one body, and each member belongs to all the others…as Christ is the head of the church, his body…”389 The church has many meanings depending on the context in which it is used. The definition used here is of a body of Christian believers gathered to worship.390 Members of a church include children, youth, young adults, adults and senior members over the age of 80 years. This chapter will address the future of the church by studying the opinions of the second generation Tongan migrants. For the purposes of this study, the Siasi will be categorised first into three groups, as follows: youth’ aged 13-17 years; young adults aged 18-29 years; adults aged 29-80 years and senior members, 80 years and older. These groups will also be broken into two categories, recent migrants and long-term migrants. For a Tongan person living in the diaspora the Siasi is not only a place of worship; it is a famili that provides social opportunities, and reaffirms and reconstitutes cultural as well as social and religious identity.391 The most significant aspect of church society for a Tongan person is their belief in Jesus Christ and his message.392 It is a way of life, and all participate as members of one spiritual body – the Siasi (Church). The evidence gathered in the diaspora by Lee suggests that beyond the spiritual, church life is also a community fellowship that assists in maintaining the anga fakatonga.393 Although, many choose not to return to Tonga, church fellowship is perceived as an informal connection, without obligation, to Tonga. 389 Life Application Study Bible, New International Version (NIV), Romans 12:4-5; Ephesians 5:23. 390 Life Application Study Bible, New International Version (NIV), Dictionary ‘church’. 391 H. Morton, ‘Creating Their Own Culture: Diasporic Tongans’, cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002) Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 138. 392 Mele’ana Lose Helu, Interview: Tongan definition of church, 22 March 2007. 393 Ibid and see alsoHelen Morton, (2002) op cit., pp. 137-138. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 107 - Participation within the Siasi Church participation in the Diaspora may differ depending on age, year of migration and or place of birth. For Tongans, church participation is paramount as it symbolises church prosperity by sharing the message of salvation through Jesus Christ within the individual and greater communities. Christianity, particularly the act of worship and the duties that it entails, are a central feature of the Church way of life and in the diaspora there are numerous weekly church programs which members may attend, such as Sunday sermons, choir practice, Sunday school, youth programs, bible study and prayer groups (kalasi ‘aho). 394 Members of a Siasi also contribute to the church’s role as a place of worship and a social institution395 and in maintaining cultural boundaries within a globalising world. The Brisbane SUTT church has four branches, one in Mundubbera, Mt Gravatt, Burpengary and Kedron. SUTT is the single largest religious group with active adherents in Tonga with over 33,000 patrons in Tonga alone.396 The Australian based church, registered in New South Wales as the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga District Australia, has strong links to the head office in Tonga and is considered or recognised by members as an official branch of the SUTT (or FWCT) from Tonga. The SUTT Church has a combined membership of 150 patrons in the Brisbane congregations, and with approximately over 1,800 nationwide. Compared with the Tongan migrant community estimated population of 20,000 people in Australia, this figure is just less than seven percent.397 Weekly church programs include Sunday service, Sunday school, youth, and choir practice and failotu or kalasi ‘aho on a designated weekday, usually Saturdays. SUTT, as do other Tongan congregations, hold a yearly festive services celebrating Uike Lotu – a week of worship in January to welcome and bless the New Year; Toetu’u – Easter weekend; Faka-Me – White Sunday; Katoanga Misinale – Stewardship or Mission Giving Sunday398; and Po Le’o – New Years Eve service, to name a few. 394 ‘Alimoni Taumoepeau, (2007) ‘The worship life of the Tongan people’, Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 108 - In the diaspora, the first generation migrants who are part of the 150 followers of SUTT in Brisbane continue the tradition of keeping Sunday Holy399, but this is not necessarily continuing amongst second generation youth. Within the Tongan religious community, adults play a prominent role in conducting and facilitating church programs, and in keeping tradition, the anga fakatonga. They are very influential in spiritual expansion within the community. The level of commitment they demonstrate is incomparable. Those that do not hold leadership roles are commonly referred to as the ‘sheep’ (sipi) who are lead by the ‘shepherd’ – Faifekau or Pastor. In comparison, youth members play a minor role in official ministry, within the church, they are commonly referred to as the ‘lamb’ (lami). Their role is to follow commands, adhere to church doctrines, attend worship services and partake in the greater celebration and ministry of Christ through the church. This was illustrated in a trip to Melbourne for Fakavahe Fonua in late April 2007. An estimated 42 members from the Tukulolo (Brisbane) congregations at the time flew down to attend the Annual Meeting. This event coincided with the blessing of a newly purchased church property named ‘Evangelio in Melbourne. This meeting saw an attendance of over 1,000 Tongan families, many from SUTT’s Australia-wide congregations from Melbourne, Sydney, Canberra, Adelaide, Brisbane and North Queensland. Members of the Indigenous Australian community from North Queensland were also welcomed into the greater SUTT famili. Tukulolo youth along with other SUTT youths joined in the festivities. In the SUTT church, it is noticeable that youth members are only committed to attending church programs if their parents are dedicated or hold a leadership position within the church. For instance, if parents are not committed, young members will take a leave of absence, claiming they do not have adequate transportation. Results from a survey conducted amongst members of the SUTT church also indicate that youth members only participate in church out of a duty to 399 G. Grace, (Jan 2003) ‘Visit to the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga’ Overseas Service Secretary. <.http://www.methodist.org.uk/downloads/wc_tonga03.pdf> [Accessed: 2 February 2009]. