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Founding a Monastery on Athos under Early Ottoman Rule: The typikon of Stauroniketa
Zachary Chitwood Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, FB 07, Historical Seminar, Byzantine Studies, Jakob-Welder Weg 18, 55099 Mainz, Germany [email protected]
Abstract
The best-attested and most important endowments of Orthodox Christians in the medieval world were created by means of foundation charters (ktetorika typika). Via a typikon, a founder or ktetor was able to regulate the present and future functioning of his (invariably monastic) endowment, often in minute and voluminous detail. Of particular interest for the topic of this special issue of ENDS are some post-Byzantine monastic foundation charters, which hitherto have received almost no scholarly scrutiny. Among these charters is the testament of the patriarch Jeremiah i for the Stauroniketa Monastery on Mount Athos. His monastic charter demonstrates the con- tinuity of Byzantine endowment practices in the first centuries of Ottoman rule, yet also underlines new difficulties for monastic founders attempting to adapt the quint- essentially medieval Christian practice of composing typika to the strictures of an Is- lamic legal regime.
Keywords
Ottoman Empire – monasticism – patriarch – Orthodox Christianity – Mount Athos – typika
In this article some of the strands of continuity and change which character- ize Greek Orthodox foundation practice in the transitional period from the last phase of the Byzantine Empire to the first centuries of Ottoman rule will
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1 This article is a revised form of a presentation given at the conference “Imperial Subjects and Social Commitment: An Endowment History from 1750 to 1918” (Nov. 16th–18th, 2016) at the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies at the University of Vienna. I would like to thank the organizers (Stefano Saracino, Nathalie Soursos and Maria Stassinopoulou) for inviting me to present and to submit my contribution to this special issue. I presented the content of this paper a second time at the biennial meeting of the Deutsche Arbeitsgemein- schaft für die Förderung Byzantinischer Studien (Mainz, Feb. 16th–18th, 2017). I profited a great deal from comments and questions from both venues, as well as from the suggestions of the two anonymous reviewers. 2 For recent attempts at defining foundations in an intercultural context, see in particular Bor- golte 2014; Borgolte 2017: 2–3. 3 All Byzantine foundations fell under the category of “foundations for the salvation of the soul”, in which the founder expected that his endowment of material goods would contribute to the salvation of his own soul. Borgolte 2015 has recently argued that the first foundations of this sort arose not in a Christian context, as has long been assumed, but in a Zoroastrian one. 4 Chitwood 2014a: 215. Regarding the various forms of Byzantine endowments or foundations (with references to the broader scholarly literature on the subject), see Chitwood 2014d. The closest thing to a complete listing of archival documents stemming from Middle and Late
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Byzantine monasteries is Smyrlis 2006: 23–31. For the Athonite material in particular, see Morris 2008. The much sparser documentation for churches and piae causae is not compre- hensively collected within any one publication, but one can consult the general overview of charitable institutions in Miller 2008, as well as the more general history of Byzantine foun- dations in Thomas 1987. 5 Kazhdan and Talbot 1991; Chitwood 2016c: 562. 6 The phenomenon of “free” or “self-governing” monasteries is well-studied in the various publications of John Thomas, in particular Thomas 1985 and 1987: 214–243. The more recent scholarship on the subject is listed in greater detail in Chitwood 2016c: 563–564. 7 Including: the administration of the monastery; the relationship of the foundation to the founder’s family and heirs; regulations concerning the oversight of the endowment, the pre- cise contents of which were sometimes listed in a separate inventory or brebeion (βρέβειον); and the status of the monastery to the relevant ecclesiastical and state authorities. The best analysis of this “genre” remains Galatariotou 1987, even though her binary classification
