Examiner Staff Writer April 6, There Were Roughly 5,000 Sniper’S Bullet Struck Martin in the Aftermath of the Riots in People Arrested

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Examiner Staff Writer April 6, There Were Roughly 5,000 Sniper’S Bullet Struck Martin in the Aftermath of the Riots in People Arrested COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL: MAY NOT BE FURTHER REPRODUCED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER Baltimore was burning There were roughly 5,000 By Michael Olesker National Guard troops with fixed bayonets and 500 state police BALTIMORE - On the night called out to try to restore calm, America had its four-day heart along with thousands of city attack 40 years ago this week, police working around the clock, Baltimore Mayor Tommy and they were all late by about a D’Alesandro III was having dinner hundred years. with Lou Azrael, the gray-haired columnist of The News American Business owners — almost all of them white — saw their life newspaper. savings go up in smoke. When they heard about the bullet that ended Martin Luther King Inner-city residents — most of Jr.’s life, Azrael turned to them black — watched the streets where they lived go up in smoke. D’Alesandro and said, “Tommy, you’ll have trouble now.” And yet it was only part of Looting and vandalism affected about But no one imagined how much. America’s season in hell. 1,000 Baltimore City businesses in the four days of riots following the 1968 Hundreds of U.S. soldiers were Forty years later, peering into assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. dying each week in Vietnam that that awful spring’s smoke and Lt. James V. Kelly Collection, University of Baltimore ashes and lingering bitterness, we spring, and the Selective Service still can’t fully measure how much announced the draft call for May Researchers trouble there was, and how was 44,000 men. Bobby Kennedy, painful it was for so many — and bidding for a Democratic detail effects how intoxicatingly liberating for so presidential nomination, was many others who had grown instead on his way to of 1968 riots frustrated marching peacefully assassination in a grubby Los and pleading for equal rights in Angeles hotel kitchen. In Richard on Baltimore reluctant America. Daley’s Chicago, the Democratic National Convention would bring businesses The simple facts about the massive political rioting. Baltimore riots of 1968 are these: By Andrew Cannarsa In four days and nights, beginning And in Memphis Tenn., the Examiner Staff Writer April 6, there were roughly 5,000 sniper’s bullet struck Martin In the aftermath of the riots in people arrested. Roughly 700 Luther King as he stood on a Baltimore following the injured. Roughly a thousand motel balcony and took his life, assassination of Martin Luther businesses looted or burned, and set off rioting in more than a King Jr. in 1968, city residents many never to reopen. Roughly a hundred American cities. faced a grim reality. thousand separate buildings set Forty years later, for all who were “What was most distressing to the ablaze. Six killed. Untold millions there in Baltimore, the memory is residents was when they realized, of dollars in property damage. still vivid of people standing in ‘We destroyed our own access to Immeasurable psychological streets littered with glass, many retail,’ ” said David Stevens, damage that has taken decades with tears in their eyes, crying, executive director of the Jacob France Institute at the University to heal. of Baltimore. “The King is dead,” or, “They got But his city was already coming Looting and vandalism affected The King,” almost as though Jesus undone. about 1,000 city businesses in the himself had been slain — and of four days of riots. Most of the On Gay Street, on the East side, a tear gas wafting through the rioters were arrested within 10 pamphlet was distributed to spring air, sirens screeching, fire blocks of their homes, meaning business owners. In honor of Dr. all around, and smoke rising they were likely ruining their King, it said, close your stores. above the remains of burned-out neighborhood store, said Peter The same kind of warning had buildings. Levy, chairman of the history and been circulated in Washington political science department at Broken glass, fire before it exploded. At twilight the York College of Pennsylvania. next day, a rock was thrown and troops in the city through a store window, and the “It was mostly smaller retail D’Alesandro was 38 years old that riots in Baltimore commenced. stores that were affected. The spring and considered Martin bigger department stores were D’Alesandro was in the war room Luther King a friend. In his years left relatively unscathed,” Levy at police headquarters when he on the City Council, D’Alesandro said. “Some [smaller stores] heard the news. Scores of fires had introduced plenty of long- never recovered.” were being set along decayed