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 109 - their parents. They do not attend church nearly as regularly as their parents and grandparents.400 Parental guidance or control is very influential in a youth member’s involvement within the church. As youth members mature, those that remain in the Siasi develop a need to play an active role in church related activities “to praise God and learn more about Him”.401 As Tongan youths mature both in age and religiously, church is viewed as a place for social interaction with other members and secondly as a place of worship and reverence to God.402 It is also noticeable within the SUTT church and other Tongan congregations that young adults, 18-29 years are increasingly influential in the church’s prosperity. Youth are regarded by elders as the future generation of the Tongan church in the diaspora. The level of commitment provided by this group of young people is important as they bridge the gap between elders of the church and the next generation. There is a slight increase in the number of young Tongan adults who have chosen to leave their parents Tongan church and attend an English speaking church. Churches within the SEQ Tongan community often experience changes in patronage. For instance, the recent legal ramifications on the SUTT (FWCT) properties in Australia, and eventual sale of these assets to pay off the church’s debt will cause changes in the rate of participation. In a number of conversations with young Tongans in the SUTT, Uniting Church, Methodist Churches and other congregations, there is a clear indication that some want to learn more about Tonga and its language. The majority of these younger individuals do not speak the language but are proud of their connection to Tonga, even though at times they are confused about their identity, whether they call themselves Tongans, Australians, Kiwis, a mixture of two or all of the above.403 The main difference between adults and younger generations within the diaspora in relation to church participation, is their stage of spiritual development and their level of desire for fellowship with other Tongans. Depending on where a person was raised 400 Ibid. 401 Common answer from the Surveys conducted in 2009. 402 From discussions with and observations of the Tongan youth members in Brisbane. 403 T. H. Pau’u, ‘My Life in Four Cultures’, cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002) Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, pp. 31-39. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 110 - is also important, whether in Tonga or Australia, because it is the starting point of church affiliation and association. Some members avoid biblically related programs, but attend the kava parties held by the churches on a daily basis or weekly, particularly so among adult men. The majority of the Tongan people who participated in this study are long-term migrants, who migrated to Australia in the late 1980s. The level of church participation is high amongst long-term migrants, with majority attending an average 13 of the 15 Church programs specified in the survey. It is important to note that the majority of the migrants, in particular recent adult migrants, have migrated from New Zealand. Their level of commitment to the church is just as high as the long-term migrants, possibly because of familiarity and previous involvement within the Siasi in New Zealand. From a young age in Tonga, children are rigorously involved within church programs in plays, Sunday schools, and then later in youth, and bible study groups. This development at a young age might be expected to continue even after they move to the diaspora. The key to maintenance of the anga fakatonga is participation in the faka-Me, choir, band, youth group programs, and at times the frequent fundraisers held by the churches. The Role of the Siasi in future generations For most youth immigrants, the church is initially the most important resource network. It is the second level of support below their extended family.404 Gribble stated that: The important thing I did here was to start the church at Dee Why in 1977. Every church of Tonga (SUTT) came to the Uniting Church but their heart is still in the SUTT. They [Tongan migrants] don’t understand the Uniting Church. I don’t think they, Uniting Church really ever understood Tongan churches [sic].405 Gribble also argued that this ambiguity and continued link with another church in Tonga, is very deep in the Tongan migrants mindset.406 404 H. Morton, ‘Creating Their Own Culture: Diasporic Tongans’ cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002) Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 136. 405 T. Lanivia, (16 April 1993) ‘Personal interview with Cecil Gribble at Dee Why’, unpublished field notes provided by the interviewer. 406 Ibid. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 111 - From discussion with young adults and youth members of both Tongan and Samoan churches in the diaspora, there is an indication that cultural tensions with their parents hinders involvement in the church and may consequently lead to individuals leaving the church. Communication between adults and young members of a church is a common concern of Church leaders. The main difference between the two is that adults like to maintain their homeland traditions while youth members prefer change. A key factor is that many youth were born or raised in New Zealand or Australia as opposed to in Tonga. Culture is not stagnate but continues to evolve: “…it has to move otherwise it would die [and] it is up to our young people coming in to be trustees of the legacy of their parents and grandparents to keep it going.”407 Adults are comfortable with the ways of the homeland and many fear that succumbing to the pressures by the youth will pull them away from their cultural norms and practices. For the seniors and old aged, the Siasi is not considered simply as a place of worship, but also provides social opportunities, mediates between immigrants and their new society, and is a site for the reaffirmation and reconstitution of cultural identity”.408 The Churches that promote the maintenance or practices of the anga fakatonga depend heavily on the membership of families that continue to adhere to these protocols. The churches that are most successful include the remnants of the FWCT in Australia – the SUTT Church, various factions of the Siasi Tonga, and also the Wesleyan Methodist, and the Uniting Church congregations (see Appendix B). The Catholic as well as LDS congregations with predominantly Tongan membership also play a role in this maintenance. There seems to be a trend within the congregations that include a mixing of cultures or cultural compromise of the anga fakatonga teachings. For instance the music, lessons, and sermons are in Tongan, but also in English because some or most of the second generation migrants may not understand the service when spoken strictly in Tongan. The seniors and older aged Tongans continue to be associated with a religious group. As these parents continue to attend services, only some youth members retain this yearning to maintain relations within 407 Island-born matai cited in M. Anae cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002) op cit. p. 153. 408 H. Morton cited in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla, and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002), op cit. p. 138. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 112 - the church. Those that have rejected the doctrines of the church lead a more individualistic new style “Tongan” lifestyle. The important factor overall in Australia in being Tongan is still the famili or kāinga and their belief system. The future of church participation following the recent financial difficulties faced by the FWCT as with other Tongan congregations such as the Tokaikolo Church, question the continuance of the anga fakatonga in these factions of the community. Ramifications following the state of SUTT affairs have seen a dramatic drop in active membership and acts of defiance that have sought to restrict management and their powers.409 Nevertheless, the SUTT community are quite active in SEQ. The region has seen a recent trend in fundraising and community assistance with visa applications and costs as well as financial support for Tongan nationals who may have travelled to Queensland as a part of seasonal workers scheme or on a tourist visa, and have either contracted a severe illness in Australia.410 For example, members from the Tongan community, from the SUTT, Catholic and Uniting Churches in Brisbane, are now in the process of registering an Association in Queensland that pertains to such objectives. This indicates that Tongan migrants will continue to give financially either through remittances or donations at community fundraisers. It is an inherent attribute and a part of being a Tongan. A particular study into the trends of financial contributions made by Tongans in the SEQ Diaspora is required. There have been some firsthand accounts whereby families would give to the church to their own detriment personally, with residential bills going unpaid.411 The question now arises; where to from here? Will the next generation of Tongan migrants in Australia continue these trends? The Siasi is the congregation or the church that signifies a sense of belonging to a religious affiliation or belief, shared by all. For a Tongan migrant this entails participating, maintaining and attending the lotu and Siasi. The survey conducted in 2009 to 2010 on Tongan descendants residing in SEQ reveals impressions on the 409 Per. observations in church gatherings since the liquidation in early 2012. 410 Per. communications during the case of a young seasonal worker, early 2012. Funds of over $15,000 was raised by the Tongan community to assist with Kelekolio Minioneti’s visa application and other health care, with support from all the major churches, particularly the Tongan congregations that fall under the umbrella of the Uniting Church of Australia, as well as the Catholic Church. 411 Per. observations and accounts during my research 2009-2010. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 113 - future of the Tongan speaking churches within the host country, and in particular the idea of anga fakatonga within the context of Tongan migrants within SEQ (see Appendix D). “Church” or lotu in this context is of grave importance to a Tongan individual. Church is not only a way of life for many migrants, predominantly for first generation migrants, but a piece of what remains from their island home – Tonga. For most Tongan churches within SEQ, this perception of Siasi is generally shared amongst the first generation migrants. The question here is whether this membership will transcend cultural boundaries and be maintained by their descendants, commencing with second generation Tonga migrants. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 114 - CHAPTER 7. CONCLUSION “For centuries Pacific Islanders have been known for their ‘continuum of human movements and transactions across the Pacific’, which has now extended to countries including America, New Zealand and to South East Queensland, Australia”.412 The history of Pacific Island movement is significant to understanding the relationship that exists between Australia and Tonga, because of the increased influences of the Tongan ethnic communities in the Diaspora. It has been argued that the relationship between Australia and Tonga followed ‘a MIRAB model … characterised by dependency on Migration, Remittance, and Aid which sustained a Bureaucracy, trapped in international dependency at the mercy of metropolitan benefactors’ such as governmental and non-governmental agencies, including AusAID and the Australian Red Cross.413 Since 2010, this relationship has been based on the Australia-Tonga Partnership for Development agreement that was established in 2009, with the object of collaborative work to meet common challenges, and to raise the standard of living and quality of life for the people of Tonga.414 This partnership is vital, as it seeks to advance Tonga’s own development vision as articulated in the National Strategic Planning Framework (NSPF). This vision also progresses towards attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. More research is needed on the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) of Tonga, the migration and continued increased trends in migration and the core concepts of the anga fakatonga that continually dictate practices in Tonga as well as the diaspora, with particular emphasis on the next generation. For Tongan migrants, Australia holds out the prospect of better education and high 412 K. Nero, ‘The End of Insularity’, in D. Denoon, (ed.) (1997) The Cambridge History of Pacific Islanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 439; L. Helu, (2009) ‘Reflections of a Second generation Tongan in South East Queensland’, Ex Plus Ultra, Vol. 1, September 2009, p. 93 413 J. Jupp, (ed.) (1991), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 817; K. Nero, (ed.) (1997), p. 441; W. Cowling, ‘Motivations for Contemporary Tongan Migration’, in P. Spickard, J.L. Rondilla and D.H. Wright, (eds.) (2002), Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the US and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, p. 100. 414 DFAT, (2010), Australia-Tonga Partnership for Development, Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, p. 2. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 115 - incomes, an increased standard of living and the opportunity to support relatives (kāinga), as well as assist the church in Tonga. A clear depiction is the heading of this thesis – Taka ‘I ha fonua mahu (to live in a land of abundance). It has been established in this study that, in migrating to Australia, Tongans face many problems with regards to employment, lack of recognition as an immigrant ethnic community, racial prejudices and access to higher education. Tongan migrants are unsure of their identity, characterised by the development of a new Australian-Tongan or Tongan- Australian identity. It is also important that influences on the Tongan community such as religion, sports, crime, migration, arts and culture, are acknowledged for their influences on the anga fakatonga, and Tongan identity with Australia. It is now up to the next generation of Tongan migrants in Australia to ensure that the future includes the history, culture and stories of that past that led to the present, and which could guide this generation to the future. This study has endeavoured to unfold the woven strings of the past and present, stories and experiences of the children of a God fearing group of people from Oceania that sought solace and economic progress in a foreign land, Australia, now home to 20,000 or more Tongan migrants. “Investigating the transnational engagement of migrants’ children is crucial for understanding future trends in the global movement of people, money, goods and ideas”.415 Australia is somewhere in the middle. The concepts of transmigration and transnationalism is a prevalent framework of history for this ethnic community. His Highness Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Efi made the following remarks regarding the future of the Pacific culture: We travelled the vast Pacific, the science and methodology is hailed by all scholars as one of the greatest feats of mankind. We traversed the Pacific; a quarter of the globe, and discovered so many of these countries and populated them. We have an achievement that is now generally recognised… our main problem is to sell it to our own people in order for them to regain and rediscover their self-respect … so more than anything else what we need is to promote self-respect amongst our children. Self-respect can only come from a belief and a wanting, a solace, a refuge in what is meaningful to us: our history, our culture, our stories.416 415 H. Lee, (2008), op cit. p. viii. 416Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Efi, (19 September 2011) Speech: Hinckley Institute of Politics, the University of Utah. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 116 - It is therefore important for migrants in a diaspora community to emphasise the core fundamentals that entrench these practices through its interwoven ICH and traditions – the Tongan way or the anga fakatonga. First generation Tongan migrants maintain the anga fakatonga and its protocols through various agents such as the famili, kāinga, Siasi, kava groups, and ex-student associations. It is now up to youth to carry on this legacy and find new 21st century ways to maintain the links. Key factors indicated from my research that ensure continued practices of the anga fakatonga in SEQ, include: Upbringing and family environment in Australia; Family religious affiliation and association; Level of education; Financial standing / employment / careers; New adopted values; Support provided by the community; Disciplinary tactics by parents and the reaction by children. My research has opened a small door into the lives of this diasporic community in SEQ. It acts as a stepping stone towards documenting or bridging the gap in literature, from the history of Tonga, through to migration to Australia, assimilation into mainstream society and the continued practices of an internationalising culture through its strongholds rooted in the famili, kāinga and the Siasi. This material enlivens and expands some 60 years of history. There is a need for further documentation of youth involvement in cultural heritage. Knowledge resides in the stories that are handed down from generation to generation within these diasporic communities, for instance, my grandmother at the age of 91 years is continually telling of the past, how she was one of the chosen few privileged to be a performer for Queen Salote, family secrets, family ties, church practices and the influential Australian families that lived in Tonga and assisted during the World Wars in maintaining this culturally rich society. Her stories definitely made clear that Tongan-Australian relations are significant for the future of economic growth and development in Tonga. The impact this minority group plays in Australian society is an area of importance, and there is need for further research. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 117 - This thesis has also provided an analysis of the core values of the protocols dictated by the anga fakatonga and how they are maintained by agents with in the diaspora (concentrating on SEQ) most importantly by the extended family estates through the kāinga and Church. The kāinga’s role in the Diasporic Tongan society means that extended families exercise a continued maintenance of cultural norms. The diasporic culture may be adapting or evolving, dependant on factors such as education, wealth or careers. The younger generation through marriages to later Tongan migrants, bonds with family in Tonga and overseas, and attendance and participation at cultural conferences and celebrations, have continued to establish themselves as Tongans. In the face of competing identities and pressures, for the younger generation, the family continues as the heart of their identity. Since beginning this research I have discovered that for the younger Tongan migrants being a Tongan or identifying as one is vital. I have come to learn that to be a Tongan is not just the colour of one’s skin or physical build, birthplace, ethnic background, heritage, upbringing, family or religious affiliation; it is to have a “heart of a Tongan” (loto’i Tonga). A Tongan is also one that is accepted by association. Hau’ofa is correct in predicting that as the people of Oceania: “we should not be defined by the smallness of our islands, but by the greatness of our oceans”.417 In this statement alone, Hau’ofa has enlivened the stronghold of the oceanic family as a whole. This collectivistic notion of shared existence across land and waters is prominent for both first and second generation Tongans. At the heart of the Diasporic Tongan way of life are respect, love and faith. Further research is required to enliven the history of migration to Australia, the impact of this community on its new homeland and how its cultural practices influence the workplace, school system, religious organisations and lifestyles for other Australians. In particular, as the first generation age, there are certain cultural norms that may not conform to the hegemonic ideals of mainstream society. For example, in health care, Tongans are accustomed to caring for their aged relatives at home, and regard it an 417 E. Hau’ofa, (2008), op cit. p. 39. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 118 - insult to place them in a nursing home, where their language, wisdom and history would be locked away.418 The FWCT in Australia in 2012 went into liquidation losing over 6 properties, with an estimated debt of over $10 million dollars.419 This was despite members all over the globe donating over a million dollars since the official opening in 2008 to assist in building projects. Tongans in Australia are now demanding transparency in the finances of their Churches. Scandals such as this may reduce Church participation by younger Tongan migrants as the famili and kāinga change or weaken. Despite financial failure, and the loss of youth membership in the SUTT for example, it is evident that during the research, the family and Church is significant in the continued observance of the anga fakatonga. Tongans will continue to give financially either through remittances or donations at community fundraisers. Kavenga to family, church and community is still a major aspect of Tongan society that is practiced in the Diaspora. Sharing, donations, and obligations continue, but will the next generation of Tongan migrants in Australia continue this aspect of being Tonga. As the younger generation continue to assimilate into mainstream Australian society, a strict maintenance of the anga fakatonga may not continue. For instance, during the Slacks Creek tragedy of 2011, news headlines indicated that tension existed between the Samoan and Tongan communities in Brisbane. There seemed to be a continued ignorance on the relationship between migrants from these two Oceanic nations. Honourable Federica Tuita summarised this as follows: Tongans and Samoans are proud of their culture and rightfully so. If we lived their culture on a daily basis, we would know it isn’t based on hate. The battle we face today isn’t between Samoans and Tongans, but against the ignorance to the bias one feels towards the other. I consider myself, not only a true Tongan, but a true Polynesian. The knowledge and respect I have for both cultures connects and grounds me to both Tonga and Samoa. 