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ktetorika typika were translated and provided with a historical commentary by John Philip Thomas and Angela Constantides Hero in Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents, a work which spans five volumes and 61 such founders’ charters.8 Yet typika were not a strictly Byzantine phenomenon: there were also numerous typika composed for Orthodox monastic foundations during the Ottoman Empire. The most prominent examples include: most of the typika surviving for the monasteries of the monastic federation of Meteora in Thes- saly; the founding charter for the Leimonos monastery on the island of Lesbos; and the founder’s rule and testament for the Athonite monastery of Stauronik- eta, the only one of the twenty foremost monasteries today on the Holy Moun- tain which was founded after 1500.9 In fact, even medieval typika continued to be of great value in Ottoman society: they were accepted as valid documentation in the Islamic judge’s or qadi’s court, for instance in property disputes.10 Though the end goal of using a medieval typikon as a claim to property in legal cases seems to have always
of these documents into “aristocratic” and “non-aristocratic” categories is not universally shared: see Chitwood 2014b: 401–403. 8 Though there are important medieval founders’ charters stemming from the Byzantine world, even in Greek, which did not find their way into the corpus. Thomas’ and Hero’s Herculean labor, completed under very trying circumstances over almost fifteen years, was nonetheless a seminal achievement: see bmfd vol. 1, 1–20. Medieval Greek typika not found in the corpus include the charter of George of Antioch for his church of St. Mary’s of the Admiral in Palermo (which includes some Arabic as well; George of Antioch, Char- ter for St. Mary’s of the Admrial), or the Chrysobull of Alexis iv and John iv of the Grand Komnenoi for the Pontic Monastery of the Pharos (dated to the year 1432). Were one to expand the remit to “Byzantine” typika not written in Greek, then a number of Slavic, Georgian even Armenian documents could be added. It is indicative of the unfortunate yet enduring gulf between Byzantinists and specialists on Early Modern Greek history that the considerable research within Byzantine Studies over the past few decades on typika has not, at least to my knowledge, achieved any resonance in the scholarship on Greek Orthodox foundations after the end of the Byzantine Empire in 1453 as well as vice versa. 9 The details of typika for various monasteries of the monastic federation of Meteora are discussed in Nicol 21975: 139–140 (typikon of the brothers Nektarios and Theophanes for the monastery of Barlaam, recorded in their testament of the year 1542); 145–146 (typikon of the brothers Maximos and Joasaph for the monastery of Rousanou, written in the year 1545 and almost a verbatim copy of the aforementioned typikon of the brothers Nektarios and Theophanes). The testament / typikon of Ignatios, priest-monk and founder of the Monastery of Leimonos, was written in 1530: for an edition of the document, see Ignatios, Typikon of Leimonos Monastery. 10 Fotić 2005: 68–72.
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11 Fotić 2005: 68; 72. In addition, the typika themselves were always supplemented by the testimony of witnesses. 12 Fotić 2005: 69. 13 Kolovos 2016: 103–104. 14 Kolovos 2005: 199; Kolovos 2016: 104–105. 15 A good discussion of the origins and development of Islamic law with regard to Christian endowments such as churches and monasteries is given by Pahlitzsch 2016.
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16 Sketes, which arose on Athos in the first half of the sixteenth century, soon became a flourishing part of the Holy Mountain’s monastic culture: see Speake 2012: 140–141. 17 Although the first modern efforts to research its archives began in the early decades of the twentieth century under the monk Gabriel Stauroniketianes, it was the pioneering work of Nicholas Oikonomides, who in 1970 wrote an article summarizing the contents of 26 documents issued between 1533 and 1699, that first subjected the foundation’s archival holdings to the scrutiny of modern scholarship: cf. Oikonomides 1970. Building upon the work of Oikonomides, Antonis Giannakopoulos published a monograph in 2001 which offered summaries of the remaining legal documents of the monastery until the end of the eighteenth century. 18 Giannakopoulos 2001: 22–33 (no. 1); 33–34 (no. 2). On Gregory Geromeriates, see Stroum pakes 2005: 103–106. On the history of the monastery, see Müller 2005: 104–105; Patrinelis 1974. 19 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 17, 304–305. 20 See Chitwood 2016b, where the diachronic prominence of proprietary churches and mon- asteries in Byzantium is emphasized.