overdue civil rights legislation. For inner-city blocks. Here, poverty Levy and Kara Kunst, a graduate this, he heard white people call and bitterness were so ingrained student at the University of him a bum. That was the polite that King’s death was seen not Baltimore, studied the riots. language. only as tragedy but also as Knowing most of the riots As council president, he’d reached opportunity: No more begging for occurred along East Monument into black communities the way decent jobs, no more waiting Street, Edmunson Avenue, nobody but Theodore McKeldin around for decent housing that Greenmount Avenue, Harford ever had before. When he ran for had already taken a lifetime to Road and West North Avenue, mayor, he won 93 percent of the arrive. It was the fire this time. they surveyed the areas and black vote. Understanding the researched land records to At The News American, where I lateness of the hour when he took determine which buildings were had just started working, a city office, he appointed the city’s first businesses in 1968. editor named Eddie Ballard sent black solicitor, its first black fire every available reporter into the Kunst studied the effects on commissioner, its first black streets for the next four days and businesses in the decade after the members of the zoning board and nights. riots, saying the number of the parks board. lawsuits filed by insurance By nightfall on the first full day of None of this mattered; the era of companies from 1968 to 1979 the riots, there was broken glass good intentions was now was “absolutely impressive.” littering the streets like confetti, suspended for a brief glimpse of and streams of black smoke “The big question was, ‘Was the the apocalypse. coiling into the sky, and troops on city responsible for the damage to For many black people who heard city street corners with upraised the businesses?’ ” Kunst said. the news about King’s rifles. “The insurers were paying out a assassination, the riots became a lot of money to the businesses, At the corner of Eager and Ensor howl of pent-up rage, or anguish, and they eventually dropped their streets, by the Latrobe Housing or a moment to redress all of suits when they couldn’t prove Projects, city police began lining history’s outrages. For others, it the city could have done more to kids against a wall. The kids were was a once-in-a-lifetime chance prevent the riots.” violating a curfew ordinance, and to cash in, as stores and saloons the cops wanted to know why Some of the owners of the were looted at will, and then they were still in the streets. The affected businesses — mostly burned. dialogue was always the same: grocery stores, liquor stores, When D’Alesandro turned on the drugstores and taverns and bars Officer: “Where are you going?” television that first night, he saw — either tried to reopen but rioting in what seemed like every Teenager: “My mother’s.” couldn’t or abandoned the big city but Baltimore. “If we can venture altogether, Kunst said. Officer: “Where are you coming make it to Sunday morning, when The city took control of the from?” the ministers can talk in church, abandoned properties and sold we’ll be OK,” he thought. Teenager: “My father’s.” them below market value to new owners. One interesting aspect, Kunst discovered, was the role Korean Americans played in the revival of business in the area of West North Avenue, now called Station North. “That area had been badly impacted by the riots,” Kunst said. “A large number of Korean Americans that bought the shops and started their own corner stores. If you walk around the area, you can still see the influence today.” [email protected] Soldiers from the National Guard seal off a downtown neighborhood, where tear gas was eventually used to drive back looters. – AP file photos At North and Greenmount avenues, an entire neighborhood seemed to Street and North Avenue. rage against itself. In those days, there were still bars on Greenmount There were thousands of Avenue that wouldn’t serve black people. There were white food-store people already in the streets, owners who had no blacks working for them. If the owner got sick, he but they were momentarily simply shut the store down for the day. calm. Such places were among the first to be torched. D’Alesandro looked at the But there were others. Outside the Western District police station, ruins of his city, and he saw crowds raced through the street in hazy sunlight, hordes of people anger that hadn’t yet been panicked by police dogs or the sight of guns or the fires burning all spent. It wasn’t over, not yet. around them, racing down the block like some ocean wave that might By 5:30 that afternoon, the never stop because there was nothing there to stop it. first of 5,000 troops from the 82nd Airborne Division In the police station, the cells overflowed with the newly arrested and patrolled the streets, and the courtroom was strangled with defendants.