418 Queensland Health, Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 119 - I stand by and will continue to share what both culture have taught me – to love!”420 It is not clear that Tongan youth in SEQ know what it means to be, in Hon. Tuita’s words, “a true Polynesian”. The Churches, for example, maintain the language and run many youth support programs, but Church elders are having difficulty understanding the changing identities and behaviours of the younger generation. As second generation migrants assimilate to the environment around them, as well as take up professional and semi-professional careers and ride the tide of education, the young will be less sympathetic to the boundaries that restricted their forbearers due to a lack of access and education. Second generation migrants are clearly questioning restrictive trends, mindsets or decisions made by elders in the Tongan community or within church groups. The struggles faced by the first generation Tongan migrants are often not recognised the younger generation. Youth also face a stereotypical view of their community as security staff, muscle-bound bouncers, juvenile delinquents and rugby players. For instance some Tongan youth are defying authority, compared with submitting to older generations, and the protocols of the anga fakatonga. The ancestral greats of Oceania have paved a culturally rich path for the next generation, now are challenged with individualised mindsets as opposed to the collectivistic ideals and values of Pasifika. 420 Hon. Federica Tuita, The WhatItDo.com Urban Island Review, ‘A Princess Diary IV: Tongan and Samoan Relations’. < http://www.thewhatitdo.com/2012/05/01/a-princess-diary-iv-tongan-and- samoan-relations/, [Accessed: 20 May 2012]. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 120 - APPENDICES Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 121 - APPENDIX A Table 1.1 – List of Facebook groups with Tongan membership No. Type Name Members Details 1. Identity You Know You’re 444 likes Administration based in Tongan Australian Sydney, Australia. When421 2. You know you’re 978 likes Administration based in Tongan New Auckland, New Zealand. Zealander when422 3. You Know Your 1,221 likes Administration based in Tongan American California, USA and When423 founded in August 2010. 4. I’m Proud to be 5,716 likes Founded in August 2010 Tongan424 and very active. 5. Social Unite Tongans 1,633 likes Administration based in Worldwide425 Sydney, Australia. 6. Kingdom of Tonga426 13,532 likes Travel and leisure group. Administered by the Tongan Visitors Bureau team based in Tongatapu. 7. Tongan do it best427 954 likes 8. Tonga’s Finest. 942 likes ouaaaah428 9. Authentic Tonga 4,996 friends Based in Aurora, Colorado, Wear429 USA. 10. Toa Ko Ma’afu. Sia 269 members Ko Veiongo, Kolomotu’a430 11. News Planet Tonga431 4,441 friends International 12. Kaniva Tonga News 505 members Website432 421 Facebook, You Know You’re Tongan Australian When Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 122 - No. Type Name Members Details 13. Political Democracy for the 2,081 members International People of Tonga433 14. Ha’apai Tongan 178 members Ha’apai people in Tonga People Democracy and overseas promoting Government434 and supporting democracy in the Tongan government 15. Religious Siasi Uesiliana 3,410 members Open to the members of the Tau’ataina ‘o SUTT Church and Tonga435 affiliations. 16. Family Helu Family Group 80 members A private group for Pages members of the Helu Family. Access restricted to members. 17. Lanivia Generations 65 members Secret Group to which I am a member. A page dedicated to the Lanivia family, used to share stories of the past, present and future, such as organising family reunions. 432 Facebook, Kaniva News Website Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 123 - APPENDIX B List of Tongan Churches in South East Queensland The growth of these two religious communities within SEQ has varied in the past decade. The surge of new immigrants from New Zealand as well as interstate has greatly impacted on its increase. In June 1990 a collaborative list of Tongan and Samoan churches was only one page, headed ‘Pacific Islanders’. Island nations were not classified into their individual communities, and the list included only six churches.436 1992 saw small increases, in which Samoa listed eight and Tonga three churches. 437 The autonomous homeland nations had been finally recognised and categorised accordingly. In 1994 Tonga listed five churches and Samoa six.438 The 2002-03 directory included 15 listings for the Samoan community, with Tonga one.439 It is important to note that these directories only include churches and associations that register with these government departments. A substantial number of Tongan churches tend not to register, which may be due to administrative discrepancies, or have yet to receive adequate legal advice to do so. After research, and conversations with fellow Tongan people living in SEQ, I have collated a list of 26 known Tongan churches. Compared with the government provided directories, it is clear that there are a larger number of churches that continued to operate unregistered with the Office of Fair Trading. 436 Directory of Ethnic Community Organisations in Queensland (June 1990). 437 Department of Family Services and Aboriginal Islander Affair – Bureau of Ethnic Affairs, Directory of Ethnic Community Organisations in Queensland (December 1992). 438 Queensland Ethnic Affairs Directory 1994, pp. 53, 60. 439 Multicultural Affairs Queensland, ‘Ethnic Community and Religious Organisations’ Queensland Multicultural Resource Directory 2002-03, pp. 26-7. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 124 - Tongan Churches in South East Queensland440 Registered / Address/Location No. Denomination Congregation Date Est. Pastor Unregistered for Service 1. Church property at: 2008 In 2009 Pastor Viliami 137 Maitland Road ‘Ofaengaue, now replaced Burpengary QLD 4505 in August 2012 by Tukulolo Unregistered Rev. Sione Ale Caboolture area Services at: 10.00am Update: Unknown 2. SUTT Services at: 12.00pm 1999 Free Wesleyan Church of Brisbane North Tonga Nuku’alofa Worship Centre Unregistered Brisbane 217-219 Gympie Road Kedron QLD 4031 3. Services at: 1.00pm 2008 Maka mo’ui Unregistered Mt Gravatt 4. Mo’unga Heamoni Services at: 12.00pm 2007 Unregistered Mundubbera 440 As at November 2009 and amended September 2012. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 125 - Registered / Address/Location No. Denomination Congregation Date Est. Pastor Unregistered for Service 136 Brunswick St 5. Fortitude Valley Under the 1995 In 2009 to present Rev. Fortitude Valley QLD WMCA Siosifa Lokotui 4006 6. Seventh Day Adventist 2000 In 2009 to present Rev. Inala Under the Church Pilimisolo Matalave Wesleyan Methodist Church WMCA Crocus St, Inala QLD of Australia (WMCA) 4077 7. Virginia Under the Virginia 2006 Pastor Sakala Satui Tongan speaking WMCA congregations 8. Westside Under the Annerley 2006 Rev. Sione ‘Aholelei WMCA 9. Under the Eight Mile Plains 2006 Pastor Lita Ha’ufano Eight Mile Plains WMCA 10. Highgate Hill West End 1970s Rev. Under the UCA Uniting Church of Australia (West End) Services at: 9.00am Maile Moletika 11. (UCA) 38 Kiltie Street Unknown (07) 3848 6990 Tongan Uniting Under the UCA Moorooka QLD 4105 Church – Moorooka Tongan speaking 12. congregations Kingston Unknown Rev. Logan Under the UCA ‘Alamoti Lavaki 13. Logan Unknown Rev. Logan Unknown Services at: 12.00pm Sione Manoa Pentecostal (HQ to New Zealand) Assembly of God (AOG) 14. Logan Woodridge Unknown Rev. Unknown (HQ to Tonga) ‘Esi Molisi Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 126 - Registered / Address/Location No. Denomination Congregation Date Est. Pastor Unregistered for Service 15. Brisbane Tongan Rochedale Unknown Unknown AOG Community Registered Inc. 16. Roman Catholic Church Woodridge Unknown Christopher Veamatahau (RCC) Logan Under the RCC 17. Acacia Ridge Unknown (07) 3271 1963 