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21 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 22, 314–316. 22 According to Giannokopoulos 2001: 34–36 (no. 3). 23 The most comprehensive study of the patriarch Jeremiah i’s life is now Stroumpakes 2005. 24 Stroumpakes 2005: 102–103. 25 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 21, 311–314, here 311–312. 26 For dating the typikon to between May of 1541 and October of 1543, see Giannakopoulos 2001: 46–51 (no. 5); for dating it before March of 1545, see Stroumpakes 2005: 112–113. The testament is analyzed in some detail in Stroumpakes 2005: 112–116. Reprint of the text of the typikon in Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 352–364. 27 Stroumpakes 2005: 112–3 also sees the patriarch’s testament as a clear example of a kte- torikon typikon. A ktetorikon typikon, it should be remembered, is a scholarly (and not a
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The first part of the typikon is a paean to Saint Nicholas, to whom Jeremiah was particularly devoted.28 Jeremiah’s language is at once both highly sensual, yet also very business-like: he describes his obligation to Saint Nicholas as a debt, which the patriarch can only partly repay by dedicating a church to the saint. The next section of the typikon describes how the monastery of Stauroni- keta came into the patriarch’s possession.29 First of all, Jeremiah takes pains to point out that the site of the monastery had been completely deserted before the monk Gregory Geromeriates had undertaken to refound it. Once again, we must note that the entire process of founding Stauroniketa was presented as a refoundation, even though none of the surviving documentation preserves any institutional memory of the institution which had previously existed on the site of Stauroniketa.30 Though a monastic institution with the name of “Straboniketas” (literally “cross-eyed Niketas”) is mentioned in an Athonite document as early as April of 1012, it appears to have been dissolved shortly after 1153, when it is mentioned for the last time before its later refounding.31 The most important reason why Stauroniketa was presented as an act of re- founding, however, was due to the prohibition of Islamic law on the building of new Christian churches and monasteries: thus to my knowledge not only Stauroniketa, but all the major monastic foundations of the post-Byzantine period, including Leimonos on Lesbos and the monasteries of the Meteora monastic federation, are presented as acts of refounding, even though this was essentially a legal fiction.
contemporaneous) definition, and oftentimes testaments that found and regulate mon- asteries are classified by scholars as ktetorika typika. 28 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 352–354. 29 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 354–355. 30 Though a monastic institution named Stauroniketa(s) (or Straboniketas) seems to have existed in the same place as early as the eleventh century, it had by the sixteenth century been abandoned for hundreds of years. The concept of a new or re-founder had a long and illustrious history in Byzantium, and oftentimes newer founders came to overshadow the first founders: cf. Chitwood 2014c: 64; Jordan 2007: esp. 414; Mullett 2007. Though it was quite plausible that there did indeed exist remnants of earlier monastic communities there, that can be said of all of Mount Athos, which has since at the least the ninth cen- tury housed a vast federation of monks practicing various degrees of communal life. De- scribing a previous foundation as ruined or deserted sometimes masked other problems in a previous monastic community, such as a dispute over the election of an abbot. For example, this has been plausibly suggested for the Athonite Monastery of Xenophontos in the late eleventh century; see Morris 2007: 446–449. 31 Patrinelis 1974: 18.