Recommended publications
  • NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases Clement E
    Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 6 | Issue 2 1955 NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases Clement E. Vose Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Clement E. Vose, NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases, 6 W. Res. L. Rev. 101 (1955) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol6/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 1955) NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases Clement E. Vose ON MAY 3, 1948, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that neither federal nor state courts may issue injunctions to enforce racial re- strictive covenants.1 This decision reversed thirty years of history during which privately-drawn housing restrictions against Negroes had been en- forced by the courts of nineteen states and the District of Columbia. Be- cause precedent and the Restatement of Property,2 issued by the American Law Institute in 1944, favored judicial sanction of racial covenants, the Supreme Coures decision gave a surprising turn to legal development. On the other hand, when the Negroes' political power THE AuTHOR (AD., 1947, University of and legal skill is taken into Maine; M.A., 1949, PhD., 1952, University of account their victory in the Wisconsin) is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Western Reserve University.
    [Show full text]
  • Alan S. Rosenthal, Esquire
    ALAN S. ROSENTHAL, ESQUIRE Oral History Project The Historical Society of the District of Columbia Circuit Oral History Project United States Courts The Historical Society of the District of Columbia Circuit District of Columbia Circuit ALAN S. ROSENTHAL, ESQUIRE Interviews conducted by: Judith S. Feigin, Esquire In 2011: March 3, March 21, April 20, May 9, May 23, June 6, June 20 July 18 and July 25 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .. i Oral History Agreements Alan S. Rosenthal, Esquire. iii Judith S. Feigin, Esquire. v Oral History Transcript of Interviews: Interview No. 1, March 3, 2011. 1 Interview No. 2, March 21, 2011. 29 Interview No. 3, April 20, 2011.. 63 Interview No. 4, May 9, 2011. 93 Interview No. 5, May 23, 2011. 122 Interview No. 6, June 6, 2011. 151 Interview No. 7, June 20, 2011. 177 Interview No. 8, July 18, 2011.. 206 Interview No. 9, July 25, 2011.. 236 Epitaph by Mr. Rosenthal, May 2012. A-1 Index. B-1 Table of Cases. C-1 Biographical Sketches Alan S. Rosenthal, Esquire. D-1 Judith S. Feigin, Esquire. D-3 NOTE The following pages record interviews conducted on the dates indicated. The interviews were recorded digitally or on cassette tape, and the interviewee and the interviewer have been afforded an opportunity to review and edit the transcript. The contents hereof and all literary rights pertaining hereto are governed by, and are subject to, the Oral History Agreements included herewith. © 2012 Historical Society of the District of Columbia Circuit. All rights reserved. PREFACE The goal of the Oral History Project of the Historical Society of the District of Columbia Circuit is to preserve the recollections of the judges of the Courts of the District of Columbia Circuit and lawyers, court staff, and others who played important roles in the history of the Circuit.
    [Show full text]
  • The Viability of Multi-Party Litigation As a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades After the Restrictive Covenant Cases
    University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2011 The iV ability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades after the Restrictive Covenant Cases José F. Anderson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation The iV ability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades after the Restrictive Covenant Cases, 42 McGeorge L. Rev. 765 (2011) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Viability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades After the Restrictive Covenant Cases Jose Felipe Anderson ISSUE 4 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1945914 The Viability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades After the Restrictive Covenant Cases Jos6 Felip6 Anderson* TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ......................................... ..... 766 H. THE McGHEE V. SIPES BRIEF ................................... 774 A. McGhee Argument Against Judicial Enforcement of Restrictive Covenants .............................................. 776 B. History of Restrictive Covenants ............................. 777 C. Policy Arguments ......................................... 782 D. Deference to the UN Charter .......................................786 III. THE SHELLEY V. KRAEMER DECISION .............................. 787 IV. ANALYSIS .................................................. 789 V.
