Guatemala 2019 Crime & Safety Report
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Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President
Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President Supreme Electoral Tribunal in Guatemala called for general elections officially on May 2, 2015. Ahead of the election, the La Linea corruption case involving high-ranking officials of the outgoing administration, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti, was made public. The Vice President resigned in May and was arrested on fraud charges in August. More than a dozen ministers and deputy ministers as well as a number of government officials also resigned. Less than a week before the election, President Pérez was also stripped of his immunity, resigned and was arrested. Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre acts as head of state until a new president is sworn into office. On Sunday, October 25, voters will have to choose between a pallid right wing headed by of the former First Lady Sandra Torres, of the National Unity for Hope, and on the other hand Jimmy Morales, of the National Unity Movement, and puppet of a former military group which still dreams of full control of the nation’s society. In the case of Sandra Torres, she already has had a taste of power when her husband, Alvaro Colom, headed a presidency that promised much but gave virtually nothing, especially to the most needy sectors of the Guatemalan society such as the indigenous peoples, with the highest indicators of disease, ignorance and malnutrition and poverty. On his part, candidate Morales is benefiting from the corruption scandal that sent to prison President Otto Pèrez Molina and his wife, Roxana Baldetti. As a new face in the Guatemalan political scene, candidate Morales has grabbed the intention to vote from tens of thousands of indignant Guatemalan voters over prevailing corruption and open graft, which also extends to the congressional ranks. -
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014). -
Institute on Religion and Public Policy Report
GUATEMALA COUNTRY REPORTS 2019 Human rights Watch 2017/2018 Amnesty International The institute 2019 – Freedom House WORLD REPORT 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Guatemala three branches of government, and prompting the resignation and arrest of the country’s then-president and vice-president in 2015, for their alleged participa- Progress in prosecuting corruption and abuse made in recent years is at risk due tion in a scheme to defraud the customs authority by collecting bribes instead of to serious obstruction from the government. This progress was the result of the customs duties. collaboration of the Attorney General’s Office with the United Nations-backed In- Prosecutors also pressed charges against scores of officials—including more ternational Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), established in than a dozen current and former members of Congress from six different political 2007 to investigate organized crime and reinforce local efforts to strengthen the parties—for hiring people in Congress who never performed any work for the in- rule of law. At time of writing, CICIG and the Attorney General’s Office were pros- stitution (or already received a salary from another employer) and pocketing the ecuting more than a dozen current and former Congress members, as well as for- wages for those “phantom jobs.” mer President Otto Pérez Molina and former Vice-President Roxana Baldetti, who In October 2018, former Vice-President Baldetti was sentenced to 15 years and were arrested on corruption charges in 2015. six months in prison for her role in a scheme to defraud the state for US$18 mil- In August, President Jimmy Morales announced that he would not renew CICIG’s lion. -
The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits
© The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits by Paul “Woody” Scott* INTRODUCTION Systematic murder, genocide, torture, terror and cruelty – all are words used to describe the campaigns of Guatemalan leaders, including President Jose Efrain Rios Montt, directed toward the indigenous Mayans in the Guatemalan campo. The United Nations-backed Truth Commission concludes that the state carried out deliberate acts of genocide against the Mayan indigenous populations.1 Since Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro took Guatemalan presidential office in 1966, Guatemala was involved in a bloody civil war between the army and guerrilla groups located in the Guatemalan countryside. The bloodshed escalated as Montt, a fundamentalist Christian minister, rose to power in 1982 after taking part in a coup d’état and becoming the de facto president of Guatemala. He was in power for just sixteen months, considered by many to be the bloodiest period of Guatemala’s history.2 Under his sixteen-month rule, more than 200,000 people were victims of homicide or forced kidnappings, 83% of whom were of indigenous Mayan origin. Indigenous Mayans were targeted, killed, tortured, raped, and * Paul “Woody” Scott is an associate attorney with Jeri Flynn & Associates in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. His practice is primarily immigration law and criminal defense, specializing in defending immigrants charged with criminal offenses, and deportation defense. He was born in San Pedro Sula, Honduras and moved to the United States at a very early age. He is fluent in both English and Spanish. 1 United Nations Office for Project Services [UNOPS], Commission for Historical Clarification [CEH], Conclusions and Recommendations, GUATEMALA, MEMORIA DEL SILENCIO [hereinafter, GUATEMALA, MEMORY OF SILENCE], Volume V, ¶ 26 (1999). -
Guatemala: Squeezed Between Crime and Impunity
GUATEMALA: SQUEEZED BETWEEN CRIME AND IMPUNITY Latin America Report N°33 – 22 June 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. ROOTS OF PROTRACTED CONFLICT AND PERVASIVE VIOLENCE ............. 2 A. CIVIL WAR .................................................................................................................................. 3 B. LEGACY OF THE CONFLICT ........................................................................................................... 4 C. PEACE AND DISILLUSION ............................................................................................................. 4 D. MONUMENTAL CHALLENGES ....................................................................................................... 6 III. CRIME AND THE STATE .............................................................................................. 8 A. THE ARMED FORCES .................................................................................................................... 8 B. FAILURE OF POLICE REFORM ....................................................................................................... 9 C. GANGS ....................................................................................................................................... 12 D. DRUG TRAFFICKING AND INSTABILITY ...................................................................................... -