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More than the site of the previous monastic community, the factor that en- sured the area of Stauroniketa would again house a monastery was determined by its geographic location and climate, which Jeremiah himself describes in some detail. Its site had a good coastline and favorable winds for sailing, and its soil was suitable for every sort of agriculture, including the planting of vineyards.32 Not wishing the failed foundation of the monk Gregory to remain unoccupied, the ruling council of the Holy Mountain, the Synaxis, beseeched the patriarch to take control of the monastery. By the middle of the sixteenth century the Synaxis, by supervising the sale and exchange of monastic sites on Athos, had been profiting from a lucrative market for monastic land for some five hundred years.33 Having attained a concession (described as an ekdosis / ἔκδοσις) from the Synaxis giving him ownership of the monastery, the patriarch then proceeded to improve it considerably. Any improvements would have proved short-lasting had Jeremiah not first completed a wall around the settlement, including tow- ers, in order to protect the new community from pirates. In contrast to most of the medieval period, the monks of Athos under Ottoman rule actively de- fended their mountain from attack, as the survival of cannons, either complete or in fragments, within monasteries from this era (intended for use on ships owned by the Athonite monasteries) attests.34 In addition to fortifications, the patriarch had a church dedicated to St. Nicholas constructed, as well as a refectory, hospices (nosokomeia / νοσοκομεῖα) and cells, together with other necessary buildings. After clearing the land, vineyards, gardens and olive trees were planted outside the monastery, and a canal was dug to provide the monks with fresh water. The patriarch endowed the church of St. Nicholas with many books of both parchment and paper, altar clothes, precious treasures, icons and liturgical vessels. For the monastery’s endowment, the typikon specifies that Jeremiah provided Stauroniketa with dependent monasteries (metochia / μετόχια), buildings and incomes (tropoi / τρόποι) for the support of the monas- tic community. Regarding the monastery’s endowment, which is only briefly discussed in the typikon, it is worth pointing out that another source, the so-called Historia
32 The suitability of a site for a monastic institution was, as Alice-Mary Talbot has shown, often discussed in typika, with some founders in particular showing an appreciation for the presence of water and arable land: see Talbot 2007: esp. 54–55. 33 On this situation already in the tenth and eleventh centuries, see Morris 2010: 181–2. 34 Theocharides 1996: 206–214. Some late Byzantine sources do attest to clerics and monks actually participating as armed combatants against the Ottoman Turks, yet this instances were consistently condemned by the ecclesiastical authorities; see Balivet 2007: 61–62.
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35 Manuel Malaxos, Historia politica et patriarchica Constantinopoleos 169, line 15–170, lines 2: “And this patriarch, kr. Jeremiah, refounded the monastery of Stauroniketa from its foundations, renaming it Great Nicholas, in the middle of the Holy Mountain, where it was deserted. And he had constructed a very large and wondrous church with narthexes, and described it most beautifully and illuminatingly. He had cells for the monks, towers and a refectory constructed. And he had built a great and powerful encircling wall, and he adorned it like a castle. He endowed it with various precious treasures, both gold and silver, and many properties, or mülk (μούλκια), for the support of the monks.” On the His- toria itself, see Papademetriou 2015: 24, passim. 36 Stroumpakes 2005: 110. 37 Suleiman i, Firman for Gero-Loulou. Given that the Greek Loulou appears to be a render- ing of the Arabic word lu’lu’ (“pearl”), a popular slave and eunuch name, this chiflik may have belonged to a Christian in Ottoman service. I would like to thank Maria Mavroudi for this suggestion. 38 Karapas Grant. 39 Papademetriou 2015: 120–137.
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40 Papademetriou 2015: 125, where the accusation of simony voiced by the Historia, which Papademetriou plausibly dismisses as an unfair characterization of the practice of pay- ing customary fees to the patriarch at the installation of ecclesiastical officials, is also discussed. 41 See n. 6 above. 42 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 355–356. 43 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 356–362. 44 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 356–357. It repeats the by this point well-established prohibition of any creatures of the female sex (Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 356). One of the very few aspects of fiscal management discussed is the use of estate managers or oikonomoi (Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 357). 45 Chitwood 2016a: 148–157.
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Translation of the Typikon of Stauroniketa
Note: Below is a translation into English, and indeed the first translation of any sort, of the Testament and Rule of the patriarch Jeremiah i (1522–24, 1525–46), composed before March of 1545, perhaps in the period between May of 1541 and October of 1543. In providing a translation, I hope not only, as outlined above, to encourage further scholarship on post-Byzantine founders’ charters, but also to make the content of this typikon available to a wider readership, including those who cannot read Greek. There are two diplomatic editions of the text: the first was published by Gerasimos Smyrnakes in 1903, the second by Gabriel Stauroniketianos in the periodical Gregorios ho Palamas in 1919.48 The text of these (identical) editions was then reprinted in Michael Stroumpakes’ monograph on Patriarch Jeremiah i.49 Given the relative inaccessibility of the first two printings of the text, the translation follows the text in Stroumpakes with the relevant page numbers in brackets []. Editorial insertions are also in brackets. In the translation below Greek terms in the original and in translit- eration are at points inserted after their English translations in parentheses ().