Tongan speaking Acacia Ridge Under the RCC congregations 18. Services at: 9.00am Unknown Bishop Church of Jesus Christ Later Justin Masima Logan Under the LDS Day Saints (LDS) 19. Siasi ‘o Sisu Kalaisi Kau Services at: 9.00am Unknown Bishop Viliami Puna M Ma’oni’oni he ngaahi ‘aho ki Under the LDS mui Inala 20. Services at: 12.00pm 1970s Rev. Talanoa Matangi Banyo Registered 21. Services at: 12.00pm Unknown Rev. Siasi ‘o Tonga Church of Tonga Registered Kolotau Vakavelo Siasi ‘o Tonga (Hou’eiki) Logan City Inc. 22. Church of Tonga Services at: 12.00pm Unknown Rev. Registered Inc. Longani Fekitoa Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 127 - Registered / Address/Location No. Denomination Congregation Date Est. Pastor Unregistered for Service 23. Services at: 9.00am Rev. Siasi Tonga Konisitutone Acacia Ridge Unknown Siale Tupou 24. Christian Church Services at: 9.00am Palesiteni Inala Registered Siasi Kalisitiane Tonga Matenoa 25. Siasi Tokaikolo ‘a Kalaisi Services at: 12.00pm Rev. Inala Unknown Ma’afu Lemani 26. Services at: 12.00pm Rev. Siasi Fakatahataha ‘o Inala Unknown Moala Hukehuke Nu’usila Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 128 - APPENDIX C The Tongan language is phonetically pronounced.441 English Fakatonga (Tongan) Welcome Talitali fiefia Hello Mālō e lelei (inf) / Mālō ‘etau lava (frm) How are you? Fēfē hake? (sg) Mo fēfē hake? (dl) Mou fēfē hake? (tr) Fine thanks, and you? Sai pē, mālō, fēfē koe? What's your name? Ko hai ho hingoa? My name is ... Ko hoku hingoa ko... Where are you from? Ko ho‘o ha‘u mei fe? I'm from ... Ko ‘eku ha‘u mei ... Good morning Mālō tau ma‘u e pongipongi ni Mālō e lelei / Mālō e laumalie (to a chief) Good day Mālō e lakoifua (to a monarch) Good afternoon Mālō tau ma‘u e ho‘ata ni Good evening Mālō tau ma‘u e efiafi ni Good night Po‘uli a / Mohe a ‘Alu a (to sb going) Faka’au ā (to sb going - vfrm) Goodbye Nofo ā (to sb staying) Toki sio (see you later - inf) I understand ‘Oku mahino kiate au I don't understand ‘Oku ‘ikai ke mahino kiate au Please speak more slowly Kātaki ‘o lea māmālie Please say that again Kātaki ‘o toe lea mai Please write it down Kātaki ‘o tohi‘i mai 441 Table adapted from Simon Ager, Omniglot, - writing systems & languages of the world, “Useful Tongan phrases”, http://www.omniglot.com/language/phrases/tongan.php [Accessed: 17 June 2011]. Key to abbreviations: frm = formal, inf = informal, sg = said to one person, dl = said to two people, tr = sad to three or more people. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 129 - Do you speak English? ‘Oku ke lava ‘o lea faka-pālangi? Do you speak Tongan? ‘Oku ke lava ‘o lea fakatonga? I speak a little Tongan ‘Oku ou lea fakatonga si’isi’i pē. How do you say ... in Ko e hā ‘a e le‘a fakatonga ki he ...? Tongan? Excuse me kātaki / tulou How much is this? ‘Oku fiha e? Fiha hono totongi? Sorry fakamolemole Please kātaki Thank you Mālō / Mālō ‘aupito Response ‘Io mālō Where's the toilet? Ko fē ‘a e falemālōlō? I love you ‘Oku ou ‘ofa ‘ia koe Help! Tokoni mai! Fire! Koe afi! Stop! Tuku ia! Call the police! Ta ki polisi! Merry Christmas Kilisimasi fiefia mo ha ta‘u fo‘ou monū‘ia and Happy New Year Happy Birthday Ma‘u ha ‘aho fiefie Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 130 - APPENDIX D Sample Survey 1. Since migrating to Australia: (i) How many times have you visited Tonga? ______ (ii) How many times have family visited you from Tonga? ______ (iii) Have you hosted a Tongan student here who came to study? Yes / No (iv) Has anyone in your family married a non-Tongan? Yes / No (v) Do you play in, couch or lead a sports team? Yes / No (vi) How many times have you performed (Tongan dancing or singing) in public? ______ (vii) Have you ever belonged to a Tongan youth group/club? Yes / No (viii) Do you listen to Tongan language programs and 4EB? Yes / No (ix) Did you attend the Pasifika Festival at the Powerhouse (2006 & 2008)? Yes / No (x) Do you check Matangi Tonga online, or any other Tongan websites? Yes / No 2. What best describes you? Australian Tongan-Australian Australian-Tongan New Zealander New Zealand-Tongan Other ______ 3. If you have to describe a Tongan in Brisbane, what five characteristics would you use? (i) They are ______(ii) They are ______(iii) They are ______(iv) They are ______(v) They are ______ Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 131 - 4. What does faka-Tonga mean to you? Please provide examples. 5. What characteristics or behaviours identify you personally as a Tongan? Please explain in great detail. 6. How are you involved within the Tongan community in Southeast Queensland? Please give details. 7. Which of the following groups are you involved in or a member of? Sports Team Faikava Group Dance and Performance Group Community / Youth Group Music "Gangs" Other ______ 8. What do you think are the five main objectives of Tongan youth in Queensland? (i) ______(ii) ______(iii) ______(iv) ______(v) ______ Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 132 - 9. People want different goals out of life. Please study this list carefully and rate each item in terms of how important it is to you in your daily life on the scale indicated. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Extremely Extremely Important Unimportant Sense of belonging Christian faith (mo’ui fakalotu) Relationships with others Speaking Tongan Being well respected Happy family life Security To return to Tonga To visit Tonga 10. Do you attend a Church or a religious group? Yes No If so, which of the following are you a member of? Please circle relevant region. Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga (Siasi Uelisiana Tau’ataina ‘o Tonga) – Tukulolo, Nuku’alofa, Mt Gravatt, Mo’unga Heamoni Siasi Tonga Tau’ataina Siasi Tonga Hou’eiki Wesleyan Methodist Church - Fortitude Valley, Inala, Virginia, Westside Catholic Church Uniting Church Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 133 - - West End, Kingston Other Other ______ 11. Would you prefer to keep your identity anonymous? Yes No 12. SEX: Female Male 13. AGE GROUP: Please circle 15 – 25 years / 26 – 35 years / 36 – 45 years / 46 – 60 years 14. OCCUPATION: ______ 15. What type of work is it? Full time / Part time / Casual / Seasonal 16. How long have you lived in Queensland/Australia? ______ 17. What is your nationality as shown on your current passport? Australian New Zealand Tongan Other ______ 18. Where have you lived since migrating to Australia? Please tick one or more Queensland New South Wales Victoria Australian Capital Territory Tasmania South Australia Western Australia Northern Territory Malo ‘aupito Leilehua Helu Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 134 - APPENDIX E Maps The following are maps of the study area, South East Queensland as well as Oceania illustrating the geographical span between Australia, Tonga and New Zealand. Map 1.1 - Oceania442 442 World Atlas, ‘Map of Oceania’ Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 135 - Map 1.2 – South East Queensland443 443 Queensland-Australia.com, ‘South East Queensland Highways’ < http://www.queensland- australia.com/media/images/map-southeast-qld.gif> [Accessed: 12 February 2013]. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 136 - BIBLIOGRAPHY Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 137 - BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Books Ata, Abe (I) W. (1988), Religion and Ethnic Identity: an Australian study, Richmond: Spectrum Publications. ‘Atiola, A. (2006) Ko e Tala Fungani: Ko e ngaahi talanoa fungani ‘o e kau ‘a Tonga ‘i hono faka’u ‘o e Lotu ki hono ngaahi fonua kaunga’api 1835-1985, Nuku’alofa: Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga. Bott, E. (et al), (1982), Tongan society at the time of Captain Cook’s visits, Wellington: Polynesian Society. Campbell, I.C. (1992), Island Kingdom: Tonga Ancient and Modern, Christchurch: Canterbury University Press. Campbell, I.C. (2001), Second Edition, Island Kingdom: Tonga Ancient and Modern, Christchurch: Canterbury University Press. Campbell, I.C. (2003), Worlds Apart, A History of the Pacific Islands, Christchurch: Canterbury University Press. Churchward, C.M. (1959), Tongan Dictionary: Tongan-English and English-Tongan, Tonga: The Government of Tonga Printing Press. Crocombe, R. (2001), The South Pacific, Suva: The Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific. Connell, J. and McCall, G. (1993), A world perspective on Pacific Islander migration: Australia, New Zealand and the USA, Sydney: Centre for South Pacific Studies, University of New South Wales. Cummins, H.G. (1977), School and society in Tonga 1826-1854: a study of Wesleyan mission schools, with special emphasis upon curriculum content and its influence on political and social development, Canberra: The Author. Crocombe, R. (2001) ‘People: Moving and mixing’, The South Pacific, Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, The University of the South Pacific. Denoon, D. (ed.) (1997), The Cambridge History of Pacific Islanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fanua, T.P. and Webster, L.W. (1997), Malo Tupou: An Oral History, Auckland: Pasifika Press. Gribble, C.F. (1903-1995), C. F. Gribble – Papers relating to Tonga and Fiji, 1900- 1970, Canberra: Pacific Manuscripts Bureau. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 138 - Hau’ofa, E. (2008), We Are the Ocean: Selected Works, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Jupp, J. (ed.) (1991), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (First Edition). Jupp, J. (ed.) (2000), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (xx Edition). Jupp, J. (ed.) (2001), The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (xx Edition). Latukefu, S. (1974), Church and the State in Tonga: The Wesleyan Methodist Missionaries and Political Development 1822-1875, Canberra: Australian National University Press. Lee, H. (2003), Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Lee, H. (ed.) (2008), Ties to the Homeland: Second Generation Transnationalism, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Lee H. and Francis, S.T. (ed.) (2009), Migration and Transnationalism: Pacific Perspectives, Canberra: ANU E Press. Life Application Study Bible, (1997), New International Version (NIV), Tyndale House Publishers. Morton, H. (1996), Becoming Tongan: an ethnography of childhood, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Nau, S. and Davidson, A.K. (1996), Semisi Nau, the story of my life: the autobiography of a Tongan Methodist who worked at Ontong Java at Solomon Islands, Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies. Rutherford, N. (ed.) (1977), Friendly Islands: a history of Tonga, Cambridge: Oxford University Press. Rutherford, N. (1996) Shirley Baker and the King of Tonga, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Shulamit, R., Korn, D. (1978), ‘After the Missionaries Came: Denominational Diversity in the Tongan Islands’, Mission, Church and Sect in Oceania, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Spickard, P., Rondilla, J.L., and Wright, D.H. (ed.) (2002), Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the US and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Wood-Ellem, E. (1999), Queen Salote of Tonga: The Story of an Era 1900-1965, Auckland: Auckland University Press. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 139 - Wood-Ellem, E. (ed.) (2007), Tonga and the Tongans heritage and identity, Alphington: Tonga Research Association. 2. Journal Articles / Reports / Articles Connell, J. and Brown, R. P.C. (2004), ‘The remittances of migrant Tongan and Samoan nurses from Australia, Human Resources for Health, Vol. 2, No. 2. Connell, J. and McCall, G., (1992), South Pacific Islanders in Australia, RIAP Occasional Paper No.9, Sydney: Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific. Hebert, D.G. (2008), ‘Music Transmission in an Auckland Tongan Community Youth Band’, International Journal of Community Music, Vol. 1, No. 2: 175. Helu, I.F. (1999), Critical essays: cultural perspectives from the South Seas, Canberra: Journal of Pacific History, Canberra: Australian National University. Helu, L. (2009), ‘Reflections of a Second generation Tongan in South East Queensland’, Ex Plus Ultra, Vol. 1, September 2009: 93-95. Jones, G. (2009), Bachelor of Arts (Honours) thesis: ‘Media Fabrication and Scholarly Discourse: Creating Polynesian Gangs in Australia’, Queensland University of Technology, unpublished. Kartchner, B. (2010-2011), ‘CEDAW in Tonga: The Necessity of Making CEDAW Anga Fakatonga’, Gonzaga Journal of International Law, Vol. 14, Issue 2. Kearney, J. (2012), ‘Unlucky in a lucky country: A commentary on policies and practices that restrict access to higher education in Australia’, Journal of Social Inclusion, Vol. 3, No. 1: 130-134. Lee, H. (2004), ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism: Hope for the future?’, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 45, No. 2, August 2004: 235-254. Lee, H., (et al) (2005), ‘Ties with the homeland: the children of Tongan migrants’, Kauai: Association for Social Anthropology in Oceania. [reference conference paper] Lee, H. (2006), ‘Researching second generation transnationalism: a Tongan case study’, Forms of Sociality and Digital Media Conference: Australian National University. Lee, H. (2006), Chapter 7. ‘Tonga Only Wants Our Money’: The children of Tongan migrants, Part 1. Labour Migration. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 140 - Lee, H. ‘Debating language and identity online: Tongans on the net’, cited in K. Landzelius (ed.) (2006), Native on the net: indigenous and diasporic peoples in the virtual age, Routledge, London, pp. 257-281. Lee, H. (2007), ‘The trouble with transnationalism: Tongan youth and the struggle to belong’, Canberra: Australian Anthropological Society, October 2007. Lee, H. (2007), ‘Ambivalent youth: the children of Tongan migrants’, Melbourne: International Metropolis Conference, October 2007. Lee, H. (2007), ‘Second generation Tongan transnationalism’, Nuku’alofa: Tonga Research Association Conference. Lee, H. (2007), ‘Transforming transnationalism: second generation Tongans overseas’, Asia Pacific -Migration Journal, Vol. 16, No. 2: 157-178. Lee, H. (2008), ‘Youth Identity and Migration: Culture, Values and Social Connectedness symposium’, Burwood: Deakin University. Lee, H. (2009), ‘The Ambivalence of Return: Second Generation Tongan Returnees’, in D. Conway and R. Potter (eds.) Return of Migration of the Next Generations’: twenty-first century transitional mobility, Aldershot: Ashgate. Marcus, G.E. (1974), ‘A hidden dimension of family development in the modern Kingdom of Tonga’, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1: 87-102. Marcus, G.E. (1978), Memoir No. 42: The nobility and the chiefly tradition in the modern Kingdom of Tonga, Issued as a special addition in The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 87. Marcus, G.E. (1981), ‘Power on the extreme periphery: the perspective of Tongan elites in the modern world system’, Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 22, No. 1: 48-61. Marcus, G.E. ‘Tongan’s contemporary globalizing strategies: Trading on sovereignty amidst international migration’ cited in V. Lockwood, T. Harding and B. Wallace (ed.) (1993), Contemporary Pacific societies: Studies in development and change, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, pp. 21-33. Marcus, G.E. (2000), ‘Queen Salote of Tonga: The Story of an Era 1900-1965 (review)’, The Contemporary Pacific, Vol. 12, No. 2, September 2000: 526-528. Marcus, G. E. (2003), ‘Review of Helen Morton Lee: Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press’, The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 112, No. 4: 425. Morton, H. ‘Creating Their Own Culture: Diasporic Tongans’ cited in Spickard, P. Rondilla, J.L and Wright, D.H. (eds.) (2002), Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, pp. 135- 149. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 141 - Pau’u, T.H. ‘My Life in Four Cultures’, cited in Spickard, P., Rondilla, J.L and Wright, D.H. (eds.) (2002), Pacific Diaspora: Island Peoples in the United States and Across the Pacific, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, pp. 31-39. Rose, S. Quanchi, M. and Moore, C. (2009), A National Strategy for the Study of the Pacific, Sydney: Australian Association for the Advancement of Pacific Studies, AAAPS National Report 2009. 3. Case Law and Legislation In the matter of Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia Inc (administrators appointed), Phoenix Lacquers & Paints Pty Limited v Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga in Australia Inc(administrators appointed) & Ors [2012] NSWSC 214. Higher Education Support Act 2003 (Cth). 4. International Organisations and Government Reports Australia, Bureau of Ethnic Affairs, (June 1990) Directory of Ethnic Community Organisations in Queensland. Brisbane: Department of Family Services and Aboriginal and Islander Affairs. Australia Bureau of Statistics (2002), Year Book Australia, No. 84, Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics Australian Bureau of Statistics (2010), Prisoners in Australia, Issue 9. Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, (2004), Kingdom of Tonga: country brief. Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, (2010), Kingdom of Tonga country brief. Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, (2012), Kingdom of Tonga country brief. Australia, Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, (2003), Annual Report 2002-2003 Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 142 - Australia, Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, (2006), Annual Report 2005-2006 Australia, Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, (2008), Annual Report 2007 to 2008 Australia, Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, (2009), Annual Report 2008 to 2009 Horner, M. (2001), ‘Tongans’ cited in Multicultural Queensland 2001, Woolloongabba, Queensland Department of the Premier and Cabinet, Office of Ethnic and Multicultural Affairs, pp. 348-51. Queensland Ethnic Affairs Directory (1994), Individual Ethnic Community Organisations. Queensland Multicultural Resource Directory (2002-03), Ethnic Community and Religious Organisations. United Nations, UN-OHRLLS, (2012), ‘Least Developed Countries’. United Nations (2012), ‘List of Least Development Countries’, 5. Newspaper Articles Fangufangumana, 10 November 1997, ‘Faka ‘eke’eke ‘o Dr ‘Amanaki Havea’, p. 2. BBC News, 16 November 2006, ‘Tongan riots after reform delay’. BBC News, 17 November 2006, ‘Six found dead after Tonga riots’. Matangi Tonga, Press Release: ‘Tongan parliament decides not to ratify CEDAW’, 18 September 2009, McKenny, L. 28 January 2012, Sydney Morning Herald, ‘Tonga’s church, built in hope, faith and pride, collapses in debt’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 143 - Taimi Media Network, 5 November 2010, ‘Kava clubs cater to those in need’. 6. Websites A Ballarat West Rotary / RAWCS / St John of God / AusAID Project, ongoing since 1996, (2005), Tonga Dental Project – September 2005 Visit. Abelmoschus manihot; Hibiscus.org (2009), Ager, S. Omniglot, - writing systems & languages of the world, “Tongan (Fakatonga)”. Australian Dental Association Inc., Description of Dental Volunteer Projects (1996), Facebook, Queensland Police Service. Facebook, ‘Democracy for the People of Tonga’, Facebook, ‘Ha’apai Tongan People Democracy Group’, Facebook, ‘Survey on Tongans in Australia’, Facebook, ‘Kaniva Tonga News Website’, Facebook, ‘Tongan in brissie vegas’, Facebook, ‘TongaNet’, Facebook, ‘Voice of Tonga @ Radio 4EB 98.1 FM’, Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 144 - Facebook, ‘I’m Proud to be Tongan’, Facebook, ‘Siasi Uesiliana Tau’ataina ‘o Tonga’, Grace, G. (January 2003) ‘Visit to the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga’ Overseas Service Secretary. 1 Queensland-Australia.com, ‘South East Queensland Highways’ Māhina, O. Reed Book of Tongan proverbs. Oxford University Press, Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press, Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press, Oxford Dictionaries. Phoenix Performing Arts, Fofo’anga as a way of life. Small, C.A. and Dixon, D.L. (2004) Migration Policy Un ‘Tonga: Migration and the Homeland’, Migration Information Source. Taumoepeau, A. ‘The worship life of the Tongan people’. Taufe’ulungaki, A. ‘Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage’. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 145 - The WhatItDo.com, Hon. Federica Tuita, Urban Island Review, ‘A Princess Diary Part II’. The WhatItDo.com, Hon. Federica Tuita, Urban Island Review, ‘A Princess Diary IV: Tongan and Samoan Relations’. The WhatItDo.com, Hon. Federica Tuita, Urban Island Review, ‘A Princess Diary: In rememberance of HM King George Tupou V’. Tonanz.net, (13 July 2006), ‘Memorial Service In Remembrance of Prince Tu’ipelehake, Princess Kaimana and Vinisa Hefa – Dr ‘Okusi Mahina closing remarks’. Tonga on the ‘NET – Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga. Tonga on the ‘Net, ‘A Short brief history’. Tongan Monarchy, ‘Taumafa Kava’. Tongan Monarchy, ‘Lakalaka’. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (2008) ‘Intangible Heritage List: The Lakalaka, Dances and Sung Speeches of Tonga’, World Atlas, ‘Map of Oceania’ Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 146 - 7. Interviews / Speeches Lanivia, T. (16 April 1993) ‘Personal interview with Cecil Gribble at Dee Why’, unpublished field notes provided by the interviewer. Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of Tonga to the United Nations, Statement by H. E. Lord Tu’ivakano ‘On The Occasion of The General Debate of the General Assembly, Sixty Seventh Session’, Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Efi, (19 September 2011), Speech: Hinckley Institute of Politics, the University of Utah. 8. Miscellaneous Hansen, M. (2004) ‘The Loss and Transformation of the Tongan Culture and its Effect on Tongan American families in Utah’, submitted to Dr. Haruko Moriyasu for McNair Summer Symposium. Latukefu, S. Collections from 1884-1965, State Library of New South Wales, Manuscripts, oral history and pictures. Siasi Uesiliana Tau’ataina ‘o Tonga (2012) Minutes from meetings held between conferences 2011 – 2012, Nuku’alofa, June 2012. Leilehua Helu Masters of Arts (Research) - 147 -