Impact Evaluation: Guatemala Country Report
Impact Evaluation: Guatemala Country Report By Susan Berk-Seligson, Ph.D. Diana Orcés, Ph.D. Georgina Pizzolitto, M.A. Mitchell A. Seligson, Ph.D. Carole Wilson, Ph.D. The Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) Vanderbilt University This study was performed with support from the Program in Democracy and Governance of the United States Agency for International Development. The opinions expressed in this study are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the point of view of the United States Agency for International Development. Revised December 2014 Impact Evaluation Guatemala ‐ Report Contents List of Figures ......................................................................................................................................................................... 5 List of Tables........................................................................................................................................................................... 7 Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................................................... 9 I. Overview ........................................................................................................................................................................... 9 II. Main Findings ................................................................................................................................................................. 9 III. Policy Recommendations -
Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala
8/1/2016 Refworld | Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala Publisher Freedom House Publication 29 June 2016 Date Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala, 29 June 2016, available at: Cite as http://www.refworld.org/docid/577a615011.html [accessed 1 August 2016] This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily Disclaimer endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. Freedom Status: Partly Free Aggregate Score: 54 Freedom Rating: 4.0 Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 4 Ratings Change: Guatemala's Political Rights rating declined from 3 to 4 because of the increasing influence of organized crime and business interests in campaign funding, as well as the murder of municipal office candidates and their family members during the campaign. Quick Facts Capital: Guatemala City Population: 16,183,752 GDP/capita: $3,667 Press Freedom Status: Partly Free Net Freedom Status: N/A OVERVIEW Months of protests over a corruption scandal as well as an investigation jointly carried out by Guatemala's Public Ministry and the UNbacked International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) led to the resignations and arrests of dozens of government and private sector officials, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti Elías. The multiple graft schemes cost Guatemala more than $200 million in lost revenue and resulted in the medicalmalpractice deaths of at least 10 patients at staterun hospitals. -
Organized Crime, Including Drug Traffickers, Linked to Repressive
Rights Action June 7, 2019 ******* Organized crime, including drug traffickers, linked to repressive Guatemalan president and government https://mailchi.mp/rightsaction/organized-crime-including-drug-traffickers-linked-to-repressive-guatemalan-president-and-government Another “open-for-global-business” regime that is a “democratic allie” of the U.S. and Canadian led efforts to illegally oust the government of Venezuela ******* US Drug Probe Lands Guatemala President in Hot Water by Parker Asmann, April 25, 2019 https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/us-drug-trafficking-probe-lands-guatemala-president-hot-water/ Guatemala President Jimmy Morales stepping off a plane owned by recently arrested presidential candidate Mario Amilcar Estrada Orellana Controversy is swirling in Guatemala after evidence emerged showing that President Jimmy Morales used a helicopter owned by a presidential candidate recently arrested in the United States on drug charges — a case that has turned up the heat significantly on the Central American nation’s head of state. President Morales, who will be replaced after elections this year, reportedly used a helicopter owned by candidate Mario Amilcar Estrada Orellana for official business in January 2018 and possibly on at least one other occasion, Prensa Libre reported. Morales claimed in an April 23 press release that the helicopter was contracted by his government with a company called Maya World Tours, which brokers helicopter flights. However, a legal representative for Maya World Tours said that the company never provided the use of Estrada’s helicopter to Morales, and that the president used the aircraft through some other arrangement, according to Prensa Libre. Just last week, US authorities arrested Estrada, a former presidential candidate with the center-right National Change Union (Unión del Cambio Nacionalista — UCN) political party, on drug and firearms charges. -
Transnational Organized Crime in Central America and the Caribbean a Threat Assessment Executive Summary