46 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 361. 47 Discussion of Stauroniketa in Speake 2012: 138–140, quotation at 140. 48 Smyrnakes 1903: 124–132; Stauroniketianos 1919. 49 Patriarch Jeremiah i, Acts, no. 43, 352–364.
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Translation
Our Grace has been able to grant and offer an honorable and worthy r epayment to the exceedingly pressing debt to all the other saints, on account of their peti- tions before God, since they are filled with his goodness; they have repudiated and struggled beyond [their] nature through virtue and purity, and still further through praxis and thought have pleased God and thus been named saints, becoming like friends of God, who by [his] nature as alone holy has dealings [with them] of his own will. [353] [This debt] is more laborious than all work, yet more desirable and delightful than any goal pleasing to God, just as the heartening psalm of the Prophet David [states], who called out and said to the Lord “But your friends, O God, have been greatly honored by me; their rule has been greatly strengthened.”50 The most wondrous among the saints and hierarchs, the Great Nicholas, whom the Church of Myra has had as a patron, the entire world honors most warmly as a leader and help when in difficul- ties, and exchanges what it can for God-pleasing works, and already from his youth, so to say from his prime, he himself became a great debt, laid up in the furrows of [his] intents through inexorable exaction. [Our Grace] intended to demonstrate the desire of such a most blessed hierarch through burning desire, with longing [to demonstrate] the longing every hour and every day adding to the succor that has come about from him in manifold fashion each time and to the redemption from pleasures, [to demonstrate] all yearning for, affection and love for him and to dedicate, if possible, with those very means and offerings that are pleasing to God. [Our Grace], after having considered and pondered this [matter] from many angles as well as with trepidation, and then heatedly sought a solution, it seemed necessary and exceedingly fitting to erect a reverend monastery to the joyful name of my Saint Nicholas and [raise up] the glory of him who diverts everything that is not originally so to the only word of our God, for the honor of such a preeminent servant and as a refuge and salvific dwelling of those holily entering the solitary life and, as is likely, the angelic constitution, and thus to consecrate such a divine longing to him, the Great Nicholas. And in many ways [our Grace] demonstrated the repayment of the debt owed to him by rendering it a little at a time, including the manifold good things for it [the monastery]; through his intercessions and petitions to God and prayers from the known and perceivable; or to say it more clearly, he ransomed it from enemies seen and unseen. And by each (means) ransom is paid, for such a work shall offer no small help for pious souls and the prudent, but it shall also provide something spiritually beneficial and, in and of itself,
50 Psalms 138 (139): 17.
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51 Though the Byzantine Empire had in the century after its final demise passed out of liv- ing memory, a monastery which had received imperial patronage or been placed under imperial jurisdiction continued to designate itself as “imperial” (basilike / βασιλική) as an honorific, a practice which continues to the present day. 52 The mentioning of sketes, which were smaller monastic institutions, alongside the more traditional monasteries and lauras (on the Byzantine laura see now the study of Schrei ner 2017), attests to their growing importance in the post-Byzantine period. Life in a skete was characterized by the monks not celebrating a daily communal mass, by praying the Jesus Prayer unceasingly, by supporting themselves by means of their own hands and by abstentious diet. Indeed, the skete was an even more important monastic form of orga- nization outside of the Mediterranean context, namely in Muscovy and Early Modern Russia: see most recently Beljakova 2016. 53 As pointed out in the study preceding this translation, this portion of the document uses terminology (here anaktisasthai / ἀνακτίσασθαι, literally “to rebuild”) which emphasizes that the monastery was refounded rather than built ex novo.
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54 While from late antiquity until the Fourth Crusade the word nosokomeion (νοσοκομεῖον) or xenon (ξενών) might have indicated a hospital, nosokomeia in a late and post-Byzantine monastic context would have been small hospices. 55 Peripyrgoma (περιπύργωμα) is not found in the standard dictionaries (Liddell and Scott, Lampe, Trapp), though one finds the verb peripyrgoo / περιπυργόω (“to reinforce with tow- ers” [“mit Türmen bewehren”]) in Trapp.