    [Show full text]
  • The Maryland Board of Public Works
    The Maryland Board of Public Works The Maryland Board of Public Works A History Alan M. Wilner Hall of Records Commission, Department of General Services, Annapolis, MD 21404 Contents FOREWORD Vll PREFACE ix CHAPTER 1. An Overview of Early Policies: To 1825 CHAPTER 2. The First Board of Public Works and the Mania 1 for Internal Improvements, 1825-1850 CHAPTER 3. The Constitutional Convention of 1850-1851 11 CHAPTER 4. The Reign of the Commissioners: 1851-1864 25 CHAPTER 5. The Constitutional Convention of 1864 35 CHAPTER 6. The New Board: 1864-1920 51 CHAPTER 7. The Modern Board: 1920-1960 59 CHAPTER 8. The Overburdened Board: 1960-1983 79 CHAPTER 9. Epilogue 99 APPENDIX A. Commissioners of Public Works and Members of 123 the Board of Public Works, 1851-1983 125 APPENDIX B. Guide to the Records of the Board of Public Works, 1851-1983 127 BIBLIOGRAPHY 185 INDEX 189 The Maryland Board of Public Works, A History, is available from the Maryland Hall of Records, P.O. Box 828, Annapolis, MD 21404. Copyright © 1984 by Alan M. Wilner. Foreword Alan M. Wilner's authorship of the history of the Board of Public Works continues a fine Maryland tradition of jurist-historians that includes Judge Carroll Bond's His- tory of the Court of Appeals and Judge Edward Delaplaine's biography of Governor Thomas Johnson. When I first read Judge Wilner's manuscript in the summer of 1981, it was im- mediately clear that it would provide an excellent introduction to the significant col- lection of archival materials at the Hall of Records relating to the history and work of the Board.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Rights and the Role of the Solicitor General
    Twins at Birth: Civil Rights and the Role of the Solicitor General SETH P. WAXMAN* It is painful even today to contemplate the awful devastation wreaked upon this nation by the War Between the States. But like most cataclysms, the Civil War also gave birth to some important positive developments. I would like to talk with you today abouttwo such offspring ofthat war, and the extentto which, like many sibling pairs, they have influenced each other's development. The first child-the most well-known progeny of the Civil War-was this country's commitment to civil rights. The war, of course, ended slavery. But it did not-and could not--change the way Americans thought about and treated each other. Civil rights and their polestar, the principle of equal protection of the laws, encompass far more than the absence of state-sanctioned servitude. The Congresses and Presidents that served in the wake of the Civil War aimed at this more fundamental and difficult goal. They brought about ratification of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. And they enacted a variety of laws designed to enforce the guarantees of those Amendments. But as history shows so agonizingly, it takes much more than well-meaning laws--or even constitutional amendments-to reweave the social fabric of a nation. In the first place, a law that is merely on the books is quite different from one that is actually enforced. And what is more, a law that is enacted will not necessarily even remain on the books. Under the principle ofjudicial review established in Marbury v.
    [Show full text]
  • Solicitor General Control Over Independent Agency Litigation
    California Law Review VOL. 82 MARCH 1994 No. 2 Copyright © 1994 by California Law Review, Inc. Unitariness and Independence: Solicitor General Control over Independent Agency Litigation Neal Devinst With a few exceptions, the Solicitor General controls all aspects of independent agency litigation before the Supreme Court. Solicitor General control of Supreme Court litigation creates a tension between independent agency freedom and the Solicitor General's authority. On the one hand, Solicitor General control provides the United States with a unitary voice before the Supreme Court, andprovides the Court with a trustworthy litiga- tor to explicate the government'sposition. On the other hand, such control may undermine the autonomy of independent agency decisionmaking. In this Article, the author argues for a hybrid model of independent agency litigation in the Supreme Court: so long as there are independent agencies, Congress should allow independent agency self-representation whenever the Solicitor General is unwilling to advocate the agency's interests. Thus, when disagreements between the Solicitor General and an independent agency are irreconcilable,the independent agency should be allowed to go its own way. The author concludes by connecting the issue of Solicitor General-independentagency relations to the largerdebate over the unitary executive, arguing that the unitary executive is the only theory which sup- ports Solicitor General control of independent agency litigation. In other Copyright 0 1994 California Law Review, Inc. t Professor of Law, Lecturer in Government, College of William and Mary. B.A. 1978, Georgetown University; J.D. 1982, Vanderbilt Law School. Thanks to Dawn Darkes, Brook Edinger, and Wendy Watson for research assistance; to those current and former government officials who shared their time and insights with me; and to participants at an Emory Law School faculty workshop, participants at the Executive Branch Interpretation Symposium at the Benjamin N.