Vienna International Centre, PO Box 500, 1400 Vienna, Austria Tel: +(43) (1) 26060-0, Fax: +(43) (1) 26060-5866, www.unodc.org TRANSNatioNAL ORGANIZED CRIME IN CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN A Threat Assessment Executive summary United Nations publication printed in Mexico September 2012 September 2012 Copyright © 2012, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). This publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copy- right holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. UNODC would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this publication as a source. Acknowledgements This study was conducted under the responsibility of the UNODC Offices in Mexico (ROMEX) and Panama (ROPAN), Division for Operations (DO), with research support of the UNODC Studies and Threat Analysis Section (STAS), Division for Policy Analysis and Public Affairs (DPA). Research Claudio Damián Rodríguez Santorum, Enrique Marín Pellecer, Felipe de la Torre, Jenna Dawson, Jorge Manuel Vargas Mediavilla, Juliana Erthal Rodrigues Dos Santos, Louise Bosetti, Bertha Nayelly Loya Marin, Simone Lucatello (consultant) and Ted Leggett (lead researcher). Translation, graphic design, mapping support, desktop publishing and printing Anja Korenblik, Deniz Mermerci, Jorge Manuel Vargas Mediavilla, Kristina Kuttnig and Suzanne Kunnen. Supervision Aldo Lale-Demoz (Director, DO) Amado Philip de Andrés (Representative, ROPAN) Antonio Mazzitelli (Representative, ROMEX) Thibault Le Pichon (Chief, STAS) The preparation of this report would not have been possible without the data and information reported by governments to UNODC and other international organizations. UNODC is particularly thankful to government and law enforcement officials met in the region while undertaking research. -
1 REPORT to the PERMANENT COUNCIL1 Electoral Observation Mission – Guatemala Presidential, Legislative, Municipal, and Central
REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL1 Electoral Observation Mission – Guatemala Presidential, Legislative, Municipal, and Central American Parliamentary Elections September 6 and October 25, 2015 Ambassador Ronald Michael Sanders, Chairman of the Permanent Council Ambassador Luis Raúl Estévez López, Permanent Representative of Guatemala to the OAS Luis Almagro, Secretary General Néstor Méndez, Assistant Secretary General Representatives of Member States and Permanent Observers to the OAS Background On March 16, 2015, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) of Guatemala requested that the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States (OAS) send an Electoral Observation Mission (EOM) to Guatemala for the general elections to be held on September 6 of that year. At these elections, Guatemalan citizens were to elect the President and Vice-President of the Republic, 158 Deputies to the National Congress, 338 Municipal Councils [Corporaciones Municipales], and 20 Deputies for the Central American Parliament. The OAS General Secretariat accepted the request, and Secretary General Luis Almagro appointed Juan Pablo Corlazzoli to head the Mission. A total of 7,556,873 Guatemalans were declared eligible to vote at 19,582 polling stations set up throughout the country. For the presidential elections, 14 pairs of candidates registered to compete for the highest post in the country. The Guatemalan electoral process promised to be complicated. Corruption cases involving top government officials, accusations levelled at candidates at various levels, and an empowered citizenry which took to the streets to hold peaceful demonstrations and express their discontent over the acts of corruption and the political system were some of the elements permeating the election process. On April 16, 2015, the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) released a report on the case known as “La Línea,” in which it implicated high government officials. -
Guatemala Background Paper
AMERICAS COUNTRY OF ORIGIN SERIES GUATEMALA BACKGROUND PAPER October 2013 Paula Worby Visiting Scholar, Center for Latin American Studies University of California, Berkeley Regional Bureau for the Americas United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees P.O. Box 2500, 1211 Geneva 2 Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] Web Site: www.unhcr.org RBA/COI/GUA/13/01 The present paper has been prepared by Paula Worby, Visiting Scholar at the Center for Latin American Studies of the University of California, Berkeley. Ms. Worby holds a doctorate in Public Health from the University of California, Berkeley, has conducted research in Guatemala beginning in 1985, and is the author of various related articles and monographs. She worked for UNHCR Guatemala from 1992 to 1998 and currently is Associate Director of a non-profit organization providing social services to immigrant families in California. The author would like to thank Luis Solano for extensive background research for this project and the Center for Latin American Studies (CLAS) at University of California, Berkeley, especially for access to research resources and for administrative support. The document was prepared on the basis of publicly available information and analysis. The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the position of the United Nations or the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This paper may be freely quoted, cited and copied for academic, educational or other non-commercial purposes without prior permission from UNHCR, provided that the source and author are acknowledged. This paper is not, and does not purport to be fully exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. -
Guatemala's President Tried to Expel the U.N. Commissioner Who
Guatemala’s president tried to expel the U.N. commissioner who announced he was under investigation washingtonpost.com /news/monkey-cage/wp/2017/09/06/guatemalas-president-tried-to-shut-down-a-u-n- commission-that-announced-it-was-investigating-him/ By Rachel Schwartz Indigenous leaders stand in support of U.N. International Commission Against Impunity commissioner Iván Velásquez, outside the U.N. office in Guatemala City in August. (AP) On Aug. 27, Guatemalan President Jimmy Morales ordered the immediate expulsion of the head of the U.N. Commission against Impunity in Guatemala, Iván Velásquez. Within hours, the country’s Constitutional Court had blocked the move. Morales’s sudden announcement sent shock waves throughout Guatemala and the international community. Representative Eliot L. Engel, ranking Democrat on the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, issued a statement calling for closer scrutiny of Guatemala’s commitments vis-à-vis U.S. assistance. What’s the story here? And what does it mean for Guatemala’s fight against impunity? The CICIG, a unique international body authorized to collaborate on national investigations, offers Guatemalans the hope that members of government and the elite who commit crimes will no longer be immune from punishment. Since 2007 the group has worked hand-in-hand with the public prosecutor’s office to take on numerous landmark cases. [There’s more to measuring corruption than Transparency International’s annual index, just released ] Within the broader landscape of Latin America’s struggle against corruption, the CICIG has made Guatemala one of the more successful countries in prosecuting corrupt officials. A recent Americas Barometer survey found that 70 percent of respondents expressed trust in the CICIG.