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Whence it is first demonstrated through its seal-bearing patriarchal document in the validity of the holy and divine canons and the pious laws in the Holy Spirit, that this holy monastery of my Nicholas is independent (adouloton / ἀδούλωτον) and [356] untrampled (akatapateton / ἀκαταπάτητον) upon by any hierarchical, episcopal or some other authoritative body, and is subject only to the oversight of the universal Great Church of Christ, as a [monastery] erected by the stauropegion (σταυροπήγιον) of the Patriarchate. Then, by the shared opinion of all of the most holy priest-monks and simple [i.e. not ordained] monks in it, and by the decision of the select fathers of Synaxis of the holy and holy-named mountain, the abbot is installed, and it is commanded that our said monastery is to be excellently communal, [just as] the rule lays out in writing and establishes, which discusses the aforesaid abbot of [the mon- astery] and also makes provision for his successor. Change nothing, O most reverend man and abbot of this our monastery, of the rule and canon of the communal monastic life, but live purely and without guile according to all of the commandments clearly laid out by the Holy Fathers, to the extent that you are able. Possess no worldly goods or things, nor shall you store up wealth in- dividually [lit. “idiorrythmically” / ἰδιορρύθμως] for yourself, not even a single coin.56 You shall not divide your soul and heart into another state and condi- tion against the spiritual brothers and sons entrusted to God, neither to those of your own flesh [relatives] or friends, nor shall you give them anything of the monastery while living or by means of a testament. [Instead], distance yourself from the world and do not share in the world, even if perhaps some persons should come to our congregation and then you, who has put away all things female, shall think regarding them according to the imitation of the rest, and you shall not have any animal from the female sex for domestic use, nor shall you receive in your reverend monastery a beardless young boy to live there nor be put up there for any period of time, and be entirely on guard until your last breath that all possessions are held in common in the brotherhood, indivis- ible and with nothing owned privately for alienation. Be sincere in both body and soul in the impartiality of love to all your spiritual fathers and brothers and sons. Do not have dealings with laypersons in ritual brotherhood or be a
56 So-called “idior[r]hythmic” monasticism, whereby monks only practiced communal life to a limited extent and were allowed to accumulate private property, take their meals in their cells and were governed by a council instead of an abbot; see Talbot 1991. This form of monastic life was relatively exceptional before the late Byzantine period but experi- enced a golden age on Mount Athos during the transition from Byzantine to Ottoman rule. Smaller endowments and the loss of state subsidies meant that a strict communal life was more difficult to maintain.
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57 Ritual brotherhood, though often forbidden or condemned in monastic rules and by the church leadership, was widely practiced by monks; on which see now the comprehen- sive study of Rapp 2016. Much the same can be said for monks serving as godparents, a repeatedly condemned practice that nevertheless was quite common in Byzantine and post-Byzantine monasticism: see Macrides 1987: 144. 58 Patriarch Jeremiah is here referring to managers of the monastery’s estates, on each of which would have been a dependent monastery (metochion / μετόχιον). The terminology for the managers of such an estate, where a manager (oikonomos / οἰκονόμος) supervised a community of monks (called metochiarioi / μετοχιάριοι), in this document follows medi- eval practice: the vocabulary for these metochia and their managers is discussed in Smyr- lis 2002: 248. 59 Leg. polyprosodon (πολυπρόσοδον) for polyproodon (πολυπρόοδον). 60 The adjective polygyreuton (πολυγύρευτον) is not to be found in the standard dictionar- ies, but perhaps should be read as a variant of polygeraston (πολυγέραστον, “excessively repaid” [“vielfach vergolten”]), which is attested in Trapp.
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61 Leg. ethelonti (ἐθελοντί) for ethelontei (ἐθελοντεί). 62 Namely the liturgical typikon (on which see Taft 1991), not the ktetorikon typikon (the doc- ument translated here).
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63 Leg. delade (δηλαδή) for dela de (δῆλα δὴ).
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