    [Show full text]
  • Eugenics, Jim Crow, and Baltimore's Best
    University of Maryland Francis King Carey School of Law DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law Faculty Scholarship Francis King Carey School of Law Faculty 11-2016 Eugenics, Jim Crow, and Baltimore's Best Garrett Power University of Maryland School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/fac_pubs Part of the Law and Race Commons, and the Legal History Commons Digital Commons Citation Power, Garrett, "Eugenics, Jim Crow, and Baltimore's Best" (2016). Faculty Scholarship. 1572. https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/fac_pubs/1572 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Francis King Carey School of Law Faculty at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Volume XLIX • Number 6 November/December 2016 Maryland Legal History November 2016 MARYLAND BAR JOURNAL 1 2 MARYLAND BAR JOURNAL November 2016 Volume XLIX • Number 6 November/December 2016 16 34 4 46 Published bimonthly by the Maryland State Bar Association, Inc. The Maryland Bar Center “Maryland Legal History” 520 W. Fayette St. Baltimore, Maryland 21201 Telephone: (410) 685-7878 (800) 492-1964 Website: www.msba.org Features Executive Director: Paul V. Carlin 4 Eugenics, Jim Crow & Baltimore’s Best Editor: W. Patrick Tandy Assistant to the Editor: Lisa Muscara By Garrett Power Design: Jason Quick Advertising Sales: Network Media Partners Subscriptions: MSBA members receive 16 A Look Back: University of Maryland BALSA, 1976-1979 THE MARYLAND BAR JOURNAL as $20 of their dues payment goes to By Harry S.
    [Show full text]
  • Maryland Historical Magazine, 1987, Volume 82, Issue No. 4
    Maryland g p p p Historical Magazine 00 o oc Published Quarterly by the Museum and Library of Maryland History The Maryland Historical Society Winter 1987 THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY OFFICERS, 1986-1987 William C. Whitridge, Chairman Brian B. Topping, President Mrs. Charles W. Cole, Jr., Vice President E. Phillips Hathaway, Treasurer Mrs. Frederick W. LafFerty, Vice President Samuel Hopkins, Asst. Secretary/Treasurer Walter D. Pinkard, Sr., Vice President Bryson L. Cook, Counsel Truman T. Semans, Vice President Leonard C. Crewe, Jr., Past President Frank H. Weller, Jr., Vice President ]. Fife Symington, Jr., Richard P. Moran, Secretary Past Chairman of the Board The officers listed above constitute the Society's Executive Committee. BOARD OF TRUSTEES, 1986-1987 H. Furlong Baldwin Richard R. Kline, Frederick Co. Mrs. Emory J. Barber, St. Mary's Co. Hon. Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Gary Black Robert G. Merrick, Jr. John E. Boulais, Caroline Co. Michael Middleton, Charles Co. Hon. Walter E. Buck, Jr. Jack Moseley Mrs. James Frederick Colwill (Honorary) Thomas S. Nichols {Honorary) Donald L. DeVries James O. Olfson, Anne Arundel Co. Leslie B. Disharoon Mrs. David R. Owen Jerome Geckle Mrs. Brice Phillips, Worcester Co. William G. Gilchrist, Allegany Co. J. Hurst Purnell, Jr., Kent Co. Hon. Louis L, Goldstein, Calvert Co. George M. Radcliffe Kingdon Gould, Jr., Howard Co. Adrian P. Reed, Queen Anne's Co. Benjamin H. Griswold III G. Donald Riley, Carroll Co. Willard Hackerman John D. Schapiro R. Patrick Hayman, Somerset Co. Jacques T. Schlenger Louis G. Hecht Jess Joseph Smith, Jr., Pnnce George's Co. Edwin Mason Hendrickson, Washington Co.
    [Show full text]
  • Maryland and the Constitution of the United States: an Introductory Essay William L
    Maryland Law Review Volume 66 | Issue 4 Article 6 Maryland and the Constitution of the United States: an Introductory Essay William L. Reynolds Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Construction Law Commons Recommended Citation William L. Reynolds, Maryland and the Constitution of the United States: an Introductory Essay, 66 Md. L. Rev. 923 (2007) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol66/iss4/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\server05\productn\M\MLR\66-4\MLR404.txt unknown Seq: 1 19-FEB-08 15:03 MARYLAND AND THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES: AN INTRODUCTORY ESSAY WILLIAM L. REYNOLDS* INTRODUCTION The State of Maryland and the attorneys who practice in it have played a profound role in the history of the Constitution of the United States. That relationship should not surprise anyone; after all, Maryland was one of the original thirteen states, and its proximity to the nation’s capitol ensured that its lawyers would play an active role in the bar of the Supreme Court. Although the case names alone should make that history apparent—McCulloch v. Maryland,1 Brown v. Maryland,2 Federal Baseball3—I am not aware of a serious scholarly ef- fort to bring that history to the attention of a large audience.4 This Essay presents a short version of that relation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration
    The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration William C. Berman $8.00 By William C. Berman THE POLITICS OF CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION Among the most important domestic develop­ ments in the United States during the presidency of Harry S. Truman was the emergence of the civil rights movement as a significant factor in political affairs. The genesis of this challenge to the institu­ tional framework of a racist society had, of course, preceded the Truman era; but it was in the period immediately following World War ITthat the move­ ment gathered sufficient strength and momentum to pose a serious threat to the unity of the Demo­ cratic party. The Democrats had first been confronted with civil rights as a political issue in the 1930s when large numbers of Negro voters living in urban areas of the North joined the party in order to lend support to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. The presence of blacks in the party encouraged some northern Democratic liberals to advocate passage of civil rights legislation, a move that was bitterly resented and vehemently opposed by con­ gressmen from the South, and one that produced serious conflict within the party. President Roosevelt, afraid of offending the southerners, attempted at first to sidestep the issue; but in June of 1941, Negro pressure compelled him to issue an executive order creating a Federal Fair Employment Practice Committee — a step that clearly announced the arrival of a new political situation and signified the capability of black vot­ ers to play a role in, and exert powerful pressure on, national politics.
    [Show full text]
  • A Chronicle of the Professional Life of Philip B. Perlman
    Public Service and Private Interests: A Chronicle of the Professional Life of Philip B. Perlman BY GARRETT POWER* hilip B. Perlman was a Maryland lawyer who mixed P government service with private practice and lobbying throughout his professional life. For his efforts he was showered with accolades and bombarded with brickbats: His supporters praised his skills as a lawyer and lauded his public service and devotion to human rights, while his detractors accused him of influence-peddling and conflict of interest. A look at Perlman 's checkered career sheds light and casts shadows on the profession of law, the practice of politics, and the politics of race. 1 Perlman was born in 1890 in Baltimore, Maryland. Follow­ ing education in Baltimore public schools, he joined the staff of the Baltimore Sun newspaper. He worked as a court reporter while taking evening classes at the University of Maryland School of Law. Perlman passed the bar in 1911, but stayed on at the Sun and became the city editor in 1913.2 When reform Democrat Albert Ritchie took office as Attorney General of Maryland in 1917, he appointed young Phil Perlman as an assistant. Perlman drafted bills and argued cases. In 1920, when Ritchie was elected governor, he appointed Perlman as secretary of state. The salary was only fifteen hundred dollars, but the appointment permitted Perlman to establish a private practice. Perlman's government work involved the drafting of progressive legislation to redeem pledges Ritchie had made in his campaign. Laws were enacted establishing a merit system, reforming workmen's compensation, and extending suffrage to women.
    [Show full text]
  • NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases
    Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 4 1955 NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases Clement E. Vose Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Clement E. Vose, NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases, 6 W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 101 (1955) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol6/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 1955) NAACP Strategy in the Covenant Cases Clement E. Vose ON MAY 3, 1948, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that neither federal nor state courts may issue injunctions to enforce racial re- strictive covenants.1 This decision reversed thirty years of history during which privately-drawn housing restrictions against Negroes had been en- forced by the courts of nineteen states and the District of Columbia. Be- cause precedent and the Restatement of Property,2 issued by the American Law Institute in 1944, favored judicial sanction of racial covenants, the Supreme Coures decision gave a surprising turn to legal development. On the other hand, when the Negroes' political power THE AuTHOR (AD., 1947, University of and legal skill is taken into Maine; M.A., 1949, PhD., 1952, University of account their victory in the Wisconsin) is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Western Reserve University.
    [Show full text]